Rådhuspladsen, KBM 3827

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1 KØBENHAVNS MUSEUM / MUSEUM OF COPENHAGEN Rådhuspladsen, KBM 3827 Cultural Historical Report, Metro Cityring Excavation Ed Lyne and Hanna Dahlström

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3 Foreword As a result of the extensive archaeological excavation work carried out as part of the Metro Cityring project, a vast amount of new knowledge has been brought to light. Previously unseen structures and concise dating of the earliest part of the city s history have provided archaeologists with very important material to improve our understanding of in particular the early urban development of the city. Before the Metro excavations at the present day Town Hall Square (Rådhuspladsen) this area was thought to have been an open and uninhabited zone that was not incorporated in the true city area until a defence was established, and at some point in the 13 th century turned this into a defended border zone between the city and its hinterland. This, however, has now turned out to be largely incorrect. The existence of an early cemetery (11 th 12 th cent.), storage and waste pits, the remains of workshops or houses and indications of intensive iron working revealed below the present day square have changed our ideas about the site radically. Instead this part of the city must now be interpreted as an early activity area, perhaps even under the benefaction of a magnate as indicated by the early cemetery. A completely new picture of this area and of the early development of Copenhagen in general can be envisaged. Of the other important discoveries worthy of mention are the surprisingly late date of the first city gate (Vesterport), which it now appears was not established before the second half of the 14 th century perhaps a century later than thought previously and the fact that the chronological sequence and extension of the medieval and Renaissance city defence in this area have now been established. As well as this the excavation has brought to light a vast amount of interesting and unique finds that allow us to understand the early urban life of Copenhagen in far more detail than ever before. In this cultural historical report the archaeologists describe the most important discoveries from Rådhuspladsen and give an overview of the results and new interpretations. For those who wish to read more, a comprehensive technical report of the excavation results is available in the museum archives and online. It is hoped that the report will be read widely and that the results will make the reader reflect upon Copenhagen s rich past and the development of the city s urban way of life from its very beginning in the 11 th 12 th century and up to the present day. Thomas Roland, Archaeological Leader, Museum of Copenhagen

4 Contents Foreword Introduction 1 Section I Chronological Development Introduction to the chronological development 5 Phase 1 Early urban development A.D Phase 2 Urban consolidation A.D Phase 3 Reorganisation and defence Phase 4 Expansion of defences and infrastructure A.D Phase 5 Decommissioning of the medieval defences; and the mill by Vesterport A.D c Phase 6 The final phase of fortifications c. A.D c Phase 7 The modern city A.D present day 113 Discussion 122 Conclusions 125 Section II Exploring the archaeology of Rådhupladsen The emerging medieval town of Copenhagen some ideas about where, how and why 128 The fortifications of Copenhagen: The western boundary as seen at Rådhuspladsen 145 A moat re-imagined the mill by Vesterport 163 Urban waste as a source of information. The 17 th century Copenhagen moat backfills and what they can tell us. 172 Rådhuspladsen the contribution of natural science and finds analyses 182

5 Introduction An archaeological excavation was conducted at Rådhuspladsen, Copenhagen (KBM 3827) by the Museum of Copenhagen in The excavation was undertaken in advance of the new Metro Cityring Project, which will provide a new transportation system in the city centre of Copenhagen and to the surrounding suburbs of the city; the developer was Metroselskabet I/S. Where new Metro stations were to be constructed over archaeological material, excavations were undertaken in accordance with the Consolidated Act on Museums (see below). The Museum of Copenhagen (KBM) is responsible for the archaeological work carried out in the Copenhagen and Frederiksberg municipalities, and hence conducted the archaeological work on this project. It was known in advance that archaeological material would be encountered at Rådhuspladsen in significant quantities, based on historical and cartographic information and on previous archaeological observations made in the area. It was expected that part of the former city moat/moats from the medieval and postmedieval period would be seen, as well as elements of associated gates, and elements of a watermill. During the main phase of work at Rådhuspladsen (from January 2011 to August 2012), it was estimated that a total of m 3 of soil would be archaeologically excavated. A further m³ was to be observed and documented to a lesser degree in watching-brief conditions. The post-excavation work, analysis of the data, specialist work and report writing was conducted over the following three years, and was completed in September The archaeological remains encountered at Rådhuspladsen exceeded expectation, with an immense amount of material surviving, spanning a period from as early as c A.D. up to the 20 th century. As well as the anticipated features outlined above, significant unexpected pre-fortification remains were seen, suggestive of urban activity in the area from as early as the early medieval period. Furthermore, an unexpected discovery was made when part of a burial area was encountered in a trench at the edge of H.C. Andersen s Boulevard. There is no known historical documentation of this cemetery, and it was not encountered archaeologically before. Scientific dating suggests that the cemetery was in use in about the 11 th century. Rådhuspladsen became a square in the 19 th century with the levelling of the fortifications in this area, and was chosen to be the location for the new townhall (Rådhus). Hence it is to this day the centre of administration for the city of Copenhagen. In the Middle Ages it was the location of the western boundary of the city, the moat and ramparts in different forms, scales and precise placement. The city s westernmost street, Vester Voldgade, ran along the inside of the fortifications, and along the eastern edge of present day Rådhuspladsen. Many of the street and district names to this day tell us something about the former shape of the city; Vestergade (Western Street), Vester Voldgade (Western Rampart Street) and Vesterbro (Western Bridge). 1

6 Figure 1 Central Copenhagen showing the Cityring with stations and its connection to the existing Metro. Map by Metroselskabet I/S. Rådhuspladsen is therefore a border area, formerly separating the western part of the city from its hinterland, and now dividing the inner city area from its western suburb. The area has seen significant changes over the years, with various structures placed on and around the square at different times; the new Metro station is just the most recent significant change to occur, and will become a new feature of the Rådhuspladsen landscape. 2

7 Figure 2 Location of development area with adjoining streets shown A full excavation report has been produced (Lyne & Dahlström 2015), which conforms to specific Kulturstyrelsen guidelines. No research was carried out on the results for the purpose of the report; it is rather a working statement of the results and conclusions. Full analysis and interpretation of the results will rely on future and ongoing academic projects. The purpose of this report is to place the results of the excavation in a broader cultural historical context within the wider frame of the historical development of Copenhagen, and to do so in a user-friendly format accessible to the general public. The report (Section I) was written by Hanna Dahlström (Phase 1 and 2) and Ed Lyne (Phases 3-7), while in Section II, Hanna Dahlström wrote about the emerging medieval town, and the remainder was written by Ed Lyne, except for Urban waste as a source of information, by Ed Lyne and Camilla Haarby Hansen. Figure 3 Rådhuspladsen during excavation in

8 Section I Chronological Development 4

9 Introduction to the Chronological Development The results of the excavation at Rådhuspladsen are very significant in scale and in importance, contributing greatly to our knowledge of the earliest years of the western part of the fledgling town, as well as the subsequent development of the city and its defences in that area. The results will be discussed in the following section in chronological order, commencing with the early medieval remains and concluding with the documented modern structures. The archaeology has been divided into phases in order to structure the activity into logical time related sections within the report. These phases have been discussed together as appropriate. The phases are: Phase 1: (sub-divided into and ) Phase 2: Phase 3: Phase 4: Phase 5: Phase 6: Phase 7: 1860 present day The archaeological remains at Rådhuspladsen had been impacted to quite a high degree by various acts of construction down the years, and indeed in many cases had been impacted by subsequent archaeological activity, such as the construction of the moats. This meant that the archaeological features were often partial, and sometimes quite difficult to interpret. Nonetheless, using the single context excavation system in tandem with the use of sections where appropriate, and aided by C14 dating, dendrochronological dating, and artefactual typology, it has been possible in most cases to establish the order of events and gain a good picture of what has gone on in this area down the centuries. In general the sterile underlying clay, where it had not been disturbed, was encountered at a depth of c m below present ground level, with archaeological layers overlying this where they survived. However, many of the archaeological features were cut into the underlying clay, and in many cases this was to a substantial depth. The wells and pits had frequently been dug 2 m or more into the underlying clay, while the very substantial moat cuts had been dug as much as 5 m deep into the sterile post-glacial clay. The excavation was carried out across a number of different areas (1 5) and smaller trenches (see Figure 4). These areas will be referred to in the following chronological account of the site as appropriate. In order to aid the interpretation of the site, different features have been assigned unique IDs or Group numbers by the archaeologists. The use of these labels is kept to a minimum in this public report, but where multiple similar features are discussed, such as pits, the group number has been used in order to help the reader to distinguish between the various examples. 5

10 Figure 4 Area plan, showing Areas 1 to 4, and main watching briefs Area 5 and Z Table 1 Main structures and their dating Structure Construction Date Dating evidence Comments Cemetery 11 th /12 th century C14, C13, stratigraphy, artefacts Various medieval structures, buildings 11 th to 14 th centuries C14, artefacts, stratigraphy Pits, wells 11 th to 14 th centuries C14, artefacts, stratigraphy Roadway c. 12 th /13 th century Stratigraphy, artefacts, C14 Some of these probably superseded each other. Long period of use makes dating broad Medieval Moat c Dendro (from bridge) Potentially older Bridge 1 c Dendro Medieval Gate c Dendro (from bridge) + stratigraphy/finds Foundation cut through 13 th century layers 6

11 Rampart c Association with other features/stratigraphy Bridge 2 c Dendro Replacement of bridge 1 Bridge 3 c Dendro (from construction) Replacement of bridge 2 Moat revetments c Dendro Structure was replaced in parts on a number of occasions Demi-lune c Dendro (from stakes in ditch) Outer Gate and bridge c Stratigraphy, cartography Outer moat c Association with outer gate, cartography Bastion wall c Cartography, association with outer moat Secondary moat outside medieval gate Approximate dating Approximate dating Approximate dating Mill, mill race c Dendro Many consistent dates retrieved Third fortification c Cartography Gatehouse c Dendro 7

12 Phase 1 Early urban development A.D Main structures: Burials, road, building remains, pits Introduction to Phase 1 Prior to the commencement of fieldwork, expectations for surviving medieval remains at Rådhuspladsen were relatively low. This was partly due to the location of the excavation area, lying mainly outside of the medieval town (as previously thought); and also due to the area being heavily used in modern times for service trenches, the placement of infrastructure, air raid shelters, and the large underground public toilet built in All of these factors were expected to have had a negative influence on the preservation of archaeological remains. Contrary to expectations however, a substantial amount of medieval archaeology survived, contributing important new information regarding the early development of the city. As a result, the Rådhuspladsen excavation can be considered to be the single most important site to date in Copenhagen when it comes to information about life and activities in the medieval time period. The earliest evidence uncovered was of a cemetery and dispersed settlement dating to the latter half of the 11 th century. The oldest archeological features were a group of graves located along the eastern edge of present day HC Andersen s Blvd, some refuse or storage pits and fragmentary building remains, probably belonging to a number of different households. Already from this early stage of the site, traces of ironsmithing were identified in the form of slag, hammer scales and furnace fragments found in refuse pits. There was also infrastructural evidence, such as the partial remains of a road. Scientific dates in the form of C14 AMS (see below) show activity in the 11 th century in the form of a number of graves, pits and postholes, while typological evidence further suggests early medieval activity, primarily in the form of combs and pottery (Baltic ware and Early greyware) retrieved. C14 AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectrometry) dating, also known as radiocarbon dating is a method for determining the age of an object containing organic material by measuring the amount of the radioactive carbon 14 isotope remaining in organic material. This isotope decays at a known rate, meaning that the age of a given material can be ascertained, within levels of certainty described in percentages. Sometime early in the 12 th century the activity in the area intensified. The area was reorganized, with new buildings constructed, new road layers laid and many storage and refuse pits dug, connected to occupation and craft work. The cemetery however was abandoned early in the 12 th century. In the 13 th and 14 th century the area was still used for settlement and craft, such as iron-smithing. The placement of the different features suggests that the focus for activities had shifted toward the east. Building remains reveal houses with several usage phases within the high medieval period. Only sporadic traces of settlement are seen in the western parts of Rådhuspladsen from this period. Activity in the area almost completely stops during the high medieval period. This seems to coincide with the building of the fortification along the town s western edge, which was dated to c. A.D by dendrochronological analysis of construction elements from the oldest bridge over the moat (see next chapter). 8

