Early Maya Ritual Practices and Craft Production: Late Middle Preclassic Ritual Deposits Containing Obsidian Artifacts at Ceibal, Guatemala

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1 Journal of Field Archaeology ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: Early Maya Ritual Practices and Craft Production: Late Middle Preclassic Ritual Deposits Containing Obsidian Artifacts at Ceibal, Guatemala Kazuo Aoyama, Takeshi Inomata, Daniela Triadan, Flory Pinzón, Juan Manuel Palomo, Jessica MacLellan & Ashley Sharpe To cite this article: Kazuo Aoyama, Takeshi Inomata, Daniela Triadan, Flory Pinzón, Juan Manuel Palomo, Jessica MacLellan & Ashley Sharpe (2017) Early Maya Ritual Practices and Craft Production: Late Middle Preclassic Ritual Deposits Containing Obsidian Artifacts at Ceibal, Guatemala, Journal of Field Archaeology, 42:5, , DOI: / To link to this article: The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 25 Aug Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1537 View Crossmark data Citing articles: 2 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at

2 JOURNAL OF FIELD ARCHAEOLOGY, 2017 VOL. 42, NO. 5, Early Maya Ritual Practices and Craft Production: Late Middle Preclassic Ritual Deposits Containing Obsidian Artifacts at Ceibal, Guatemala Kazuo Aoyama a, Takeshi Inomata b, Daniela Triadan b, Flory Pinzón c, Juan Manuel Palomo b, Jessica MacLellan b and d Ashley Sharpe a Ibaraki University, Mito, Japan; b University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA; c Proyecto Arqueológico Ceibal-Petexbatun, Guatemala, Guatemala; d Center of Paleoecology and Archaeology, Smithsonian Tropical Research Institute, Balboa-Ancón, Panamá ABSTRACT This article examines Preclassic Maya ritual practices and craft production by means of a study of ritual deposits containing obsidian artifacts dated mostly to the late Middle Preclassic period ( B.C.) at Ceibal, Guatemala. New ritual practices developed at Ceibal during this period, possibly through political interactions and negotiation involving emerging elites and other diverse community members. Common objects in ritual deposits in the public plaza shifted from greenstone celt caches to other artifacts, including those made of obsidian. The inhabitants of Ceibal engaged in various kinds of craft production, including the manufacture of obsidian prismatic blades. They also conducted public rituals in the Central Plaza, depositing exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores and other artifacts with symbolic significance in caches and as offerings in incipient elite burials and interments of sacrificed individuals. These cores clearly demonstrate the use of a sophisticated blade technology. Like greenstone objects, exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores deposited in cruciform arrangements along the east west axis of the central E-Group plaza were used as symbols and markers of the center and four cardinal directions within the Maya cosmos. Public rituals were important for creating collective identities and for processes of political negotiation within the community. Emerging elites likely came to play an increasingly important role in public rituals as principal performers and organizers, setting the stage for later public events centered on rulers. KEYWORDS Ritual; craft production; obsidian; Preclassic Maya; Ceibal Introduction The Middle Preclassic period ( B.C.) was a critical time in the development of lowland Maya civilization, during which significant social changes took place (Barlett and McAnany 2000; Estrada-Belli 2006, 2011; Powis 2005). The onset of the late Middle Preclassic period ( B.C.) witnessed substantial social changes, marked by a broad sharing of cultural practices across the Maya lowlands, an increasing institutionalization of social inequality, and political centralization (Houston and Inomata 2009: 77). These trends led to the emergence of divine rulership and early urban centers during the Late and Terminal Preclassic period (350 B.C. A.D. 175). Although scholars have learned a great deal about the Classic Maya (A.D ), our understanding of the Middle Preclassic period in general, and of ritual practices and craft production in particular, is still limited, partly because of the ancient Maya habit of building repeatedly on the same site. Because of dense Classic period construction overlying earlier occupations, researchers at many lowland Maya sites have been unable to properly examine the Middle Preclassic phases using standard horizontal and vertical excavation strategies. Archaeologists are often limited to assessing the Middle Preclassic phases from the bottom of a 2 2 m pit, and as a consequence they have a difficult time interpreting the structure or broader context from which artifacts are recovered. The lowland Maya city of Ceibal was the largest of all the Pasión River drainage sites, both in terms of extent and in terms of total construction volume of its major public structures (FIGURE 1) (Willey 1990). The site was intensively investigated by Harvard University s Seibal Archaeological Project during the 1960s (Willey et al. 1975) (subsequent excavations have used the original Spanish spelling of the name, Ceibal ). Excavations by the Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological Project were carried out between 2005 and 2017 across different parts of the site. Members of the project have uncovered substantial construction activities that took place during the early stages of human settlement at Ceibal, and have thus been able to address questions pertaining to the origins and development of Maya civilization (Inomata 2017; Inomata et al. 2013; Inomata et al. 2017a; Inomata et al. 2017b; Inomata et al. 2017c; Munson and Pinzón 2017; Palomo et al. 2017; Triadan et al. 2017). These discoveries were achieved with deep vertical excavations, extensive horizontal excavations, and tunnels into and below ancient structures. Group A, the center of Ceibal, represents the earliest known formal ceremonial complex called the E-Group assemblage (after the original complex investigated at the Maya site of Uaxactún, Guatemala [Ricketson and Ricketson 1937]) in the Maya lowlands. It dates to around 950 B.C. and is defined by a square structure on the west side of the public plaza and an elongated platform on the east side. Collaborative construction projects and communal gatherings played a critical role in social change by facilitating social integration among different groups during the Middle Preclassic period. CONTACT Kazuo Aoyama kazuo.aoyama.1@vc.ibaraki.ac.jp Faculty of Humanities, Ibaraki University, Bunkyo 2-1-1, Mito, Ibaraki , Japan 2017 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License ( which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.