13 Phase 1 Description The earliest evidence c. A.D Across the area at Rådhuspladsen glimpses were seen in several locations of the original topsoil. This can be seen on Figure 5. It was seen in the form of homogenous brown soil overlying the natural geological clay. It was preserved in fragments between the many cuts for moat, pits, wells, postholes or more modern cuts such as for service trenches or air raid shelters. This was not a cultural layer in itself; it was not deposited as a result of human actions, but rather was the ground surface at the time of the earliest settlement on site. It was therefore affected by human activity at the time. Inclusions such as small pieces of charcoal, burnt clay, lime, pebbles etc, as well as artefacts, are likely to have ended up on the ground surface as a result of casual human activity, such as trampling, the throwing out of refuse, or simply by dropping items. This can provide information on how intensely the area was used for example, and if there were buildings or other specific activities close by. The original topsoil level at Rådhuspladsen shows that activities were taking place, but apart from the western areas it does not seem to have been very intense. In most areas of the site there were small fragments of charcoal and burnt clay but few finds. In the western parts, especially in the southern part of the cemetery and even further south, there was much charcoal flecking and small slag fragments, suggesting that there was iron-smithing going on in the vicinity. This was true also for some of the grave fills in the cemetery, where also some pottery sherds of Baltic Ware and Early Greyware were found. Other general information on the kind of environment Rådhuspladsen was at this time comes from macroenvironmental analyses. The analyses (based mainly on samples taken from fills of pits) show a variety of plant species were present, i.e. dry-to-fresh and nitrogen-preferring ruderals (weeds) like goosefoot, reflecting a growing aspect of vegetation. This indicates an environment which is characterized by quite open areas and the presence of cultivated plants. In short, it is what we might expect from an extensively used area which was recently been taken into use. Figure 4.1 Baltic Ware rim sherds from Rådhuspladsen (drawn by K Kam Tayanin) 9

14 Figure 5 Plan of features from the earliest phase c Postholes and pits are black, cultural deposits, including old topsoil, are marked in grey. The large, irregular shape in the middle of the picture represents the remains of the road leading into town, whose oldest phase can be placed in the period before A.D Many of the earliest dates were retrieved from features in the western part of Rådhuspladsen. Radiocarbon dates from graves and ditches as well as typological dates from pottery and combs strongly indicate that this area was in use during the latter part of the 11 th century. The character of the original topsoil as described above, is another indication of early activities, and maybe also points to more intense usage of this part of Rådhuspladsen, compared to the middle and eastern parts. The most important features from this period are without a doubt the burials encountered along the eastern edge of HC Andersens Boulevard. This burial ground is not mentioned in historical sources about Copenhagen and had never been encountered by archaeologists before. They represent the remains of some of the earliest inhabitants in Copenhagen and can as such add information on living conditions and social organisation in the earliest town. In one of the narrow watching brief trenches where new services were to be placed, a group of Christiantype burials were identified. They were exposed not very deep down under the pavement, only c. 0,8 m below present day ground level. Due to the narrow nature of the trench and the fact that service trenches had been dug through this area previously, not many graves were complete. However, fragmented remains of ten individuals were found in situ in their graves, and in addition to those, disarticulated human bones 10

15 from a further 11 individuals were collected (some from grave fills), suggesting that other burials had been disturbed either during the cemetery s usage period or in modern times. Figure 6 Graves (brown) and presumed border ditch (light blue) of the cemetery. The line in the lower right part of the picture marks the estimated edge of the road leading into the town area Early medieval pottery found in the grave fills, as well as the fact that no written records exist of burials in this area, suggested that these graves were early medieval. AMS C14-dates were taken from bones from all individuals and the results, as expected, turned out to be very early. The dates span from late 10 th century to late 12 th century however, when it comes to dating human bones a special calibration of the results has 11

16 to be made, due to the fact that depending on the type of diet people had, the material in the bones is affected in different ways, resulting in the analyses potentially giving older dates than they should. After this calibration is applied, the usage phase of the cemetery is placed between c. A.D and 1130, if it were presumed that the graves were contemporary. We know that they were not contemporary however, due to the fact that some have definitely disturbed older graves. This means that the interpretation of the results needs to be further worked upon, and that it is likely that the usage phase needs to be extended somewhat. A period of c. A.D seems probable, based on the available evidence. The skeletal material has undergone basic osteological analysis at the University of Copenhagen. Basic osteological analysis can show age, sex and stature of the individuals, as well as trauma and diseases which are visible in the bones. In that way we can gain valuable information about the life and death of the people that were buried here, and who most likely lived here. Due to the high degree of fragmentation, only a limited amount of information could be extracted from the analysis. It was clear however that the buried individuals represented women, men and children and all age groups. The common pathology of gout, periodontitis and caries were found but otherwise nothing that was unexpected. The height of two individuals could be assessed, of one man and one woman. They were respectively 179 cm and 170 cm tall. Compared to the average height of people from this time period, these individuals were unusually tall, especially seen in comparison with individuals buried in the neighbouring cemetery of St Clemens, immediately east of Rådhuspladsen which would have lived around the same time. The women who were buried at the St Clemens cemetery in the early medieval period were small, some with heights of cm, and some men were cm tall. Of course, no statistically valid information can come from just two individuals, but it is an interesting anomaly, which warrants further study. It is possible that the people buried in the different cemeteries had different diets, health or other living conditions due to their social or cultural affiliations, or perhaps the differences could even suggest that they had different ethnic backgrounds. Or could the differences be one of chronology, since the exact time period of the earliest usage of the St Clemens cemetery compared to the burial ground at Rådhuspladsen is not settled yet? The graves were placed at an even distance to each other, but the small area exposed meant it was difficult to establish if they hade been placed in rows or in some other spatial system. Other excavations of medieval cemeteries have shown that after a cemetery has been used for a long time, it is very difficult to see patterns in how the graves were spatially laid out. The spatial distribution of the graves at Rådhuspladsen seems to indicate that they represented the outer parts of a larger burial area. The distance between the graves became less towards the north, and some graves were inter-cutting older graves. Towards the south the distance between graves was greater. To the south there was also a feature which can be interpreted as a fragment of a ditch, running east-west, which may have functioned as a border to the cemetery. Immediately south of the ditch the presumed route of the early medieval road leading eastwest through the area, as seen further to the east (see later in this chapter), is thought to have been situated. The size of the cemetery is not known, nor is it known if there was a church connected to it. No earlier evidence for a church or cemetery in this area has been seen, neither in the written sources nor in the archaeological record. Of interest in this regard however was the discovery of human leg bones made in a small trench situated c. 20 m northeast of the burials. This trench was c. 0,5 x 0,5 m in plan and c. 1,5 m deep. The small area of access made documentation difficult, so no observations of any features possibly 12

17 connected to the bones were found. Two lower leg bones (tibia) were recovered, which according to the osteologist could have belonged to the same individual. Also of interest was a reference found in the museum archive from the 1950s, which referred to the discovery in the 1950 s of human bones outside of Helmershus, the building facing the north side of the square. Police were called to the scene to investigate if the bones were modern and if so if there were possible evidence of a crime. No further information was found in the museum archive, and an inquiry at the police archive proved that it had not turned into a criminal case. This suggests that the burials found during the excavation in were possibly part of a considerably larger cemetery located here in the early medieval period. Further discussion of what the discovery of the cemetery means for our understanding of the early town of Copenhagen can be found in Section II of this report. Apart from the cemetery, there were also traces of settlement and craft in the western part of the excavation area. South and southeast of the cemetery there were a number of pits, wells and some postholes, with large modern truncations impacting the level of preservation. In general there were not as many archaeological features in this part of the site as in the other areas, which could be a combination of both poorer preservation conditions and less intense usage of this area. The undisturbed areas with preserved early medieval features were quite small, so the material was rather fragmentary. Despite this, the fact that some features were intercutting suggests relatively intense usage of the area at least for a time. Although fragmentary, it was possible to discern a number of phases during the medieval period. All phases showed evidence for combined occupation and craft activities. Some pits clearly were very early, while some were from the high medieval period, and there was also a group of undated features which should be seen as belonging within this period. The usage of the area does not seem to change overall during the early and high medieval period. All features from within this time period in the western part of the square will therefore be presented here. 13

18 Figure 7 Pits and wells in the eastern part of Rådhuspladsen In general, the pits in the western area were not as deep as in other areas, which could be a result of ground level having been reduced across this area at some point, hence removing the upper part of the pits. It could also be that the activities in this part of the excavation area were somewhat different from elsewhere, indicating that production activity was dominating (although not the only activity) in the western area. With a few exceptions, the finds in this part of the excavation area were - relatively speaking - dominated by slag and iron working residue, with lesser amounts of animal bones and other household waste. This could be indicative of a relative dominance of production related activities. In an activity layer close to the possible border ditch of the cemetery, traces of iron-processing were found. As well as slag, large pieces of forge material were found in this deposit. The pieces of clay were clearly heat-affected and even vitrified (burnt to a very high temperature resulting in a glassy material). The material was analysed and found to have been exposed to temperatures of more than 1200⁰ C. The fragments analysed was also shown to contain small drops of iron, confirming that iron smelting or smithing had been going on in the area. As mentioned earlier, the contemporary topsoil in the immediate area was also strongly affected by fire-related activity, as shown by the high degree of charcoal flecks in the soil. This suggests that a workshop dealing with iron smelting or smithing was placed south of the cemetery and deeming from stratigraphical relations to AMS-dated feature together with dateable pottery found in the deposit, the iron processing could very well have been contemporary with the cemetery. No structural workshop features have been found however. Further analyses of soil samples from various features may 14

19 be able to provide more detailed information about the organization and types of activity carried out in this area. As stated above, there were also some pits found in this area. Their fills contained household waste as well as some personal objects, which show that the area was used not only for craft, but also for habitation. In spite of the fragmentary character of the material, one of the pits has yielded a quite extraordinary finds assemblage. This pit was rather isolated, but the fact that it was cut by a high medieval well does show continuity in the area. It was also cut by modern service trenches, and thus only survived partially. Its probable dimensions if complete would have been c. 2,5 m in diameter with a depth of more than one meter. The original function of the pit is unclear perhaps it was used for storage - but its final function was that of a refuse pit. The fills contained finds including six bone combs, a bone bead, a bone pin, a glass ring, pottery sherds of Baltic Ware and A4 a Viking Age form, daub, a nail, slag and large quantities of animal bone. The combs were all types which date to the 10th-11th century, and together with the bead and the glass ring they represent the personal possessions of one or more persons living in the area at this time. Figure 8 (a and b) Two of the combs from the comb-pit. Such a large number of combs deriving from a single pit does not have an obvious explanation (in fact all but one came from the same layer within the pit). It is possible that they were disposed of when someone died, together with the other personal items. The animal bone assemblage was analysed and found to 15

20 contain a diverse menu of 16 species of fish as well as the usual domestic animals which were typically eaten. A large amount of cat bones were also identified, perhaps the remains of a single individual. Nothing in the animal bone assemblage indicates bone-working. The inclusions within the different fills reveal two phases of backfilling with a break in between, seen in a thin deposit of re-deposited natural clay separating the two phases. The earlier fills contain more household-related material, while the later fills contained more inclusions of slag and other iron-working waste. AMS C14-dates have been retrieved from two fills one of these dates back to the 10 th century, while the other gave a date range of mid-11 th -early 12 th century. Given the only find of Viking Age pottery from the excavation, the late Viking Age style combs and the one really early C14-date, this pit seems to be one of the oldest features at Rådhuspladsen. Stratigraphical relations between dateable material in different deposits show there probably have been some secondary depositing in the pit, so it is unlikely that the pit should be from the Viking Age. However, in combination with the presence of the early (Christian) cemetery in the northwestern corner of the square, which looks to have continued towards the north, it must be considered a possibility that an even earlier, possibly late Viking Age settlement could have been situated further towards the north-northwest. The findings of the cemetery is either way a ground for archaeologists to be aware of the possibility of Early medieval, or even Viking Age remains in this area, when conducting excavations in Copenhagen in the future. About ten other pits and wells from the early or high medieval period were located in this area. One of the later ones based on its artefactual evidence showed that smithing was still an ongoing activity. The pit was highly truncated by later activity, but several fills were preserved and the original shape and dimensions of the pit could be assessed. It had been a rather large circular pit, about 2,5 m in diameter, with a depth of almost one meter. Its upper fills contained quite a lot of slag material as well as some furnace lining, suggestive of metal working in the area. Other finds included nails, a copper alloy stud, a piece of copper alloy twisted wire, a pin and a brick fragment. A relative scarcity of animal bones and pottery sherds could indicate that the fills mainly came from a production environment with little evidence for household waste. In the central part of the square there was also evidence for occupation and craft activity from the late 11 th - early 12 th century. A number of pits and wells were found within two small enclaves of preserved archaeology in an otherwise very disturbed area of the excavation. Fragments of a building (Structure F; in the excavation report Group 216) were also discovered, next to a small part of a presumably much larger road feature leading into the town area. The road consisted of one main layer largely made up of slag and other production waste, plus several renovation and levelling layers. The stratigraphy between the road and the building shows that the early layers of the road were constructed prior to the building which was placed next to it. The building has been dated by three C14-analyses to early- to mid-12 th century, which means that the road must be at least that old. The building remains consisted of seven small postholes and one cultural layer which probably related to the house. Finds from these features consisted of Early Greyware pottery sherds, a bone skate, a glass bead, copper alloy slag and large quantities of animal bones, including fish bones. Even though this building was very fragmentary, it has provided a lot of useful information. Apart from indirectly dating the road, its presence indicates that this area was not solely used as dumping ground with refuse pits, but had more diverse usage. A small building by the road could for example represent a booth connected to a workshop. Further south there were a number of intercutting pits of similar date, partly filled up with waste from iron 16

21 working. It is possible, that there were booths with trade functions along the road, with workshops connected to them on the plots behind. This is often seen in other early medieval towns in Scandinavia. Another interesting aspect of the building is the finds which were retrieved. The presence of copper alloy slag and not only iron slag, and a glass bead, points to diversity of activity and in the groups of people that were present. Copper alloy working required another type of specialist knowledge, which indicates that people with this special skill lived in the area at this point, and the glass bead tells us that some of the people living here, or using the area, probably were women. Finally, the presence of a bone skate shows that the place was inhabited in the winter time, so it was not only a (summer) seasonal settlement. Figure 9 Plan with building structure F and road. Starting about 8 m south of the road and building there was an enclave of preserved archaeological remains, and this area had many intercutting pits and wells dating from the end of the 11 th century to the 13 th, or possibly 14 th century. As with most of the pits further to the west, these were placed at a specific distance to the road going into town (about m). If this perceived gap is in fact due to the heavy truncation in the area between the road and the majority of the pits or if it is showing something of how the area was organised is, unfortunately, unclear. Further studies will be made into actual depths of truncations and pits, to find out how deep the truncations were in relations to the depths of pits. Were the truncations deeper than the pits, so there is no chance of us knowing how the area in between the road and the preserved pits were used, or would the bases of pits have been surviving below the truncations if 17

22 they would have been present in that area? If so, we could argue that it is more likely that the middle area was occupied with other features, for instance buildings which would not have left such deep cuts in the ground. Figure 10 Examples of intercutting pits and wells, heavily truncated Figure 11 Plan of all early medieval pits (before A.D. 1250) in the central part of Rådhuspladsen 18

23 These pits were in general c. 1-2 m in diameter, and they were up to 2,5 m in depth. Most have been interpreted as having initially functioned as storage pits. Their sides were mostly steep or evenly sloping and their bases were even. There was generally little about their construction or primary fills which would provide information about their specific function. It appears that the pits have been kept clean before they were backfilled, and that in combination with their regular shape could be indicative of a function as storage pits. All pits and wells were backfilled with waste from households and production - mainly iron production. In a general way, they provide information about functions and activities in this area, about the people who were active here and about the organization of the area. Nine pits within this enclave can be dated to the latter part of the 11th century or the start of the 12th. Some of these contained considerable evidence for iron working. For example, one pit contained several craft related objects and finds as well as some fills which showed evidence for an unknown special function. Among the finds were slag, furnace waste, copper alloy objects, a whetstone, and a bone awl/needle, but also household refuse like animal bones and early medieval pottery sherds. Twelve different fills were registered in this pit. Three of these consisted of red, very fine material which seemed to have been heat affected. There were also fills containing large quantities of charcoal (see Figure 12). A general trait for the pits in this central part of the square is that iron-working waste was present in backfills of almost all of the pits. There can be little doubt that one or more iron-working workshops have been situated in the area, even if there were no remains of actual smithies or in situ furnaces. The fact that the iron-working waste was present in pits with different dates also suggests that it was an activity which was going on for quite a long time at least from the late 11th century to the 13th century. Figure 12 A pit (left) and well (right), as seen in profile in Area 2A 19

24 The other early pits in the area had similar characteristics, although not so clearly dominated by ironworking activities. They contained many fills, with animal bones and early medieval pottery being the most common finds. Osteological analysis was made of the material in one of these pits, and it was shown to consist mainly of household waste, including many species of fish, apart from two sawn off cow horn cores which could be indications of bone working. Bone craft was carried out within the household at this time, only more complex objects, like combs, were made by specialized craftspeople. The third and final main area of preserved archaeological features from the late 11th early 12th century was situated about 30 m to the northeast of the previously described features, in the area around present day Vester Voldgade between Vestergade and Strøget. This was the area closest to the town s centre in the later medieval period, probably also early on in the medieval period. Thanks to the area being protected for hundreds of years below the high medieval rampart and the street surface of Vester Voldgade, more cultural layers were preserved in this area compared to other areas. This meant that more of the contemporary ground level and other surfaces could be investigated, providing information about activities and stratigraphic relationships between different features which were not directly next to each other. Larger levelling layers were also seen separating different building phases, aiding the interpretation of the chronological development. Together with AMS C14-analysis and pottery finds, a lot of information has been gained about the development of this area. Figure 13 All features which have been interpreted as belonging to the oldest phase of activity in Vester Voldgade. Postholes and pits are black, cultural deposits light grey. The striped area represents the older phase of the metalled surface 20

25 A number of postholes were seen cut into the original topsoil, which was the ground surface at the time. There is no clear pattern between the postholes however, so it is uncertain if they belonged to the same construction however they are all likely to have been parts of buildings or perhaps parts of a fence. Even though preservation was good in this area, it was rather small, and in many cases it was obvious that structures continued beyond the excavation area, obscuring interpretation. The postholes have been assigned to two different structures, even if the relations are doubtful. The first structure (structure A) consisted of 11 postholes which have been grouped together. They were generally aligned northwest-southeast in two to three rows, but the spatial relationship between them may suggest that they could have been part of a building of changeable character, and that some of the postholes represent different phases of the building. Some are smaller than others, suggesting they might belong to inner constructions rather than roof-bearing walls. It is likely that the building continued outside of the trench to the northeast. An AMS C14-date from one of the postholes resulted in a date range of mid 11thmid 12th century. As there were two more early medieval phases overlying these postholes, it is likely that the actual date lies in the earlier part of the possible date range. There were parts of one further building from the late 11th-early 12th century in the area. Southeast of the building described above, there were some postholes and beam slots making up parts of what was interpreted as remains of a building (Structure B) which may have continued towards the northeast. There were two parallel beam slots, preserved at a length of five meters, which could have made up parts of a wall for a building, and three postholes which could have functioned as parts of inner structures (see Figure 14). The first building (Structure A) was sealed by a metalled surface (informal surface of pebbles, laid like cobbles), which was contemporary with the second building. Also, the first building was contemporary with a pit, which was cut by the second building, showing clearly that Structure B post-dated Structure A. The second building had a number of pits next to it (see Figure 15), which were later sealed by levelling layers as preparation for a further early medieval phase of activity. The metalled surface covered an area of 15 x 10 m, and was truncated by later features on all sides except towards the north, where it merged with the early medieval road going into town. The truncations meant that we do not know the full extent of the surface. It was initially interpreted as a road, but it seems more likely it has been some kind of outdoor surface/open area next to the road going east-west into town. It was contemporary with the building Structure B and related pits, and was sealed by levelling Group 78. The surface itself consisted of small stones, c. 5 cm in diameter, with many pieces of slag and large animal bones mixed in. A range of finds were recovered from the deposit. These included whetstones, a wooden shoe last, one copper alloy padlock, an iron mount, iron nails, slag, copper alloy fragments and a flint blade. An AMS C14-date from one of the animal bones gave a date range of mid-11th-mid-12th century. The large amounts of slag used in the surface shows that large scale iron production was taking place in the area. The deposit then served two purposes, both as a clean surface and as a way of disposing of waste, from households (large animal bones) as well as production (slag). The fact that such a large deposit was laid using this kind of material is also indicative of a higher level of organization. As it appears to have been deposited at one time and not in different stages, it would have required some kind of joint effort or large scale activity. 21

26 Figures 14 and 15 First and second phases of usage in Vester Voldgade. Top: Structure A, Bottom: Structure B 22

27 Figure 16 The metalled surface in its older phase. As previously mentioned, there were a few pits in the area which were contemporary with the oldest building structures (see Figures 14 and 15). Two of the pits have been dated by AMS C14-analysis to A.D and A.D respectively, and one of these had a very rich artefactual assemblage, including forge material, whetstone, a glass linen smoothener, a coin (unidentifiable), Baltic Ware pottery, and a large quantity of animal bones. Osteological analysis suggests that the bones represent the remains from one or more households, and the presence of lamb bones indicates a household with higher status. One more feature from this early phase should be mentioned. Without any clear relation to any of the buildings identified, a structural feature interpreted as a foundation cut was recorded. It was rectangular in shape, with rounded corners and a flat base. Its width was 0,55 m and preserved length 1 meter, but it was originally longer. Though quite shallow, it seems that its function was as a foundation cut for some kind of structure, but it is not clear what that might have been. It is quite wide for a beam slot, so another type of structure should be imagined. It is clear that the cut for the feature was respected by the metalled surface, so they appear to have been contemporary. Covering parts of the stony surface, together with most of the structures presented above, were a number of deposits functioning as levelling layers covering a 17 x 5 m area. These layers were sealing the older activity phases from the next phase, which consisted of deposits and cuts stratigraphically and physically placed on top of the levelling layers. Because they sealed most of the features presented so far, they were of great importance for the interpretation of the chronology of activity. The new activity phase was 23

28 characterized by more substantial buildings and a large amount of pits. This new phase reflects an intensification of activities in this area, which took place sometime in the mid-12th century. Intensified activity c. A.D Staying in the area by Vester Voldgade, parts of three buildings were found to belong to the next phase of activity here. As with the oldest building remains, these were fragmentary, even if it was evident that at least one of them had been of a rather substantial character. South of these buildings were quite a large number of inter-cutting pits. It is clear that all of these not have been in use at the same time, but they were all in use approximately within the 100-year period between A.D and To the north, the road leading into and out of the town went past. No clear evidence of plot borders were found, but the location of the different feature types nonetheless provides useful information regarding the organization of activities. A pattern which was hinted at already in the oldest phase becomes clearer at this point - south of the road, which probably was the main road into town from the west, buildings were placed and behind these were pits, used for storage and later refuse. Further south still, there were fragments of another building, perhaps a workshop. We know from widespread occurrences of slag and other production waste that somewhere in the area iron smithing has taken place, and perhaps also other craft activities. Figure 17 Plan of structures in Vester Voldgade dated to A.D

29 Close to the road or street going into town, a building (Structure C) was placed in an almost E-W alignment. Its remains comprised of seven postholes, fragmented floor layers and demolition deposits. The building was more than 8 m long (it continued outside of the trench to the east) and c. 4,5 m wide, and was built with wooden roof bearing posts. Close to one of the walls there were deposits containing large amounts of charcoal, degraded chalk and lime fragments, which could have been residue from a kiln related to the building. There were finds of early medieval pottery like Baltic Ware and Early Greyware, but also later types such as Late Greyware and Early Redware, indicating later usage from deposits directly above. An AMS C14-date from a barley seed in the kiln deposit produced a date of A.D Immediately east of this building a row of sill stones and postholes were located, orientated NW-SE (Structure D). Stratigraphic relationships show that these were later than the building Structure C, but they could represent a later addition to that building. The row of features was 5,75 m long. The postholes were placed about 3 m apart and the sill stones appeared in groups every 0,6 m. The placement of the individual postholes and sill stones, when compared with Structure C, suggests that a relationship between the two is likely. The row of features probably represented a wall belonging to a new building or to a later addition to Structure C. The rest of the structure would have continued further to the east, outside of the excavation area. A few meters south-southeast of the building remains in Vester Voldgade there was an area where many pits had been dug during this period. In a c. 20 x 5 m area (disturbed by modern services) fragmentary remains of ten pits were found. In some cases it was clear that these were stratigraphically later than the ones presented earlier. In some cases a more precise dating than early medieval is uncertain, but on the combined basis of stratigraphical, spatial and artefactual evidence, a date of 12 th century has been proposed. Due to intense activity in the area, deposits were somewhat disturbed and mixed, and in some cases upper fills in pits appeared to have gradually settled and sunk down into the pit and allowed later material to mix with the older original upper fills. This may explain how in some cases C14-analyses gave results which suggest that some fills were older than the dateable finds contained in them. One of these pits was seen placed inside the area of building Structure C. It was a quite large pit (1,55 x 0,85 (truncated) x 0,85 m) with six fills, mostly backfilled with household and building refuse, for example Baltic Ware, Early Redware, iron fittings, nails, a possible stove tile, CBM (ceramic building material) and also animal bones including fish bones. As in most of the refuse deposits, slag was also present. Stratigrapically this pit seemed to be later than the Structure C, and the finds of Early Redware together with Baltic Ware indicate a quite late early medieval date. An AMS C14-date from a barley seed from one of the lower fills however provided a date range of A.D Perhaps then this pit had a long usage phase. It is possible that the pit might have been placed indoors and functioned as a storage pit below the floor in building Structure C. Five meters further south there was a group of intercutting pits, of which two have been dated to within the 100-year phase mentioned above, while two were later. One of these contained quite interesting finds, providing information about possible bone craft, and containing objects like bone combs, a comb case, a bone skate, a bone stylus, a copper alloy barrel padlock as well as slag and pottery sherds. The bone craft related finds consisted of what is interpreted as debris from comb making in the form of about 50 flakes of roe and red deer antler as well as one unfinished comb. 25