3 JOURNAL OF FIELD ARCHAEOLOGY 409 Figure 1. Regional map with inset showing the location of Ceibal and neighboring sites. This article examines Preclassic Maya ritual practices and craft production through an analysis of every Preclassic ritual deposit that contained obsidian artifacts, almost all of which happen to date to the late Middle Preclassic Escoba ceramic phase ( B.C.) (FIGURE 2). A limited number of researchers have explored the symbolic and ritual dimensions of obsidian artifacts within Mesoamerican archaeology (Levine and Carballo 2014). Obsidian was a rare commodity in the Maya lowlands during the Middle Preclassic period and would have been valued for its ability to produce an exceptionally sharp incision tool in addition to its worth as an imported exotic from the volcanic highlands. During the Middle Preclassic period, exchange routes with the highlands were just beginning to form, and so obsidian would have been much more difficult to acquire than during later centuries when obsidian was regularly supplied to the lowlands during the Classic period. Caching of such a rare import during the Middle Preclassic period would have been a significant sacrifice on the part of the early Ceibal inhabitants. By analyzing the production, exchange, use, and deposition of obsidian artifacts used in rituals, we seek to broaden the field of Mesoamerican obsidian studies. We examine contexts in which ritual activities shaped the organization and execution of economic pursuits associated with obsidian artifacts, complementing political-economic approaches. During the early Middle Preclassic Real ceramic phases ( B.C.), the residents of Ceibal deposited numerous caches containing polished greenstone celts in the public plaza (Aoyama et al. 2017; Inomata and Triadan 2015). The ritual use of greenstone celts possibly originated in the Tehuantepec Isthmian region, including the southern Gulf Coast. Objects carved from hard greenstone were highly prized by pre-columbian Mesoamerican people. The color of greenstone itself had ritual significance. For instance, in the Yucatec Maya codices, the color green is associated with the center of the world (Sharer 2006: 147). At Ceibal, a cruciform cache containing polished greenstone celts dates to the Real 1 phase ( B.C.). They became common starting around 800 B.C., persisted until the Escoba 2 phase ( B.C.), and were all deposited on the east west axis of the

4 410 K. AOYAMA ET AL. Figure 2. New chronological chart for Preclassic Ceibal in relation to Sabloff s (1975) Ceibal chronology and Uaxactun. E-Group plaza at Ceibal (Aoyama et al. 2017; Inomata and Triadan 2015; Inomata et al. 2017c). No cruciform caches have been found in other locations at Ceibal. Before our investigation, only a few greenstone celts deposited in cruciform arrangements had been uncovered in the Maya lowlands, including one found by the Harvard University project at Ceibal (Smith 1982: 118) and one at Cival (Estrada-Belli 2006: 61). According to iconographic studies, polished greenstone celts in cruciform patterns were associated with maize ears and were imbued with divine power, often as symbols of the world axis (Taube 2000). During the late Middle Preclassic period, there was a noteworthy decrease in the number of celts in caches. Common forms of ritual deposits in the public plaza shifted from greenstone celt caches to caches of ceramic vessels and human remains, possibly sacrificed individuals (Inomata 2014), as well as exhausted polyhedral cores and other artifacts of obsidian, signaling the development of new ritual practices. Rather than the earlier greenstone celts, exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores were deposited in cruciform arrangements along the east west axis of the E-Group plaza. The majority of obsidian artifacts recovered from this time period were placed within caches or as burial offerings in the public plaza (FIGURE 3). This type of ritual obsidian deposition had not been documented in the Maya lowlands before our investigation. Despite changes in ritual practices, important elements observed in public rituals during the early Middle Preclassic period, including the emphasis on the central (east west) axis of the E-Group in the Central Plaza, continued throughout the Preclassic period. The results of the present study indicate that the inhabitants of Ceibal engaged in various kinds of craft production, including the manufacture of obsidian prismatic blades and shell and wooden artifacts. Significantly, both obsidian and greenstone objects were deposited in cruciform arrangements to mark the center and four cardinal directions within the Maya cosmos (Freidel et al. 1993) during the Middle Preclassic period at Ceibal. These rare materials would have been difficult to procure, and the knowledge of how to ceremonially deposit such artifacts would have been known to a select few individuals, who must have also been aware of similar ceremonies conducted elsewhere in the lowlands. These