30 The diverse and rich finds assemblage should be seen as an indication of the types of households and activities present in the immediate area. Finds of Late Greyware in the top fills and Early Greyware and Baltic Ware in the lower fills suggest a similar dating situation as with the pit associated with Structure C. The AMS C14-analysis of a cattle bone from the lowest fill suggests a quite early date of A.D Figures 18 and 19 Comb case and Cu Alloy padlock from one of the pits in Vester Voldgade 26

31 In a very small watching brief trench about 12 m south of these pits, some fragmentary but nonetheless clear evidence of an early medieval building and another pit were found (Structure E; see Figure 20). In the side of the trench facing northwest there was a sequence of deposits and cuts seen in section consisting of two postholes, a floor layer and levelling layers over the floor layer. Below the floor layer there was a deposit filled with charcoal, possibly belonging to an older phase of activity. The floor layer was c. 10 cm thick and consisted of a mix of clay and burnt sandy material. The upper part of the floor layer was very hard and seemed heat affected. A small but almost complete pot of Baltic Ware was seen in the profile, in an upright position with its rim level with the floor surface. It could be seen in the interface between the rim of the pot and the floor surface, that the pot had been placed into the floor deliberately. The pot is currently undergoing conservation. The contents were x-rayed but nothing was detected. Further analysis of the contents is being undertaken, but preliminary results show that the pot mainly contained ash. The pot must have had a specific function having been placed in the floor in this way the ash residue points to in situ burning, so perhaps it had a function connected with heat or light, or maybe some craftrelated activity. Other finds connected to this building fragment are Baltic Ware pottery sherds, slag and hammer-scale, which were found in the floor. It is therefore possible that the building was part of a smithy. Over the floor layer there were a few deposits which contained little cultural material. These have been interpreted as levelling layers, perhaps to raise the ground level for later usage of the area. Figure 20 Profile of trench showing sequence of cultural layers connected to the building Structure E. In the right part of the area with preserved cultural layers from the building, the pot which was placed in the floor can be seen. Seen towards north 27

32 Large parts of the excavated area by Vester Voldgade were reorganized again about the mid-13 th century. This was seen in levelling layers being deposited on top of the early medieval features. However, more activity took place further west at Rådhuspladsen in the early medieval period. This was a continuation of the earlier usage of the area, and unlike the area in Vester Voldgade, the level of activity was about the same compared to the earlier phase. The road leading into and out of town was still in use, and in the area of preserved archaeology at a distance south of the road, there were eight pits and three wells which have been placed within the 100-year period of A.D Just south of the road there were remains of three additional pits, which belonged to a later phase than the building structure F which has been AMS C14-dated to the early 12 th century. Three of the pits in the central area were dated by AMS C14-analysis to A.D (Group 169), A.D (Group 174) and A.D (Group 183). These results have been used in combination with stratigraphy, spatial relationships and finds to obtain an approximate dating range for these pits and the ones related to them. The characteristics of the pits were similar to the earlier examples in the area. They were generally quite large, with steep sides and flat bases, filled with household waste and production waste. A few had special traits, which with further analysis could provide more information regarding function. A few examples will be presented here. Pit Group 174 was a sub-circular pit with steep sides and a flat base. It contained six fills, with a thin lens of usage deposit followed by a clay lining. The lining points to the pit having been used for clean purposes, and to a need to create a new phase for this clean usage. The overlying deposits contained a mix of household and production waste, and a large quantity of fish bones. A mandible (jaw bone) of goat was found, suggesting that goat was eaten. Cut-off horn core from sheep points to a workshop close by. Lamb bones are generally indicative of a high status household. One of the lower fills was different from the others it was quite thick (10 cm), and contained household and production finds, but it had an oily character, as if some particular organic material had degraded in the deposit. One sherd of Early Redware in the fill combined with the AMS C14-date indicate a date in the early 13th century. A few meters to the south there was another pit (Group 143) and a well (Group 132) which may also have been related to iron working, or at least were placed close to smithing activities. On the basis of stratigraphy and finds, these are likely to date to the mid-12th century. The pit was slightly truncating well Group 144, which with its distinct layers of red material and furnace fragments was also interpreted as having related to smithing activity (see earlier in this chapter). The pit Group 143 was of substantial dimensions, 2,4 m in diameter and 3,15 m deep. The depth could suggest that it should instead be seen as a well. Only some of the pit was preserved in plan, and in section a total of 18 different fills were identified. The fills and their contents show evidence of a range of activities taking place nearby at the time. The upper fills appeared to have been been tipped in from the side. Deeper down the fills covered the whole width of the pit, while towards the base there were fills present only in the central parts. These contained large amounts of reddish baked clay with imprints as of wattle. The central placement could indicate that it had belonged to a smaller structure like a kiln or furnace being thrown down after it was discarded. The fills of the pit in general contained large quantities of slag and also hammer-scales, which is strong evidence for smithing in the immediate area. Other finds included pottery sherds of Early Greyware and Baltic Ware, copper alloy clippings, a bone needle/pin and animal bones including fish bones. The osteological analysis suggests that most of the bones came from a household context. The well Group

33 was placed directly beside the pit Group 143 and contained much the same kind of fill material, with large amounts of daub and possible kiln lining. The daub and baked clay in these features suggest the deconstruction of buildings or workshops at the site in the mid-12 th century. About 12 m to the east, a somewhat different pit was investigated. Pit Group 183 was 1,6 x 1,05 x 0,9 m in size with concave sides and a bathtub-like shape. Based on stratigraphical relationships with pits Group 170 and Group 166 which were seen to have been older, and a C14-analysis of a seed from one of the lower fills which gave a result of A.D , this pit can be dated to the second half of the 12th century or the beginning of the 13th. Eleven fills were identified in the pit. The lower fills were quite different in character from the lower fills in most of the other pits, which usually were devoid of finds and inclusions and were rather sterile. In this pit the lower fills contained large amounts of fish bones, and the fills were either sticky, organic or in one case crunchy, as if the contents had been mineralized. Osteological analysis of the fish bones showed that the material contained all parts of the fish, making it unlikely that the material was the result of any kind of processing. In all, 13 species were present in the material, with herring, gadids and eel predominant. Also present in the material were large quantities of millipedes of a kind that eat decaying wood. Apart from the fish bones, the animal bone assemblage from the pit included household waste from butchered animals, as well as cat, dog and rat. The presence of lamb bones in the pit indicates refuse from a high status household. Given the information at hand, it is likely that the pit initially had a function as storage for fish. The specific shape of the pit suggests a specialized usage, and the finds of many fish bone from all parts of the skeleton in the lower fills, points to storage before eating rather than left-overs from meals. Later backfills show the normal types of household refuse. The cluster of eight pits and three wells from within the hundred-year period A.D should be seen as a continuation of the activities in this area which started in the latter half of the 11 th century. The density of activity as well as the types of activity seems to be about the same. There were traces of both household and production waste, including evidence of deconstruction of structures made of wattle-anddaub. There is nothing in the archaeological material which suggests that the activities were seasonal. The relatively high degree of intercutting between pits indicates that the available area was limited, and that it is likely that the apparent placement of these features at a certain distance from the road leading into town is not only due to the lack of preservation of the area in between, but should be seen as the result of organisation of space and activities, perhaps with buildings along the roadside and storage pits and possible workshops behind the houses. The area has not been very densely settled however, which was seen in the macro-environmental analysis, but instead the household and production waste material may derive from perhaps as few as two households based in that area at that time, a settlement pattern that might also be likely for the rest of the investigated area, including present day Vester Voldgade. 29

34 Phase 2 Urban consolidation A.D Main structures: Burials, road, building remains, pits Introduction to Phase 2 It has already been discussed how the activities in the western part of the square continued much as earlier into the high medieval time period. While the excavated part of the cemetery was abandoned by the mid 12th century at the latest, metal working seems to have been ongoing until the area was taken out of use in connection with the construction of the town gate, rampart and city moat around A.D (see Phase 3). There were also traces of household activities throughout this time period, even if they were fewer than further east. In the area of present day Vester Voldgade the intensity of activity was continuously great in the high medieval period. Several re-modellings of surfaces took place, which meant some changes to the physical organization of the area, and also some continuation and strengthening of older infrastructure. The earlier activity was characterized by many pits and a couple of buildings, while in the high medieval period the area seems to have been largely covered with a street surface with buildings at the side of it. Phase 2 Description As a foundation for the new layout a series of large levelling layers were deposited, and over that, a new surface was constructed, likely acting as a street and mainly composed of iron slag and other iron-working waste. This surface was very compact and the sheer volume of material used shows that iron production was significant in scale at this time. The surface as it survived covered an area of 15 x 4 m, and had been truncated in all directions except to the south. Evidence for iron-working was present in many of the medieval features, from the very early layers and pits in the western part of the square to the high medieval surfaces in the east by Vester Voldgade. There can be little doubt that iron production has been of importance in this area from the outset. From written sources we know that the street Vestergade (which is directly east of the excavation area and can be seen as the continuation of the medieval road seen during excavation leading into and out of town) was called Smedgade (Smith Street) during the late medieval time period. Also, from the excavation of nearby Skt Clemens cemetery in 2008 we have evidence of smithing from the northern part of the cemetery in the early and high medieval period. This area was only c. 50 m from the high medieval slag surface in Vester Voldgade. 30

35 Figure 21 Remains of buildings and roads from the high medieval period which are discussed in the text. The road leading towards the town centre is marked with green, the surface/street Group 80 is yellow, and the cobbled street Group 113 is seen in light green. The building fragments are depicted with reddish colours: top left building H and I; south of surface Group 80 the sunken floor belonging to building G. It gives an impression, even though fragmentary, of buildings on both sides of the main road at the point of present day Vester Voldgade, which were in the high medieval period to become the place for the town rampart. Present day Vestergade was one of the main streets through town in the medieval period. The road Group 76, which already has been presented in the early medieval section can, as stated above, be seen as an extension of Vestergade and has certainly been in use through most of the medieval period, until the construction of the outer gate in the 1500s. Wheel ruts were preserved in different parts of the road, all pointing to an alignment towards Vestergade. It is highly likely that the decision to place the western town gate and bridge at the start of present day Vestergade in the 1370 s, is a reflection of the fact that this route was already the main approach to the town of Copenhagen from the west. Overlying the early street surface but preceding the construction of the medieval gate, parts of another street surface (Group 113) were seen with a large stone kerb and a well laid formal cobbled surface. The remaining parts of this surface suggest that it measured more than 3 m in width and at least 12 m in length, going southwestnortheast. It was dated by C14 to A.D This shows that even before the placement of the gate here in the 1370s, this was a road of some importance. 31