5 JOURNAL OF FIELD ARCHAEOLOGY 411 Figure 3. Caches and burials containing exhausted polyhedral cores and other artifacts of obsidian at Ceibal, late Middle Preclassic period (Courtesy of the Ceibal- Petexbatun Archaeological Project; e.g., C157 = Cache 157; B104 = Burial 104). ceremonial practitioners would have likely been held with esteem in the community, and been part of the emerging elite class. The substantial number of these ceremonial deposits in the public plaza, interred at different times, indicates these were recurring public events that would have been important for integrating the community, including those living in and around Ceibal. The proximity of the plaza to large platforms that supported the elite residences, as well as small greenstone caches that were found in the residences of one of these platforms (Inomata et al. 2017c; Triadan et al. 2017), indicate that emerging elites may have played an important role in society as principal performers and organizers of public events, establishing and subsequently reinforcing Ceibal s community identity. This interpretation is supported by the incorporation of personal ornaments, such as the greenstone pectoral, into caches in the plaza (Inomata et al. 2015). Middle Preclassic Obsidian Artifacts from Ceibal The members of the Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological Project have collected a total of 12,448 obsidian artifacts, including 6084 from unmixed Middle Preclassic contexts. In fact, this is the largest obsidian sample from this critical period in the Maya lowlands to date. Our extensive stratified excavations into unmixed late Middle Preclassic deposits yielded a much larger quantity of obsidian artifacts (n = 5794) than that of the early Middle Preclassic period (n = 290). During the late Middle Preclassic period, the proportion of obsidian artifacts within all chipped stone artifacts (29.9%) increased substantially compared to the early Middle Preclassic (2.9%). Thus, we note a significant increase in the quantity of obsidian imported to Ceibal at this time (Aoyama 2017a). During the late Middle Preclassic period, obsidian artifacts made up a significantly greater percentage of all chipped stone artifacts within the central part of Ceibal than at peripheral residential groups and the nearby minor center of Caobal, located approximately 3.2 km to the west of Group A. This disparity suggests that the inhabitants of the epicenter had greater access to obsidian imports (Aoyama 2017a). In contrast to the high percentage of obsidian artifacts from Ceibal that exhibit cortex, virtually no obsidian artifacts exhibit cortex at Caobal. Emerging elites may have been involved in and possibly controlled or directed interregional exchange networks, distributing already-trimmed and partially reduced polyhedral cores to the inhabitants of Ceibal and its surroundings. Obsidian was not common in the Maya lowlands during the Middle Preclassic period, unlike during the Late and Terminal Preclassic and Classic periods (Awe and Healy 1994; McAnany 2004; Moholy-Nagy 2003). The unusually large quantities of imported obsidian in the central part of Ceibal hint at the presence of the emerging elite and a more centralized political organization of Ceibal in comparison to other communities during the late Middle Preclassic period. Caches and burial offerings of obsidian artifacts provide clues to the diverse symbolic associations of obsidian and its significant role in ancient Maya cultural practices. For example, in the Mesoamerican tradition obsidian has a divine origin, imbuing the material with supernatural power

6 412 K. AOYAMA ET AL. (Pastrana and Athie 2014). Because of its symbolic value, obsidian was used in a multitude of Mesoamerican religious rituals. Aside from its symbolic associations, the transformation of a raw material like obsidian into a utilitarian object is often a ritually charged act (Eliade 1978). In many societies, quotidian activities undertaken in domestic contexts are closely tied to communal rituals (Bradley 2005). For example, during the Classic period, the Maya sometimes deposited large amounts of chert and obsidian debitage around elite and royal tombs (Moholy-Nagy 2008: 39). Elite control of obsidian procurement and distribution was therefore both economically and ideologically important during the Middle Preclassic period at Ceibal. The Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological Project uncovered 40 caches and 31 burials that dated to the Middle Preclassic period. Among them, four caches and four burials contained a total of 42 obsidian artifacts (13 exhausted polyhedral cores, 26 pressure blades, and three other artifacts), which were found by Inomata, Triadan, Pinzón, Palomo, and MacLellan. Aoyama conducted technological analysis and identified sources for all 42 obsidian artifacts by portable X-ray fluorescence (pxrf) analysis. Using high-powered microscopy techniques, he also conducted microwear analysis on 27 of the obsidian artifacts (26 blades and a flake core, FIGURE 4), using his schema of characteristic use-wear patterns (Aoyama 1999: 33 47). Based on stratigraphic excavations, detailed ceramic analysis, and more than 150 radiocarbon dates, Inomata refined the ceramic chronology of Ceibal (Inomata et al. 2015). Palomo examined the human remains found in the burials, and Sharpe conducted the faunal analysis on animal bones and shells found in the caches. All complete exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores from Ceibal date to the late Middle Preclassic period or the Late Preclassic Cantutse 1 phase ( B.C.) (FIGURE 2). We attempted to assign the late Middle Preclassic cores to subdivisions within the Escoba phase: Escoba 1 ( B.C.), Escoba 2 ( B.C.), and Escoba 3 ( B.C.). However, most of these assignments are tentative, as individual deposits rarely have sufficient ceramic material for reliable dating and the exact stratigraphic position of a deposit is not always clear from the soil matrix. It should be noted that all but one of these cores were deposited in the public plaza. The exception was recovered by Melissa Burham in the Jul Group, a residential complex located approximately 250 m southwest of Group A. The following sections discuss, in chronological order, the data related to ritual deposits in the Central Plaza of Ceibal, followed by the data concerning the ritual deposits located outside of the Central Plaza. Figure 4. Examples of use-wear on obsidian artifacts (200 ). A) Use-wear pattern h and parallel striations on an obsidian prismatic blade used to cut unidentified material; B) Use-wear pattern bh and parallel striations on an obsidian prismatic blade used to cut wood; C) Use-wear pattern c and parallel striations on an obsidian prismatic blade used to cut shell (Photograph by Kazuo Aoyama). Ritual Deposits in the Central Plaza Burial 153 Burial 153 was deposited along the east west axis of the E- Group plaza in the Central Plaza during either the Real 3 phase or Escoba 1 phase (FIGURE 5). It consisted of five human sacrificial victims, arranged in a cruciform alignment. One sacrificed individual was placed at each of the four cardinal points, which were considered important in the Maya cosmos. The fifth was located between the southern and western individuals, but no artifacts were found in association with this person. Four were infants less than one year old, while the fifth was three to four years old. The oldest child was placed in the western part of the cruciform arrangement. It is not certain why the fifth might have been in the southwest. No other cruciform caches have a fifth element in the southwest. A total of five exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores were deposited in the assemblage, one located with each of the four sets of sacrificed human remains at the cardinal points and one in the center without any associated human remains (FIGURES 5 and 6). The pxrf analysis indicates that all cores were manufactured from the San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian source, located in the Guatemalan highlands. A variety of grave goods were also found in the assemblage: a proximal fragment of a greenstone celt and a jute snail (Pachychilus sp.) with a hole on one side were associated