36 Figure 22 Part of a cobbled road (Group 113) dated to the later part of the 13 th century From this period, remains were seen of ten different buildings in total, all of them in the eastern part of the modern square. Some of them only consisted of a few postholes or fragmentary floor layers, but they are nonetheless evidence of an increased building activity. The fact that more building remains were preserved from the high medieval period than the earlier phases might be due to preservation, as this phase was the last settlement phase before the area was sealed under the medieval rampart or by the street following the inside of the rampart. It is also possible however that the eastern part of the square saw an increase of urban activity during the high medieval period, while the role of the western part was already decreasing, preceding the complete exclusion of this area from the town once the fortification was built in the 14 th century. Pits, which were so characteristic of the early medieval phase, were also being dug during the high medieval phase but on a smaller scale. In some cases activity layers were seen filling up the older pits and in general the buildings and surfaces took up more room and the pits seemed to be less important. Most of the wells encountered during the excavation can however be dated to this period or at least their backfills can. This can be considered a change in the organization of activities in the area, though it seems that broadly the same types of activities were still going on. Perhaps as the buildings took up more space close to the main streets leading into the center of the town, features like storage pits and refuse dumps had to be placed further back on the plots. There was no definite evidence seen of plot borders, but that may be due to bad preservation with shallower features such as fence lines or boundary ditches not surviving. One of the more substantial buildings Structure G, has been interpreted as part of a sunken floored building, or a building with a small basement by Vester Voldgade. The sunken floor could have been part of a larger building with a northwest-southeast orientation, or could have been a smaller building with approximately the dimensions suggested by the cut for the sunken floor. Remains of the building consisted of a construction cut for the floor, postholes, floor deposits, trample surfaces and deconstruction layers. It was constructed in two stages; both phases have been dated to the high medieval period on the basis of 32

37 some sherds of Early Redware pottery. Both stages represent phases of sunken floors or half-basements, indicating continuity in usage. The cut for the first sunken floor measured 2,4 x 1,7 m, although the cut had been truncated to the west and it is not clear how much larger it was originally. The cut was 0,75 m deep at its deepest and within it there were three postholes and a trample layer as well as a deconstruction deposit. The postholes might represent structural support for the building. The trample layer consisted of three very thin deposits just above the base of the cut. Nothing in them revealed what function the building might have had. The cut was later backfilled completely by deposits filled with domestic waste. One of these consisted of baked clay, which probably came from the collapsed superstructure of this phase of the building. Partly on top of, but also next to the older cut, there was a new cut for a sunken floor, representing the next phase of the building. The remains of this phase consisted of a construction cut, postholes and a floor level, as well activity layers comprising of organic silt and a large amount of fish bone. Over these deposits there were a series of backfills. The construction cut measured 3,5 x 2,1 m and it was up to 0,7 m deep. Osteological analysis was made of the fish bone rich activity layers. They were shown to primarily consist of either head fragments from herring, or complete specimens, though a total of 12 species of fish were identified, including eel, cod and plaice. More than 300 herring heads were counted from a sample analysed, but there were many more. Presence of garfish shows activity in the spring/summer part of the year. All species could have been caught locally. One of the layers was in fact composed only of herring heads, and was probably an accumulation of fish processing waste. The quantity and concentration of fish bones was on a scale which makes it likely that it was associated with a fishmonger or a fish market. Pieces of Early Redware pottery date the usage of the building to the high medieval period. The backfills comprised of a mix of different types of deposits, suggesting they were dumped from different places and possibly over a period of time rather than as one action. These deposits produced finds of pottery (Early Redware, Late Greyware and German Stoneware), a chape, an iron knife, nails, slag, rope fragments and animal bones (cattle, pig, sheep/goat, dog, swan and grey seal), along with red deer antler fragments, one with cut marks, indicating refuse from a workshop. Figure 23 Plan of the two phases of sunken floor building G in the area by Vester Voldgade 33

38 The remains from this two-phased building were rather fragmentary, making interpretation difficult. It is clear though, that fish processing took place, and so the building was probably associated with the local fish trade in some way. Backfills contained material related to general activity in the immediate area, including food waste, tools, iron production waste and waste from an antler workshop. The sunken floor structure has probably been part of a larger house which had a half-basement in one part, perhaps with stairs leading down from street level. There are examples of this type of house from other towns in the region, such as Malmö. The building Group 214/215 was probably contemporary with the slag surface/street running southeast-northwest to its east. A further 30 m to the northwest, north of the medieval road into the town, the partial remains of another high medieval building were found in a narrow watching-brief trench. Though the area of preserved archaeology was very small, 3,8 x 1,7 m, it was clear that a substantial building with several high medieval usage phases had been located there (Structure H, in the excavation report Group 195), as well as traces of older structures underneath. The evidence from this trench is important, as this small enclave of archaeological deposits was the only significant medieval remains preserved north of the medieval road, and shows that the activity north of the road seems to have been of a similar character as that to the south (see Figure 21). The small area of preserved archaeology was truncated to the east by modern services, while the western part continued outside of the trench. Within the trench a sequence of thin horizontal layers, some postholes and an oval feature were seen. Together they have been interpreted as a building with up to six phases of floor layers, and an oven. The floor layers were comprised of clay deposits or silty sand, and between them there were thin lenses of activity layers consisting of sand and organic material. The last of the floor layers was located 0,5 m higher than the earliest. The oven belonged to the fourth floor level and consisted of an oval depression filled with a lens of heat-affected sand above which was a sterile clay deposit which seemed to form the lining of the oven base. Over this there was a dark brown, organic deposit, from which a heavily corroded copper alloy knife was retrieved. In the fill layers of the oven, a layer of woodchips was found. Figure 24 Remains of multi-phased high medieval building (H & I) 34

39 The artefactual material found throughout the deposit sequence can be firmly dated to the high medieval period. This dating is backed up by two calibrated AMS C14-dates, from a goosefoot seed in the second floor layer (AD ) and from a seed in the oven (AD ) related to the fourth floor level. The location of the building is such that it is highly unlikely that it would have been allowed to stand here once the medieval rampart, moat and bridge were built just south of these remains around A.D. 1370, so taking all the evidence into account, a usage period of late 13 th -mid 14 th century is most likely. Finds and macro-environmental analysis indicate that this was a domestic building. Among the finds recovered from the floors and usage layers were fish bones, animal bones, pottery sherds (Late Greyware, Early Redware) and an iron chisel. Macro-environmental analysis of the fill of the oven showed a range of weed seeds, but also Goosefoot and White Mustard, both of which indicate culinary usage. Sealed below the oldest floor belonging to this building were two inter-cutting pits and two small wooden stakes. Both pits were only partially preserved and only animal bones were found in their fills. Beneath the pits were the remains of another floor, interpreted as belonging to an older building (I) placed here before building H. The floor consisted of a thick clay deposit placed on top of an older, thin and very organic layer. The clay deposit probably served as a levelling layer to even out and raise the ground level to prepare for later activity. The organic layer had a chocolate-like consistency, possibly the remains of a decomposed and compressed wooden floor, compacted under later deposits. The finds from these deposits included pottery sherds (several sherds of Baltic Ware, Early Greyware, some Early Redware and Late Greyware), slag, iron nails, a flint blade, fish bones and animal bones, and are indicative of a domestic environment. This structure is likely to date to the early 13 th century and tells through this of usage of this part of the excavation area back in the early medieval period. The macro-botanical evidence from these deposits was quite informative. It showed that a range of plant species of culinary as well as medicinal character had been used in the building in question. Remains of large quantities of wild strawberry seeds, hazelnuts and mustard seeds were present in the samples. Also henbane seeds were found, now considered poisonous but in medieval times and earlier used as a painkiller as well as a psychoactive drug. Sun Spurge (Madwoman s Milk), another poisonous herb but with medicinal properties was also present. Other seeds, like Goosefoot and wild strawberry have medicinal use as well as being edible. All together, the macro-botanical evidence and the finds material point towards this building being the remains of a domestic, even perhaps as specific as a kitchen environment perhaps also with some medicinal healing going on. If buildings and surfaces were characteristic of the eastern part of the excavation area during the high medieval period, the same was not the case in the central and western parts. Quite different preservation conditions however may have prevented the survival of any larger areas of cultural layers. If there had been more buildings and surfaces from this period, it is possible that they simply have not survived. Instead, a number of wells and a few pits were seen these features being more likely to survive later disturbance due to their depth. Most wells from the excavation were from the high medieval period, while the earlier phases of activity had more pits and only a few wells. This may indicate a change in organisation of the area, or alternatively new ways of dealing with the storage of food and other commodities, an increased need for water, or a different way of disposing of refuse. Some smaller areas of activity layers, which should be seen as deposits built up due to human activity, covered parts of early medieval pits, as well as areas 35

40 between the pits, suggesting that the area continued to be used in the high medieval period but the way in which it was used changed, hence the pits have been deliberately filled in and sealed. Figure 25 Pits and wells from the high medieval period As alluded to previously, wells and pits from this period were mostly seen in a linear area that ran southwest-northeast, following the same orientation as the medieval road Group 76, but at a distance of c m south of it. Nine wells, or well-like features, and 27 pits were documented from the high medieval period. Of the 27 pits however, quite a few have somewhat uncertain dating due to a lack of evidence, and may be somewhat older in reality. In the central parts of the excavation area there were fewer pits and wells than had been the case in the early medieval period, with just six pits and five wells identified. The relatively high amount of wells compared to pits is a clear change from the early medieval period, when the amount of pits was greater and also relatively more frequent than wells. Among the cluster of truncated pits located in the western area, quite a few did not have any dateable material in them, and could also belong to the early medieval period. In Area 1 by Vester Voldgade, there was a cluster of six pits in the southern part, mainly placed south of the slag street surface and southeast of the building with sunken floor/basement. The pits had not been in use at the same time, but were probably used in sequence, one or two at a time. This is supported by the fact that some of the pits were intercutting, and also by the dateable material which show some to be from the early part of the high medieval period and some from the later part. The shape and type of contents of the pits were similar to the early medieval ones, and they have likewise been interpreted as storage pits with a secondary usage phase as refuse pits. One of the earlier examples was pit Group 32, which contained early medieval pottery (Early Greyware and Baltic Ware) as well as high medieval pottery (Late Greyware and 36

41 Early Redware) in the upper fills. Slightly cutting this pit was pit Group 49, which also produced a mixture of early and high medieval pottery, as well as a horseshoe of a form used in the 13 th century. This pit also contained finds such as a whittle tang knife, a brick fragment, daub, nails, slag and animal bones (from cattle, pig, sheep/goat, cat, hare and cod); overall an assemblage indicative of a domestic environment. A few meters northwest of these features were a series of highly intercutting pits. Two of these (Groups 61 and 63) have been placed in the early medieval period, while two more (Groups 60 and 66) were of high medieval date. Their proximity suggests a continuation of the activities related to the usage of the pits. Pit Group 60 was rather large, about 2 m in diameter and 1,4 m deep. The basal layers were quite sterile, and appeared to relate to a period of silting up of the pit. The original usage is thought to have been as storage, and above the sterile-looking deposits much more finds-rich deposits were seen, which were likely related to the dumping of waste. Among the finds were slag and burnt clay, probably waste from a furnace, many jug fragments of Late Greyware and Early Redware, proto-stoneware, Baltic Ware, daub, nails, bone working waste, copper alloy fragments and a large quantity of animal bones. The waste which was thrown in to the pit indicates that the surrounding area was used both for domestic and production purposes at the time. Apart from the iron-working residue it is noteworthy that evidence of bone working was also found. Located further southwest within Area 3, a few meters south of the sunken floored building, were a group of three wells which have all been dated to the high medieval period (Groups 254, 260 and 269). All of these had been partially truncated by the cut for the medieval moat and/or the watermill. They were circular, each about 2 m in diameter and were about 3 m deep as they survived. The backfilling showed similar patterns they seemed to alternate between wet, organic deposits and dry, more sterile ones, maybe suggestive of periodic or cyclical use, followed by deliberate backfilling. The wells were dated by stratigraphy they were older than the moat cut as well as finds of high medieval pottery in the backfills. Figure 26 Profile of well Group

42 In one of the wells (Group 254) there were quite a lot of finds, for instance a complete wooden bucket, a bone needle or pin, a piece of cord, a possible stone cannonball, nails, a flint blade and animal bones. This well was selected for a core pollen sample, which generated interesting results. Two organic horizons from the core were analysed, and revealed similar results. A large amount of Sweet Gale and Hemp pollen were identified from the samples. Sweet Gale was used in medieval times for brewing, tanning or dying textiles yellow. Hemp fiber was used for ropes and other textiles. The hemp fibers have been interpreted as deriving from ropes which have been used in the well. Sweet Gale was present in such a quantity that it is likely it has been placed in the well. Bark and shoots from Sweet Gale were used in the tanning process, and the large amounts of charcoal and uncharred organic material in the pollen sample could be remains of bark. The results from the pollen analysis in combination with the shape of the features could suggest that rather than being wells, these features may in some cases have functioned as tanning pits. It is worth mentioning that the basal fills of at least one of the features was seen to contain quite a lot of bark. The pollen samples also provided more general information on the environment at the time. They indicate an open area with singular leaf trees and grass. Many of the herbs present in the sample grow in settlement environments, for example nettle. The amount of pollen from cereals shows that crops have been grown in the vicinity. In the central and western parts of the excavation area there were also a number of pits and wells from the high medieval period, acting as a continuation of the early medieval usage. These were, as stated earlier, placed in a linear area with a southwest-northeastern orientation, running parallel to the road into the central parts of town. The intensity of activities seems however to be less than previously, even if the most western parts perhaps show a slight increase in the number of wells. Also, in some smaller areas there was still highly intense activity, seen in the fact that high medieval pits were inter-cutting, and the same small area was reused for the same type of pits over a period of perhaps 200 years. The only example from Rådhuspladsen of a well with a timber frame was found in this area. It was located under the edge of the outer gate foundation (see Phase 4) which had truncated the well horizontally. The cut for the well was almost square (1,9 x 1,82 m), but deeper down somewhat more rounded. Its surviving depth was 1,95 m. The timber lining consisted of a base timber frame, four corner posts and wall planks horizontally set into the frame. There were two fills within the well, the lower possibly built up during usage and the upper was likely a backfill. Finds included a range of materials, but were clearly of high medieval date: Early Redware, Late Greyware, Stoneware, Baltic Ware, a bone toy, flint blades, bricks, nails, slag, and iron fittings, a fragment of a key and animal bone. Macro-botanical analysis showed a variety of weeds and a fig stone. The high medieval pits surviving in the central parts of the present-day square were mostly highly truncated by modern ground works and the information they revealed was limited as a result. Nonetheless the pits seemed to be broadly similar to the ones located in the better preserved Area 1 in Vester Voldgade. Their backfills contained a mixture of household and iron production waste, while the original function of the pits left few traces. It is thought that they represent storage pits connected to households and workshops located on the same plots, later used for waste disposal. Some of the pits did not contain any dateable material, but are thought to be high medieval in date due to stratigraphy or to proximity to other high medieval features. A number of the pits however had more specific attributes and provided more information on the activities taking place here. 38

43 Located within an area of early and high medieval activity was a pit Group 209, which was placed directly over a high medieval well. It was cut into the backfills of the earlier well. Whether this was deliberate or due to a lack of space, is unclear. It would have been easier to dig into loosely compacted backfills than into clay sterile ground, but this would not usually have been a factor. The pit was sub-circular, measuring 0,82 m x 0,64 m and 0,33 m deep. The base was lined with a sterile clay deposit, 0,1 m thick, making the base of the pit flat. Within the pit, another layer of clay was deposited, which contained large amounts of fishbone. The quantity of fishbone within the deposit indicates that fish were probably stored here, perhaps as part of a production process. The fish represented in the pit were gadids, herring, eel, cod and haddock. Apart from fish bones, the pit also contained some animal bones, nails, daub and pottery (Early Redware, Late Greyware and proto-stoneware). Among the animal bones, lamb bones can be said to indicate a high status household, and a sawed-off part of a (cattle) metatarsus (from the lower leg) which is a long and straight bone, is believed to be waste from a workshop, perhaps from comb making. The bone assemblage overall has been characterized by the osteologist as material of mixed origin (both household and production). AMS C14-analysis from a barley grain found in the fish bone deposit gave a calibrated date range of A.D , which indicates that both this pit and the well beneath it (based on ceramics and relative stratigraphy) were in use in the 13 th century. Figure 27 Some medieval finds from pits and wells at Rådhuspladsen. Top left: Copper alloy padlock; top right: bone needle; bottom left: bone comb; bottom right: piece of worked walrus tusk 39

44 Across the excavation area there were groups of deposits, levelling layers or activity layers preserved in small enclaves, which on their own are difficult to interpret, but when they are considered together with all the structural evidence and the infrastructural features, some possibilities emerge. One example is a series of deposits grouped as activity layers (Group 181), but interpreted as representing a yard area with activity going on alongside the road Group 76. These deposits overlay the slag street surface Group 80. The activities related to the yard have probably been going on for some time, as the soil was both seen to have been contemporary with the cobbled street Group 133, but also had gradually encroached onto the cobbled surface. Finds from the deposits consisted of pottery (Early Redware, Late Greyware and Siegburg stoneware), brick fragments and animal bones. It is evident that the area was being kept open, but not used as a street at this point. We might imagine a phase when there was a slag surface under present day Vester Voldgade, next to a cobbled street running east-west into Vestergade, and a later phase when the slag street surface was covered with soil to form an activity area of another type, but with the cobbled street surface going into the town center still in use. Another feature category of infrastructural importance is ditches. It has been stated previously that few features interpreted as plot borders have been found during the excavation. Dated to the high medieval period, there is one feature which might be interpreted as a border ditch. Part of a ditch Group 37 was found located in a narrow watching brief trench south of the excavation area in Vester Voldgade, running in a northwest-southeast direction. No finds were retrieved from the ditch, which was mainly observed in the trench profiles. It was 1,2 m wide, 0,9 m deep and had an observed length of 2,5 m. The fills were quite sterile, perhaps as a result of silting up, but lenses of charcoal suggest cultural activity close by. With limited evidence, the ditch can be dated either to the high medieval or the early medieval period, but not later. Figure 28 Rowel spur found in the ditch along the road leading into town. Towards the west, there were two parallel linear cut features (Groups 376 and Group 213) which have been interpreted as drainage ditches associated with the road Group 76, which ran in the same direction. They were observed for a distance of c. 9 m within the excavation area. The width of the cut varied between 1 and 2 m, its depth varied also between c. 1 and 0,1 m. If the features should be seen as drainage ditches, the varying dimensions could relate to topography in the area around the ditch and the road at the time. It was c. 5 m between the parallel ditches. Both contained large amounts of slag material, and also a variety of pottery: Baltic Ware, Late Greyware, Early Redware, German Stoneware; metal finds (a 15 th century rowel spur, a buckle, a decorated fitting and more) and animal bones. The finds assemblage indicates both 40

45 iron production and household activities in the area in question, and the dating of the rowel spur suggests that these ditches may have continued in use until at least the 1400s. The high medieval period at Rådhuspladsen can be seen both as a period with continued activity and also as a decline in intensity of some activities. The cemetery in the west had been abandoned already in the 12 th century, and the high medieval remains could indicate that even if iron production, perhaps comb making and a spectrum of household activities is observed in this period, the intensity is somewhat less than in the early medieval period. Perhaps fewer households were based here during the higher medieval period. This could be part of a development that saw an increased focus towards the east, ending with the total abandonment of this area sometime in the mid-late 14 th century in connection with the construction of the first recognized fortification at Vesterport. 41

46 Phase 3 Reorganisation and defence A.D Main structures: moat, two bridges, city gate, rampart, roads, pits Introduction to Phase 3 We have seen from the early and high medieval evidence, that Copenhagen was emerging as an evolving urban space as early as the 11 th century, and grew in significance, probably in tandem with the construction of Absalon s Castle in the 12 th century in a position where it would defend the town, and the presumed establishing of the town defences. These were likely a moat and rampart or wall, as hinted at by references to the Byens Planker (town s planks) from as early as the 13 th century. However, no evidence for this early defensive construction was seen during the excavation at Rådhuspladsen. Phase 3 at Rådhuspladsen saw significant developments that suggest a major restructuring of the town s layout, and a new emphasis on fortification. The key development was the placing of the city moat and rampart along the edge of present day Vester Voldgade in about A.D Prior to this there had been significant activity going on west of where the moat would be placed. This could suggest that the town boundary prior to that if there was one was located further west originally, enclosing that activity. Alternatively it may be that a less substantial boundary further east, or perhaps in this location, was adhered to loosely, with activity going on outside it. Either way, it seems that from about A.D. 1372, everyday activities were no longer going on in a significant way outside of the town moat. The moat ran northwest to southeast across the excavation area, and divided it into two parts, the inner city side to the northeast, and the larger area to the southwest located outside the town. Few conclusively late medieval features were found in the external area. A gate was also constructed about this time, and a substantial wooden bridge over the moat, and later a bridge of stone and brick. This new emphasis on defence and having a very formal edge to the city, may have come about as a result of the sack of Copenhagen castle by the Hanseatic League in A.D While no records document what happened to the town during this attack, it is unlikely that it went unscathed. So along with rebuilding the castle, it is likely that a new emphasis was placed on the town itself being defendable. It is worth considering that when the Roskildebispens Jordebog mentions Vestergade in c. A.D. 1377, as the street by Vesterport, it may be that the gate was a rather new structure. Such constructions must have been organised centrally, perhaps by the king, or by the town administration. They would have required significant planning and organisation of people, and a large expenditure of labour, time and money. It should be stated that while the evidence points to the development of a bridge and gate in 1372, it is possible that the moat was already in existence in some form prior to that, but as of yet, no evidence has been found to support an earlier date. A small area of intact original medieval silted fills in the moat base were identified in a final watching brief in 2016, and samples taken from these layers have provided dating material that support a 14 th century date for the moat (see below). The dating of the high medieval fortification The defence related structures (moat, bridge, gate and rampart) were probably established at about the same time, as they would have functioned in tandem. The first bridge as we have seen dates to about A.D. 42

47 1372, which indicates a probable date of construction for the moat, gate and rampart also. The road surfaces are more difficult to date, but were certainly in use during the phase in question, though it is likely that they were in existence for some time. The second bridge from about A.D was likely an upgrade of the first bridge necessitated by wear and tear. Apart from a new bridge being built, it is likely that otherwise the main structures seen in Phase 3 continued in use up until c. A.D without significant alterations. Phase 3 Description The late medieval period (between about A.D ) saw considerable changes in the emerging town of Copenhagen, as seen from the excavation at Rådhuspladsen. It could be summed up as a time of crisis and recovery. It was also a time of continuity however, with the ongoing urbanization process seeing the consolidation of the location as a town of some considerable importance. The late medieval remains seen at Rådhuspladsen were heavily impacted by later activities in the area both archaeological and modern. Nonetheless in some areas of the site some at least of the late medieval material survived, enough to piece together a good deal of what was happening in this area at this time. Figure 29 Schematic plan of main high medieval features 43

48 Borders and Communication The eastern side of the excavation area at Rådhuspladsen ran more or less along the middle of Vester Voldgade (Western Rampart Street), the city s former defence line to the west. It was no surprise then that moat layers were encountered close to the eastern side of the excavation area. The Late Medieval City Moat The late medieval moat as seen during the excavation measured 21,5 m in width, and had a depth of about 6,5 m. It was cut deep into the glacial clay underlying the area. Approximately 55 m of the moats length was exposed across the various excavation areas at Rådhuspladsen, though the moat only partially survived having been truncated by many modern disturbances, most obviously the underground toilet building built here in Figure 30 The moat in Area 3 during excavation, with primary fills still in situ. Seen from above, from northwest The northeast edge of the late medieval moat was partially removed by the construction of a later watermill (see below). In fact it was only in Area 4 that the moats full width was seen. While c. 55 m of the moats length was seen, this was of course just a small part of the moat, which would have continued on to Nørreport to the north, and to the sea to the east-southeast. The sides of the moat were quite steep, and climbing straight up the side unaided would have been almost impossible. The moat was cut into the natural clay, which in this area was extremely compact. Towards the base of the moat however, sandy layers were seen, where the water-table was encountered. Here (based on what was seen during excavation) it seems likely that there were problems for the constructors with the moats edge eroding, and this may explain the placement of a wooden platform which was laid along the outer half of the moats base (see below). Seven deposits were identified which were likely to have been primary late medieval silted fills, as opposed to later backfills. The few ceramics seen (Baltic Ware, Late Redware and Late Light Fired), were perhaps 44