7 JOURNAL OF FIELD ARCHAEOLOGY 413 Figure 5. Burial 153, deposited on the east west axis of the E-Group plaza at Ceibal during the Real 3 phase or Escoba 1 phase (Photograph by Flory Pinzón). with the northern human remains, a jade bead was associated with each of the other three human remains at the cardinal points, and a blue polishing stone was placed in the center. Interestingly, the fragment of greenstone celt did not feature prominently in the burial offering, signaling the development of a new ritual practice and a greenstone-to-obsidian transition. To the best of our knowledge, the burial pattern of the exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores along with greenstone is unique to Ceibal, and Burial 153 is the earliest example found in the Maya lowlands to date. Freidel and Schele (1988) discuss a cache of incised obsidian flakes from under a stela at Tikal, which was deposited during the Early Classic period. These obsidian flakes were incised with the glyphs of cardinal directions, representing the quadripartite division of the Maya universe. Some cached offerings from Late Preclassic Maya contexts contained greenstone and were deposited in cruciform arrangements that reinforced their association with royal ritual performances and Figure 6. The offerings found in Burial 153, approximating the positions in which they were found, with south at the top. Five exhausted polyhedral cores of obsidian, a proximal fragment of greenstone celt associated with the northern human remains, a jade bead for the three other human remains, as well as a blue polishing stone in the center (Photograph by Takeshi Inomata).

8 414 K. AOYAMA ET AL. Table 1. Exhausted polyhedral cores, flake cores, and unworked pieces of San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian in burials and caches from Ceibal, late Middle Preclassic period. Length Width Thickness Type (cm) Burial 153 (CB203K ), E-Group plaza semi-exhausted polyhedral core Weight (g) (south) exhausted polyhedral core (east) exhausted polyhedral core (west) exhausted polyhedral core (north) exhausted polyhedral core (central) Cache 180 (CB203K-8-7-3), E-Group plaza very large barely worked piece of obsidian Burial 145 (CB203K-1-8-4), E-Group plaza exhausted polyhedral core long, narrow unmodified piece of obsidian Burial 146 (CB203K-1-9-2), E-Group plaza exhausted polyhedral core (southwest) exhausted polyhedral core (northeast) exhausted polyhedral core (southeast) exhausted polyhedral core (northwest) Burial 104 (CB202A-1-8-2), Central Plaza exhausted polyhedral core Cache 170 (CB203K-3-6-3), E-Group plaza exhausted polyhedral core (upper) exhausted polyhedral core (lower) Cache 157 (CB211B-2-7-1), Structure Tz unun flake core communication with supernatural entities, including the maize god (Freidel et al. 2002). Of the five polyhedral obsidian cores in Burial 153, the southern core is the largest, measuring 9 cm in length (TABLE 1). Nine pressure blades were removed from a striated platform of this core, while two additional blades were produced from the distal end. This core is the only semi-exhausted or partially reduced polyhedral core in this offering from which more pressure blades could have been produced, while the other four core platforms were rejuvenated and were not prepared by a striating technique. The eastern core is 5.8 cm in length, and 12 pressure blades were taken from the rejuvenated platform. The western core is 5.5 cm in length. A blade knapper took eight pressure blades from the rejuvenated platform, then created another platform on the distal end and produced six more blades. The northern core is 5.5 cm in length, and nine pressure blades were removed from the rejuvenated platform. However, a mis-struck blade terminated in a steep hinge fracture on the core face. The central core is the shortest (4.9 cm), with the knapper successfully having manufactured 13 pressure blades from the rejuvenated platform. These five cores thus clearly demonstrate the use of a sophisticated blade technology during the Real 3 or Escoba 1 phase at Ceibal. Through burial, these special objects made of obsidian and greenstone, both valuable non-local materials, were removed from the economic system. Cache 180 During the Escoba 1 or Escoba 2 phase, Cache 180 was placed in a pit on the east west axis of the E-Group plaza (FIGURE 3). The pit was cruciform in shape and oriented to the four cardinal directions (Aoyama et al. 2017: Figure 9). Two greenstone celts and a very large, minimally worked piece of obsidian were placed in the central part of the pit. While another greenstone celt was deposited to the south, no artifacts were found in the other three arms of the cache. The minimally worked obsidian is the largest obsidian piece found at Ceibal, weighing g (TABLE 1). Only very small cortical flakes, and no usable flakes, had been detached from the natural ridges (FIGURE 7). According to the pxrf analysis, the piece was imported from San Martín Jilotepeque. It provides direct evidence that, during the Middle Preclassic period, small nodules of obsidian were brought to Ceibal along with large polyhedral cores (Aoyama 2017a). As in Burial 153, both the two greenstone celts and the very large minimally worked obsidian were used as markers of the center location within the Maya cosmos. Burial 145 During the Escoba 3 phase or Cantutse 1 phase, Burial 145 was deposited along the east west axis of the E-Group plaza (FIGURE 3). It consisted of two sacrificed infants of two to four years in age, placed in flexed positions with their heads oriented to the north (FIGURE 8). The individuals were placed Figure 7. The very large, barely worked piece of obsidian of Cache 180 placed on the east west axis of the E-Group plaza at Ceibal during the Escoba 1 phase or Escoba 2 phase. Drawings are in Japanese technical style, showing the sequence of flake scar detachment (Drawing by Kazuo Aoyama).

9 JOURNAL OF FIELD ARCHAEOLOGY 415 Figure 8. Burial 145 deposited on the east west axis of the E-Group plaza at Ceibal during the Escoba 3 phase or Cantutse 1 phase. Left: upper layer of the burial with an obsidian blade. Right: lower layer of the burial with an unmodified obsidian piece and an exhausted polyhedral core (Photographs by Juan Manuel Palomo). face-to-face. An exhausted polyhedral core, a nearly complete prismatic blade ( cm, 5.2 g), and a long and narrow unmodified piece of obsidian were placed as offerings (FIGURE 9) (TABLE 1), along with a ceramic bead and 11 marine shell beads. The shells belonged to the species known as the Common Atlantic Marginella (Prunum apicinum). As the name suggests, they come from the Atlantic Ocean as long-distance exchange items. These small shells seem to be common in burials in the Central Plaza: over 60 have been recovered from burials dating to the late Middle Preclassic period. Each shell was punctured in the same spot in the center of the gastropod body, indicating that they were probably worn as beads. No burial outside of the Central Plaza contained these shells during the entire Preclassic period, signifying they had a unique role in the plaza ceremonies. The pxrf analysis indicates that all three obsidian artifacts were manufactured from San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian. The residents of Ceibal intentionally snapped most pressure blades into two or three segments for use; thus, complete or nearly complete blades are extremely rare. Use-wear Figure 9. Offerings found in Burial 145. From right to left: a long and narrow unmodified piece of obsidian, an exhausted polyhedral core, a nearly complete prismatic blade, a ceramic bead, and marine shell beads (Photograph by Takeshi Inomata).

10 416 K. AOYAMA ET AL. pattern h (as defined by Aoyama 1999: 47), an initial step in developing more diagnostic use-wear patterns, as well as parallel striations, were observed on both edges of the nearly complete prismatic blade (FIGURE 4A). The polish is poorly developed and dull, with relatively long striations and tiny pits of various forms and sizes in the polished surface (Aoyama 1999: 47). Both edges of the blade were used for cutting unidentified material, but the blade was not heavily used. The exhausted polyhedral core is long and narrow, with 10 blade scars. The ninth blade was an overshot or plunging blade, and the blade knapper lost the distal end of the core. After rejuvenating the platform, the knapper produced the tenth blade. The core platform is extremely small ( cm) and the width of the exhausted polyhedral core (1.4 cm) is almost the same as that of the nearly complete prismatic blade (1.3 cm), demonstrating a sophisticated blade technology during the Escoba 3 or Cantutse 1 phase at Ceibal. The long and narrow unmodified piece of obsidian is unique at Ceibal. It has a peculiar shape, similar to a small percussion blade. The unique unmodified obsidian, the exhausted polyhedral core, and the nearly complete prismatic blade, along with the marine shell and ceramic beads, appear to have had some ritual significance. Burial 146 Burial 146, located 1 m south of Burial 145 along the east west axis of the E-Group plaza, contained the remains of two infants between two and four years of age, both dating to the Escoba 3 or Cantutse 1 phase (FIGURE 3). Four exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores one for each of the inter-cardinal directions: northeast, southeast, southwest, and northwest with their distal ends pointing to the center, were found under two nearly complete ceramic vessels placed 30 cm apart (FIGURES 10 and 11). In the center were also an unfinished jade bead without a perforation, a worked small piece of magnetite, and marine shell beads. The spout of a ceramic vessel was found to the west. As in Burial 145, all the shells are Atlantic marginella. As all the shells were punctured, it is likely that they were worn as beads. According to the pxrf analysis, all four exhausted polyhedral cores were manufactured from San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian. A highly experienced blade knapper reduced two cores without any platform preparation, leaving no manufacturing errors. The southwestern core (9.7 cm in length) presents 10 scars from the production of narrow prismatic blades, while the northeastern core (9.4 cm) shows 11 blade scars (TABLE 1). The southeastern core (8.8 cm in length) presents 11 blade scars. The blade knapper reduced the southeastern core without any platform preparation and repaired a step fracture by the side-by-side technique, i.e., removing it in sequence from the two blades (Clark 1997: 143). The northwestern core (8.3 cm in length) shows 11 blade scars. Its platform was prepared by a striating technique before detaching the blades. The blade knapper took two percussion flakes from the distal end in order to remove a hinge fracture on the core face. As in Burial 153 and Cache 180, these four exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores, as well as the jade and marine shells in the center, symbolized concepts associated with the inter-cardinal directions and the Maya cosmos. Burial 104 Burial 104 was deposited in the northwest corner of the Central Plaza during the Escoba 3 or Cantutse 1 phase (Inomata et al. 2017b) (FIGURE 3). It contained an adult male buried with a complete vessel, a piece of a greenstone perforated ornament, three bivalve shells, and a worked conch shell plate with remnants of red pigment, as well as 13 obsidian prismatic blades and an exhausted polyhedral core. The very small exhausted polyhedral core presents 11 scars from the production of narrow prismatic blades (less than 1 cm in width) without any manufacturing errors, once again demonstrating a sophisticated blade technology (TABLE 1). The 13 blades were not reduced from a single polyhedral core. Aoyama was able to refit proximal and medial blade segments in two cases. Although there is a possibility that there were originally 11 or 12 blades, and one or two broke after being placed in the offering, Aoyama prefers the interpretation that there were originally 13 because the refitted blade segments were used for different tasks (Aoyama 2017a). The number 13 features in ancient Maya cosmology in various ways, including the 260-day calendar and the supposed 13 layers of heaven (Boone 2007; Milbrath 2000). According to the pxrf analysis, all blades and the core were made from San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian. Following Vaughan (1985: 56 57), each portion of a lithic artifact with interpretable use-wear was counted as an independent use zone (IUZ). Use-wear analysis indicates that all blades had been used (IUZ = 26), for purposes such as cutting Figure 10. Burial 146 deposited on the east west axis of the E-Group plaza at Ceibal during the Escoba 3 phase or Cantutse 1 phase. Left: upper layer of the burial with two ceramic vessels. Right: lower layer of the burial with four obsidian cores, a jade bead, and a worked piece of magnetite (Photographs by Juan Manuel Palomo).