49 suggestive of an early post-medieval date. It is possible though that these very waterlogged deposits had later material sink into it from above. Further finds included a horseshoe, a barrel lid, a whetstone, nails and animal bones (including horse, dog, cattle, goose, goat and sheep/goat. Samples produced lithics, charcoal, burnt and waterlogged seeds, shells and animal bone. One sample produced significant amounts of weed seeds, particularly of Brassica Nigra (Black Mustard) and Stellaria Media (Chickweed). The former can be used for culinary purposes. The large quantities seen of these two species could indicate that the deposit formed in a relatively short period of time, as there was little diversity in its make-up. A final watching brief undertaken in 2016 in the area under where the mill and later the underground toilet building had stood, provided a glimpse of the very deepest deposits in the moat. These had been sealed over by the mill foundation, and were more intact than the layers seen in One piece of Baltic Ware was recovered, raising again the possibility of an earlier date for the moat. Samples taken provided material for macro-environmental analysis and AMS C14 dating. The deepest layer seen in the profile was a largely sterile layer on silty/sandy material. Lying on the surface of the moat cut at the very base, a preserved thistle head was recovered. A seed from this was dated using AMS C14 analysis to AD (2 Sigma Cal, LuS 12014). Within this range, AD was most likely. This date range overlaps with the dendro dates for the first bridge, and suggests that the moat was first constructed in the 14 th century. While the moat could date to as early as 1275 AD, the dating of the bridge to 1372 AD points to this year as probably being about the time the moat was completed. It could of course have taken some years to dig. The second layer in the moat was more organic in nature, and heavily lensed suggesting that it was water deposited over time. A bulk sample from this layer was floated for environmental material, and analysed by Annine Moltsen. The sample was rich in material, and seeds of various pond weeds were seen, as well as sedges, buttercup, docks, nettles and many other common weeds. The assemblage points to a wet environment, with water-based and wetland species seen. By and large the assemblage suggests a freshwater environment, with possible influxes of salt water at times. A seed of bur-reed and of hazel were selected for AMS C14 analysis. These returned dates of AD (2 Sigma Cal, LuS 12015) and AD (2 Sigma Cal, LuS 12016). These dates overlap between 1290 and 1395 AD, and suggest the moat was in use from somewhere during this period. Again, the dendrochronology dates from the bridge fall within this range, and suggest that 1372 AD was when the moat actually came into use. Based on the available information then, it seems most likely that the moat is of late medieval date. The finds assemblage was not very significant in scale, but it is notable that the pottery was both early medieval and early post-medieval in date. The frequency of finds was considerably lower than in the moat backfill layers, which were very rich in urban waste. The finds in these deposits were much more reflective of material casually lost in the open moat rather than deliberately dumped in bulk. The Bridges of Vesterbro It was fortunate that the only section of the medieval moat within the excavation area that was preserved to its full depth and width was directly outside the former medieval western gate, where the former bridge would be encountered. Two phases of late medieval bridge were identified, as well as one late medieval/early post-medieval bridge. This bridge would have been the original Vesterbro (western bridge), which would later give Copenhagen s western suburb its name. 45

50 The oldest bridge appears to have been constructed entirely of timber, and has been dated by dendrochronology to A.D. 1371/2. No older timbers were found on site; hence we can suggest that this bridge represents a phase of construction that may also have included digging the moat for the first time in about A.D If an older moat or bridge existed in this location, no traces remained. This first bridge was found in two areas, on the eastern edge of the moat, just southwest of the medieval gate, and spanning the moat base in a southwest to northeast direction. Figure 31 Plan of bridge elements, from c. A.D (yellow and lilac) and later additions (green) 46

51 Figure 32 Two layers of bridge beams were seen in the base of the moat. Seen from southeast The most substantial part of the first bridge was comprised of a series of wooden piles driven into the base of the moat, and tenon-jointed to crossbeams with support posts. The timbers were of oak. As mentioned above they were felled in the winters of A.D. 1370/1 and 1371/2. The wood came from the Lund region and south Sweden area. How structural elements would have extended off the crossbeams to form the superstructure is unclear, either having been removed during a deconstruction phase or occurring outside of the excavation area. Another section of this bridge was identified just west of the medieval gate, on a step on the eastern side of the moat (shown in lilac in Figure 32). Measuring c. 4 m x 3 m, it survived as an incomplete framework of horizontal oak timbers, jointed into a substantial timber block at the northern corner. The structure had been truncated in the past to the southwest and southeast, and had decayed at a higher level. It has been interpreted as an upper part of the bridge, based both on location, date and form. The timbers were from Lund and Zealand. They dated to post- A.D. 1361, and /-7. The later date may relate to a repair of the structure. The orientation of this upper bridge element was very similar to those parts seen in the base of the moat, as were the construction materials and construction methods. A direct physical link between these structures could not be made during the excavation, due to their degree of preservation. The upper element sat close to the medieval gate, suggesting that these were also related. Taken together, all structural elements mentioned appear to have formed part of a wooden bridge that spanned the medieval moat, linking the city gate with the area to the west, and carrying traffic to and from the western road into Copenhagen. Dendrochronology samples produced dates from A.D. 1361, 1370/1, 1371/2 and 1406 (+/- 7). Collectively these point to a date of construction in about A.D. 1372, with the date of c. A.D probably representing a phase of repair to the upper levels of the bridge. 47

52 An interesting observation with regard to the dating of this first bridge is that it was constructed shortly after the castle was sacked by the Hanseatic League in A.D. 1368, and therefore could be seen as part of a reactionary strengthening of the town's defences. It is likely that the moat (in this location) and the western gate also date to this phase of construction. It is possible that a moat existed here before this time, but, as stated above, no evidence for this was seen during the excavation at Rådhuspladsen in 2011 and In time this bridge was replaced. This seems to have occurred twice, once in the high medieval period, and once in the late medieval/post-medieval period. The second bridge phase (late medieval) represented a large scale rebuild of the first bridge, with almost none of the original bridge re-used, except perhaps as a sort of platform upon which to commence construction. This second bridge saw the construction of a large platform of timber on the west side of the moat, and potentially on the east also (this was not seen due to excavation constraints). On top of this platform a foundation of large boulders was placed, and on this a more formal platform of brick and mortar laid. It is not clear how the upper portion of this bridge would have looked as it did not survive, it may have been of brick, stone or timber. Figure 33 Bridge timbers exposed crossing base of moat, the boulder foundation seen in section. Seen from southeast The surviving structure spanned most of the width of the moat, immediately southwest of the gate. The lower part consisted of a number of timber structures. The largest of these was an irregular platform of timbers on the western side of the moat (see above), while other elements comprised timber uprights which defined the channel at the centre of the moat. The moat was narrowed considerably in the area of the bridge (from c m to 4.5 m), thereby creating a narrow channel at the centre of the moat cut. This re-modelling dictated the width of the moat under the bridge arch until it went out of use in the 17th century. 48

53 The timber platform described above provided the boulders with a stable platform upon which they would rest. The main elements of the timber construction were northwest to southeast orientated beams overlain by a cross beam and two rows of tightly packed upright posts approximately 4,35 m apart. The timbers were of oak and beech. Some of the timbers were re-used, one of which was originally shaped as a stake, or were made using lower quality soft timber. A section of upright wattling was also observed along the inner side of the water channel, and appears to have acted as a retaining structure or mesh to hold back smaller material from slipping in to the water channel. Together the wooden platform and boulder placement could have been put down both to form a base for a new bridge, and to prevent the moat s edge from eroding (this occurred quite quickly during excavation as ground water bubbled up at this depth). Few traces of the superstructure survived, but there were two possible mortar and brick foundation platforms (overall dimensions 5,4 m x 1 m x 0,6 m deep, individual brick size: 0,27, W: 0,12, T: 0,08). These may represent the footings for either timber or masonry bridge piers which did not survive. A number of timber samples were taken, and were dated by dendrochronology to c. A.D and 1437/38, with one older timber from c. A.D presumably having been reused. This suggests that this bridge was constructed in about A.D or soon after as a replacement of the original bridge, c. 66 years after its construction. There is a historical reference to King Christian I having improvements made to planks and bridges, in about A.D It is possible that this second bridge could relate to these improvements. As the elements described above were allowed to remain in situ when the final bridge was constructed, we can assume that there was no fault in the bridge foundations at that time. The reason for upgrading the bridge a third time may be explained by the need for a higher, more substantial or more ostentatious bridge. Rampart Adjacent to the eastern corner of the medieval gate a series of clay deposits were recorded, which have been interpreted as a remnant of the medieval rampart. These extended c. 6 m in a southeasterly direction from the gate, though the extent to which they survived was defined entirely by modern truncations, except where they abutted the gate. It is interesting to note that these deposits overlay medieval street layers with dates in the 13th or 14th century, again suggesting that this area had probably been without fortification until about this time. A number of ceramics of high medieval date were recovered, in the form of Early Redware and Early Greyware. One sherd of Late Greyware was also retrieved. Medieval City Gate (Vesterport) A structure of mainly stone was located in the northwestern end of Area 1 and the northeastern end of Area 4. It was situated directly southwest of Vestergade, which was formerly the main street entering Copenhagen from the west. It comprised of a number of structural cuts, stone constructions and bonding deposits placed within the cuts. The cuts were made through some older archaeological deposits, and into the natural clay beneath, and formed a foundation for both the western gate and a wall which projected outward from the western corner of the gate towards the moat and bridge to the southwest. 49

54 Figure 34 The outer foundation of the medieval gate as it survived, truncated both lengthways (by a wooden waterpipe) and to the southeast (left in photo) The cut was stepped in some areas to follow the topography. It was filled by layers of stone and sometimes brick, laid in layers and bonded using clay in the deeper layers and compact sand in the upper layers (the gate foundation was made up of 19 stone layers and nine bonding layers, the projecting wall was made up of two brick layers, five stone layers and two kinds of bonding material. Where bricks were laid they were bonded using mortar, and it is likely that this represented the interface between the foundation and the wall itself. The wall did not survive, having been demolished in the past, probably in the early to mid 1600s. The gate itself, based on the foundation remains seen, measured just under 9 m x 9 m, while the projecting wall extended ca. 5,1 m to the southwest of the gates western corner. It is likely that a similar wall would have extended from the gates southern corner, but this had been removed. The gate foundation was also badly preserved, having been truncated many times down the years, even as early as the 1600s when a wooden waterpipe trench was dug through the foundation. The projecting walls would have connected the gate to the bridge to the immediate southwest, possibly preventing the embankment from slumping on to the road. It seems likely that the gate and the projecting wall were built at the same time. 50

55 Figure 35 The east corner of the foundation, mid-excavation. The foundation cut had gone through several layers of archaeological material, as can be seen. The overall plan of the foundation was square, and was aligned to face Vestergade. It also lined up with the bridge seen in Area 4, and so we can state with confidence that this foundation is that of the city's former western gate. At almost 9 m x 9 m in plan, it was a sizeable structure, and with foundations that were almost 1.6 m deep, it is likely to have stood between c. 3 m and 5 m in height above ground. Given the wellbuilt foundation, we can presume that the gate building itself was also a sturdy structure of brick and possibly stone. Finds were rare, but included medieval ceramics (Early Redware and proto-stoneware), copper alloy fragments (including possible coins and buttons) and a piece of glass. The pottery types seen are in line with a date in the 14th century, most likely up to A.D. 1375, but potentially a little later. The layers that the foundation was dug through were medieval, and based on finds, date to as late as the mid 14th century. This suggests a significant amount of activity going on here during the high medieval period, with various re-modellings of the area/restructuring of the public space. As the wooden bridge elements seen deep in the moat dated to c. A.D. 1372, it can be suggested that a large program of construction including the gate, a moat and bridge was undertaken at about that time. It is interesting to note that the western gate (Vesterport) is first mentioned historically in Roskildebispens Jordebog (Bishop of Roskilde s Property Register) from the 1370s. Further Late Medieval Activity Pits Located in the north-eastern corner of Area 2B, a pit was documented cutting into the natural clay geology. This pit measured 1,23 m x 1,12 m, though as it extended outside the trench, it full size is unknown. Its depth was 0,35 m. It was filled with dark silty clay, which produced finds of animal bone (pig, sheep/goat 51

56 and fish) and a single fragment of glazed stove tile, which has been identified as dating from between A.D and The original function of the pit is unclear; it may have been used as a cess or waste pit. A small pit in Area 2B has been dated to the late medieval period based on a calibrated AMS C14 date from an elderberry seed (sambucus nigra) of cal A.D The pit was located on the edge of the postmedieval moat in Area 2B, and it otherwise produced no dateable material. Fragments of cat and pig bone were identified. The function of the pit unfortunately is unclear, but may have been used for storage and/or waste disposal. 52