11 JOURNAL OF FIELD ARCHAEOLOGY 417 Figure 11. Offerings found in Burial 146. Top: a Juventud Red plate and a Juventud Red dish. Bottom: Other artifacts, approximating the positions in which they were found, with north at the top. Four exhausted polyhedral cores of obsidian, one for each of the inter-cardinal directions northeast, southeast, southwest, and northwest, an unfinished jade bead without perforation, a worked small piece of magnetite, and marine shell beads in the center, as well as a spout of a ceramic vessel to the west (Photographs by Takeshi Inomata). unidentified material (53.8%), wood carving (30.8%), shell carving (7.7%), and meat or hide processing (7.7%). Wood carving was indicated by the diagnostic use-wear pattern b (Aoyama 1999: 43) (FIGURE 4B). The polished surface is bright and very smooth. Despite the well-developed polish, the surface of pattern b is relatively flat. Associated striations are generally long and thin. A relatively large number of tiny pits are observable on the polished surface. Use-wear pattern c (Aoyama 1999: 43), a diagnostic use-wear pattern that develops through shell carving, was also observed (FIGURE 4C). The polished surface is bright and flat, but rough and pitted and marked by clear striations. It is possible that these blades were used by the deceased individual to produce tools, such as wooden shafts for brushes and shell palettes, for his own use and for exchange. One shell was a conch (marine gastropod) which was cut and smoothed to such an extent that Sharpe could not identify the species. This worked conch plate is similar to the ink pots of Classic scribes, including those uncovered in the elite residences at Aguateca (Inomata and Stiver 1998). The buried male may have had an identity related to painting or writing, including timekeeping, which suggests an incipient elite status (Houston and Inomata 2009: 91; Rossi et al. 2015). The other shells were the valves of large river clams, which may have also been used for paint. This species of clam, the washboard mussel (Megalonaias sp.), was found only in this grave, and nowhere else at the site. There are three valves, indicating a minimum of two clams. The outer surfaces had been smoothed like the conch, and some edges had been cut and rounded, probably to form a shallow cup or bowl shape. These shells would have been difficult to cut since they were several millimetres thick, and so whoever had carved them had needed a very sharp blade. The same would have been true to produce the precise edges on the marine conch plate. Obsidian would make the most sense as a precision cutting implement, supporting the proposition that the interred individual was using obsidian blades to craft shell objects. Cache 170 During the Escoba 3 or Cantutse 1 phase, a pit was dug to place Cache 170 on the east west axis of the E-Group plaza (FIGURE 3). An exhausted polyhedral obsidian core was placed in front of a large ceramic vessel, and another exhausted polyhedral core was positioned vertically below

12 418 K. AOYAMA ET AL. the vessel (TABLE 1). The pxrf analysis indicates that the two cores were manufactured from San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian. In both cases, a blade knapper removed an overshot or plunging blade and lost the distal end of the core. Next, the knapper rejuvenated the core platforms but did not prepare them with a striating technique. One core is 6.7 cm in length, and 12 pressure blades were produced before the platform was rejuvenated. The knapper was not able to remove more pressure blades from the rejuvenated platform, having mis-struck a short pressure flake that terminated in a hinge fracture on the core face. The other core is 6.4 cm in length. After taking nine pressure blades, three more pressure blades were removed from the rejuvenated platform. The final blade was not successfully produced, leaving a hinge termination. In any event, the two exhausted polyhedral cores are short and narrow, demonstrating sophisticated blade technology that made the maximum use of raw material. Ritual Deposits Outside of the Central Plaza Cache 157 Structure Tz unun in the Karinel Group was a large residential platform, located only 160 m away from the Central Plaza of Group A (FIGURE 3). Abundant evidence for specialized craft production and a long occupation history, spanning the early Middle Preclassic through the Terminal Classic periods, makes the Karinel Group more similar to Group A than to other outlying residential groups. The residents of the Karinel Group might have had special knowledge and responsibilities related to public rituals in the Central Plaza. An obsidian blade workshop dump dating to the Escoba 2 phase was associated with Structure Tz unun (Aoyama 2017a). According to the pxrf analysis, all the obsidian debris was from San Martín Jilotepeque. It is significant that obsidian blade production was carried out in domestic settings. Almost all evidence for craft production in pre-hispanic Mesoamerica has been found in domestic contexts, rather than non-residential workshops (Feinman 1999; Hirth 2009). The obsidian deposit associated with Structure Tz unun is the earliest obsidian blade workshop dump found in the Maya lowlands to date. Cache 157 was deposited on the floor of Structure Tz unun. This Escoba 2 phase cache contained a large fragment of a ceramic plate and two special obsidian artifacts: a nearly complete initial pressure blade ( cm, 3.7 g), and a large flake core with remnant cortex (TABLE 1) (Aoyama 2017a: Figure 12). According to the pxrf analysis, both artifacts were manufactured from San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian. The flake core is the largest obsidian flake core found at Ceibal (121.3 g), considerably heavier than the second largest flake core (25.5 g) that was recovered from the E-Group plaza and that dated to the Late Preclassic Cantutse 1 phase. It provides additional evidence that, in addition to large polyhedral cores, small nodules of obsidian were imported to the site during the Preclassic period. Use-wear analysis indicates that the nearly-complete initial pressure blade had not been heavily used. No usewear was observed on the right edge, while use-wear pattern h (an initial step in developing more diagnostic use-wear patterns) and parallel striations were observed on the left edge. The blade user did not utilize the right edge of the blade, but used solely the left edge for cutting unidentified material. Surprisingly, use-wear pattern h and vertical striations were observed on the left edge of the large flake core, which was used for whittling unidentified material. There were also worked bones (i.e., awls) and a large turtle shell with clearly distinguishable cut marks in the fill of Cache 157. The striations along the turtle shell would have been produced with a thin, sharp tool. The aforementioned nearly complete initial pressure blade may have been used for this task. Like the public ritual deposits in the Central Plaza, Cache 157 contains sacrificed valuable obsidian, showing that this practice extended to the domestic rituals of the residents of the Karinel Group. Both the unusual long pressure blade and the largest flake core were still usable. The core is a semi-exhausted, or partially reduced, flake core from which more flakes could have been manufactured. Thus again, these special objects were removed from the circulation within the community. Cache 123 Cache 123 was placed in the fill of Structure A-15 Sub-4, a large platform to the northeast of the Central Plaza of Group A, dating to the Escoba 3 phase (FIGURE 3). This platform covered a group of probable elite residences that had existed since the early Middle Preclassic Real 3 phase, thereby transforming the area into a more public space (Triadan et al. 2017). Cache 123 contained 11 distinctive notched obsidian prismatic blades, including seven proximal segments and four medial segments (FIGURE 12). A blade knapper or user retouched all the blades with notches on both lateral edges. According to the pxrf analysis, one blade was manufactured from San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian, while the remaining 10 blades were made of El Chayal obsidian from the Guatemalan highlands. San Martín Jilotepeque was the principal source of obsidian at Ceibal and many other lowland Maya sites during the late Middle Preclassic period (Aoyama 2017a, 2017b; Haines and Glascock 2012), so the fact that the majority of obsidian artifacts in Cache 123 were produced from El Chayal material is unusual. In fact, all the other obsidian artifacts in the present study were manufactured from San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian. Use-wear analysis indicates that all the blades from Cache 123 had been used. In total, 25 IUZ were identified, including wood cutting (80%) and wood whittling (8%). In terms of the notched prismatic blades made from El Chayal obsidian, the blade knapper or user created notches near the proximal ends of the blades. The proximal ends were for hafting, while the lateral edges below the notches were used for cutting wood, and the lower (distal) ends of the three blades were for whittling wood. The most common use-wear pattern is pattern b, a diagnostic use-wear pattern that develops through wood carving (Aoyama 1999: 43). Since different use-wear patterns are frequently observable on the same edge, a complex of different use-wear patterns is described by a combination of a principal and a secondary pattern, such as bh and hb. Interestingly, a well-developed bh pattern was observed on both lateral edges of one El Chayal obsidian blade (FIGURE 12A). There was a marked difference in the development of use-wear between the right and left lateral edges of the other blades made from El Chayal obsidian, with different use-wear patterns, such as a welldeveloped bh pattern and a weakly developed hb pattern. That is to say, the blade user employed one lateral edge more heavily than the other. Use-wear pattern h and parallel striations were observed on the right edge of one prismatic

13 JOURNAL OF FIELD ARCHAEOLOGY 419 Figure 12. Notched prismatic blades of obsidian deposited in Cache 123 within a large platform at Ceibal during the Escoba 3 phase, showing distribution of usewear. A J were manufactured from El Chayal obsidian, while K was made of San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian. Drawings are in Japanese technical style. Each illustration shows the sequence of flake scar detachment. Flake scars, fissures, and ripple marks demonstrate the relationships of adjacent flake scars (Drawing by Kazuo Aoyama). blade (FIGURE 12G). Nevertheless, since use-wear pattern hb was observed on the left edge of the same blade, both edges were most likely employed for wood cutting. The 10 El Chayal obsidian blades appear to be too small and too thin to have been used for a labor-intensive task such as landclearing. The notched blades were more likely employed in wood carving or fine woodworking tasks. It is significant that all notched prismatic blades of El Chayal obsidian seemed to have been used for cutting and whittling wood. The blade knapper or user may have intentionally selected these blades as specialized instruments for wood carving. It is not certain why the individual might have done that.

14 420 K. AOYAMA ET AL. Once again, San Martín Jilotepeque was the principal source of obsidian at Ceibal during the late Middle Preclassic period, so the fact that the 10 obsidian blades in Cache 123 were produced from El Chayal material is unusual. The notched prismatic blade made from San Martín Jilotepeque obsidian was different from those made of El Chayal obsidian, not only in terms of raw material, but also in the retouched notches and use-wear patterns (FIGURE 12K). The blade knapper or user created larger notches near the distal end of the blade and smaller notches near the proximal end. The large distal end notches were for hafting, and the lateral edges above the larger notches were worn. Microscars without polish and striations were observed, indicating that the notched blade was not heavily used. Although this interpretation is not conclusive, we suggest that this blade was intended for a single use in a bloodletting ritual. Similar use-wear patterns consisting of minimal microflaking and a lack of polish and striations were also observed on a few obsidian prismatic blades from elite residences at Copan and Aguateca (Aoyama 1999, 2009), as well as Maya caves in the Copan Valley (Aoyama 2001) and Belize (Stemp and Awe 2014), where they also were interpreted as evidence of bloodletting rituals. In the future, organic residue analysis on the blade could test this hypothesis. In sum, Cache 123, which contained 11 distinctive notched prismatic obsidian blades, was probably deposited during the construction of Platform A-15 Sub-4 and is a unique ritual deposit in the Maya lowlands. The notched prismatic blades could have had some symbolic significance. Alternatively, the act of depositing the blades may have been of primary importance. Discussion and Conclusions This article has examined Preclassic Maya ritual practices and craft production by analyzing four caches and four burials containing a total of 42 obsidian artifacts, among other offerings. The results of the present study indicate that the inhabitants of Ceibal engaged in various kinds of craft production, including the manufacture of obsidian prismatic blades, as well as shell and wooden artifacts, during the late Middle Preclassic period. During the early Middle Preclassic Real 3 phase and the late Middle Preclassic period, new ritual practices developed at Ceibal, possibly through processes of political interactions and negotiation involving emerging elites and other community members. Common objects in ritual deposits in the public plaza shifted from greenstone celts to other artifacts, including exhausted polyhedral cores and other artifacts of obsidian with symbolic significance. These were placed in caches and as offerings within incipient elite burials and interments of sacrificed individuals. In particular, exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores were placed within caches or as burial offerings in cruciform arrangements along the east west axis of the E-Group plaza. These cores clearly demonstrate the use of a sophisticated blade technology. Like the greenstone objects, exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores deposited in cruciform arrangements were used as symbols and markers of the center and four cardinal directions within the Maya cosmos at Ceibal during the Middle Preclassic period. Burials and caches that include both exhausted polyhedral obsidian cores and greenstone objects are unique to Ceibal and have not been documented in the Maya lowlands during the Middle Preclassic period before our investigation. Both emerging elites and other community members likely valued obsidian for ideological and ritual reasons during the late Middle Preclassic period. Most Middle Preclassic caches and burials containing obsidian artifacts were placed in the public plaza and represent public events. These Middle Preclassic patterns contrast with those of the Classic period, during which public ceremonial structures tied to the royal family of each city were preferred locations for the placement of caches and elite burials (Inomata 2014:29). The greenstone and obsidian that were used in ceremonies provide evidence of extensive and long-term use of the Ceibal site core as a ritually significant center. While remains of similar caching activities have been recovered at other lowland Maya sites, such ceremonies appear to have been particularly prevalent at Ceibal. The individuals involved with these rituals would have been aware of similar ceremonial caching at other site centers during the Preclassic period. Such ceremonial knowledge, combined with the ability to procure rare stone resources for the events, would have distinguished the ritual organizers and performers from the rest of the populace. Later Classic period elites would continue the tradition of conducting ceremonial performances and sacrifices with special knowledge unique to their status. At Ceibal, these early caching events took place for hundreds of years, perhaps fostering the expansion of the monumental core over time in order to conduct larger and more elaborate ceremonial performances and to reinforce community identity over many generations. Acknowledgments We greatly appreciate the significant improvements to the manuscript suggested by the three peer reviewers. We would also like to thank the members of the Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological Project, particularly Otto Román, Víctor Castillo, and Estela Pinto, for their guidance and support during our study. Disclosure Statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. Funding Funding for our research has been provided by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JP) [Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research nos , , and ], the National Endowment for the Humanities [grant number RZ ], and the Alphawood Foundation. Notes on Contributors Kazuo Aoyama (Ph.D. 1996, University of Pittsburgh) is a Professor of Anthropology at Ibaraki University in Japan, and is interested in lithic studies, economic and political organization, ritual practices, and warfare in Maya civilization. Following field experience in Japan, since 1986, he has conducted research at the Maya sites of Copan, Aguateca, and Ceibal. Takeshi Inomata (Ph.D. 1995, Vanderbilt University) is Professor and Agnese Nelms Haury Chair in Environment and Social Justice at the School of Anthropology, University of Arizona. His research has focused on social changes in Maya society during the Preclassic and Classic periods. Daniela Triadan (Ph.D. 1995, Freie Universität Berlin) is a Professor in the School of Anthropology of the University of Arizona. She is interested in the social development of small, sedentary groups and more hierarchically organized societies with a primary focus on economic systems and has conducted extensive fieldwork in the Greater Southwest and the Maya area. She is currently a co-director of the Ceibal-Petexbatun Archaeological Project.

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