57 Phase 4 Expansion of defences and infrastructure A.D Main structures: Brick bridge, moat revetments, demi-lune, outer gate, outer moat, sluice, pits Introduction to Phase 4 The period A.D at Rådhuspladsen saw a series of alterations to the defences and infrastructure at the western edge of the city, changes which reflect the advancement of Copenhagen s western boundary from a medieval form to a post-medieval form. These changes saw the construction of a stone based and brick-arched bridge over the city moat, replacing the previous version thought to be of brick and timber. This occurred around the year A.D. 1500, and seems to coincide with the placement of a wooden revetment or fence-line along the inner edge of the moat, as a structural or defensive addition to the moat. Following on from these changes, a small semi-circular outer moat or demi-lune was constructed outside the western gate in order to add an extra layer of defence to the approach to Copenhagen from the west. This was constructed in about A.D. 1530, based on dendrochronological dates, and was in use for a few decades at most. A timber structure that was initially thought to be part of a mill race, is now seen as likely to be the northern terminus of this demi-lune, and was dated to c. A.D based on dendrochronology. Figure 36 The oldest map of Copenhagen from c. A.D. 1590, western gate area to the left (Lorenzen 1930, kort I) It seems that the demi-lune was filled in by the middle of the century or soon after, with the establishment of a much larger outer moat that was placed somewhat further out from the city. This would have had a large rampart along its inner edge, though this did not survive. It is possible that initially this moat also had 53

58 a roughly semi-circular shape in plan, or was at least curved, and it seems likely that this is the construction depicted on the first map of Copenhagen from about A.D In tandem with the construction of this new outer moat, an outer gate was also constructed. This faced to the south-southeast, approximately at a right-angle to the inner gate, in itself a defensive layout. This gate was later redesigned with a new façade added. This may have been as late as A.D. 1618, when it is believed that Christian IV had the front of the gate rebuilt. A new outer bridge was constructed on a series of vertical brick pillars or bridge piers. To the immediate west of the outer gate and extending from it, a substantial stone, brick and mortar wall was seen, built leaning slightly inwards, and running in a southwest to northeast direction. Surviving to a maximum height of c. 4 m, this appeared to have been a part of the first bastion or ravelin in this area, and implies another reworking of the area outside the original western gate. It seems that the outer gate was reworked into this new more angular defence system, which is likely to have been built after A.D. 1590, but before A.D when the Swedish spy map appears to depict this angular bastion structure. Throughout the period of these changes, the original inner moat seems to have remained open and in use as a moat, hence technically the bastion was in fact a ravelin during these years (as it was detached from the main defences), but this too would change early in the 1600s. Phase 4 Description Figure 37 The main features in Phase 4, including demi-lune, outer gate and outer moat 54

59 The end of the late medieval period and the first part of the post-medieval period (between about A.D and 1600) saw further developments in the city s defences and infrastructure. At this time the infrastructure was upgraded in line with changes elsewhere in Europe, with an emphasis on the construction of sturdy brick and masonry structures, for both practical and perhaps aesthetic reasons. The majority of the archaeology encountered from this period consisted of large scale structures, mostly indicative of defence and communication, such as moat elements, moat revetments, a new bridge, a new outer city gate, a water-channel and sluice, as well as a number of pits. Some of the defence-related improvements were probably established at about the same time, as indicated by the dendrochronological dates. Alterations were ongoing however, with the outer moat constructed twice in different ways and locations, suggesting an obsession with continually improving the urban defences. The first of these moat alterations saw a semi-circular moat constructed in front of Vesterport, creating an island that would have to be crossed before encountering the main moat and entering the city. This arrangement is known as a ravelin or a demi-lune (half-moon), and in this semi-circular shape was a 16 th century phenomenon that originated in Italy. This form of defence was in turn replaced by angular ravelins in the second half of the 16 th century, and so too in Copenhagen. At some point in the latter years of the century the demi-lune in Copenhagen was filled in, and a new outer gate was constructed on what was now a bastion. Bastions were first used in urban defence in Italy, specifically in Verona in the late 1520s. The bridge by Vesterport was rebuilt in about A.D (based on dendrochronology), with the construction of a stone and brick arched bridge. A nearby water channel and sluice seems to date from about the same time, and may have been part of a program of works to ensure a continuous supply of water to the moat. A wooden fence or revetment within the moat also dates to about this time (based on dendrochronology), so it seems that an effort was being made to upgrade the area around Vesterport in about A.D The establishment of significant new urban defences in the Vesterport area in the 1500s apart from defensive needs may have related to a desire to keep up with new trends in urban defence. These constructions would have been organised centrally, perhaps by the king, or by his administration, requiring significant planning and organisation, and a large expenditure of labour, time and money. Fortifications The Revetments A series of revetments were identified along the sides of the medieval city moat, mainly along the inner face. The revetment probably acted both as a delineation of the moats edge, and also as an additional barrier to movement/access. They comprised almost entirely of angled wooden uprights in the form of stakes. Some horizontal beams were also seen. The timbers were all of oak. The revetments measured 52 m in length but extended beyond the area of excavation. 55

60 Figure 38 Wooden moat revetment (mid-excavation) Individually the posts were c. 0,1-0,15 m in section, and up to 1 m in height (surviving), but the upper parts had decayed. The timber stakes were driven into the clay that the moat was cut into, while the horizontal planks lay alongside the stakes, generally up slope of the stakes. The structure ran northwest to southeast, following the alignment of the moat, and was more or less horizontal, without any notable slope over its 30+ metres. It was placed some metres above the moat base, perhaps where it would have been above the water level of the moat. The timbers used showed signs of having been used for other purposes prior to being shaped into stakes. This suggests a practical approach to repair/ongoing reconstruction of the revetment. A range of samples were taken in order to obtain dendrochronology dates. 14 dates were retrieved, and ranged over a period of over a century, but date clusters were apparent. These were centered around c. A.D (3 samples), c. A.D. 1502/3 (4 samples) and c. A.D (4 samples). The dates suggest a structure which was being rebuilt in an ongoing way from perhaps the early to mid 1400s, with a rebuild about A.D. 1500, and repairs up to about A.D As the moat was in existence from c. A.D. 1372, this structure appears to have been part of a secondary phase of work on the city's defences, perhaps constructed at about the same time as the second bridge in about 1438, and maintained for up to a century thereafter, including a major reworking around the time the brick and masonry bridge in Area 4 was built. Given the relatively lightweight form of the revetment, it may have acted more as protection against erosion along the side of the moat and rampart than in a military sense, though perhaps it could also have acted as an obstacle to people climbing up the inner face of the moat. North of the bridge the revetment curved outwards at its southern end, presumably to meet the bridge. It is interesting to note, that at 3,64 m above sea level, the structure north of the bridge was c. 1 m higher up than the revetment south of the bridge. This could suggest that the moat stepped down by a similar amount in the environs of the bridge, being deeper/lower on its seaward side. 56

61 Moat fills Located in Area 4 beneath the arch of the third bridge, a series of layers composed of mixed rubble and silt were excavated which it is believed were contemporary with the third bridge (1500s). The high percentage of silt within the deposits suggested water-borne deposition. A large number of finds were recovered from these deposits, and these finds differed considerably from those in other (later) moat fills. Finds such as an armour chest plate, as well as fish hooks, knives etc, suggests that these layers may date to the time when the moat and bridge were actively in use. Many of the finds were probably casually lost items. These layers appear to date to the time between the construction of the third bridge (c. A.D. 1500) and the building of the mill race (c. A.D. 1600). This dating takes into account stratigraphy, find types and dendrochronological samples. This makes this a rare example of a large definitively 16th century moat deposit from Rådhuspladsen. Some of the vast array of find types encountered in these deposits included: a decorated breast plate, stove tiles, rope parts, a coin, fishing hooks, keys, knives, pins, copper spoons, a wooden spoon, a bone needle, a stylus, pottery, glass, an awl, lead window came, a possible pewter brooch, shoes, and a lace chape. Figures 39, 40 Possible pewter brooch (left) and breast plate (right) The semi-circular moat (demi-lune) A large curvilinear cut feature was situated in the north-western part of Rådhuspladsen, across several trenches. The feature consisted of a large semi-circular in plan, ditch-like cut, which in some places was approximately 10 m wide, but narrowed considerably in the south-eastern part. Its depth was c. 1,8 m, with a base level of approximately 3,7 m above sea level. It had a surviving length of c. 45 m. The base of the cut was generally flat, but rising in the south-eastern part. It has been interpreted as a semi-circular moat, 57

62 defending an area in front of the city gate. This type of defence is known as a demi-lune (half-moon), and originates in the 16 th century. Within the primary fills a narrow ditch or slot-trench was cut in to which a row of stakes was set. The area to the north and east of the stake fence was then partly filled up. During deconstruction, the ditch was later filled up with several deposits containing cultural material. The demi-lune was not nearly as deep as the main moat that defined the city s edge. Combined with an internal wall or bank (not seen), it might nonetheless have formed a formidable boundary. The finds from the fills consist primarily of slag, fragments of brick and tile, animal bones and sherds of ceramics (Baltic ware, Early Redware, German stonewares, Late Redware, and stove tiles). Some musket balls were also recovered; perhaps evidence of a violent altercation by the western gate. It would appear that the island of the demi-lune had a diameter of ca. 33 m, with the external diameter of the moat being about m. In 1865, a semi-circular row of boulders was seen in this area and a plan sketch was made. With certain reservations for the accuracy of the plan, the row of boulders seems to follow the inner side of the semi-circular moat cut, suggesting that there could have been a stone revetment or wall on the inside of the moat. The upper fills of the demi-lune moat consisted of both redeposited natural clay with little cultural material in it, and a larger number of layers with a high content of organic material and frequent finds. This suggests that the moat was backfilled with material dug up from natural deposits as well as material taken from areas where household waste, building materials and industrial waste had been dumped before. The content of peat in the deposits may suggest that this would have been a marshy or bog-like area and that the some of the fills may have formed naturally over a longer period of time. Samples of timber stakes (mainly of oak, one of pine) were taken for dendrochronology, but as the wood was badly preserved it was only possible to date a few of the stakes from the north-western part of the structure. This resulted in dates of A.D /-7 and A.D /-15, indicating that the stake structure was built in the first half of the 16th century. A sample taken from the base fill produced some seeds of Chenopodium Sp. (Goosefoot), one of which produced an AMS C14 date of cal A.D While this is a broad date range, it overlaps with the dendrochronology dates, and is further evidence that this ditch was in use in the early to mid 1500s, if not before. There is a historical reference to money being spent in A.D on skansen outside Vesterport. Skansen translates as the redoubt, an enclosed defended area, often outside a larger defended area. This must refer to the area defined by this demi-lune. A written source from the 1520s mentions that men were paid to build an earthwork outside Vesterport, presumably the redoubt mentioned above. A reference in 1530 to the ramparts being enlarged greatly, and being much wider and higher suggests that the demi-lune s days were already numbered, with bigger defences being developed. Figure 41 Plan of excavation from 1865 (Museum of Copenhagen) 58

63 In A.D the roundel seems to have been rebuilt or extended, based on written records. However the nature of this work is not described in detail. this may be when the demi-lune was filled in, and a new larger version built with an outer gate added. The Outer Moat, Outer Gate and Bastion By the late 1500s the demi-lune was filled in, and a new larger version built with an outer gate added. This formation is what seems to be depicted on the earliest map of Copenhagen from the 1590s (see Figure 36) The evidence for this enlarged outer moat as seen during excavations seems to suggest a more bastion-like arrangement however, similar to what is seen on the 1624 map of the city. It may be that in the intervening years the new larger demi-lune was reformed to be more angular, and turned into a by then more popular bastion-style defence. The new outer moat is thought to have been constructed in c. A.D or so, based on all available evidence. Ceramic finds recovered included early medieval (Baltic ware), though a large amount of high medieval pottery was also recovered (e.g. Late Greyware, stoneware), as well as some post-medieval pottery (Late Redware), raising the possibility of a late medieval construction date. However, the existence of the demi-lune (see above), which appears to date to after A.D and must predate this outer moat, suggests that a 16th century date is likely. The outer moat was partially filled in as early as ca. A.D. 1600, to the east of the outer gate. This was due to ongoing changes to the defences in the time of Christian IV. The outer moat in front of the outer gate and to the west remained open until the latest moat was built in about A.D It is fair to say, that from A.D to A.D. 1670, there were almost constant changes being made to the fortifications in the Vesterport area. The construction cut for the outer moat was made into the glacial clay, and was steep sided, with a recorded depth of 4 m. It may have been deeper, but the base was never conclusively seen, due to the placement of the excavation area. Based on what was seen, we can suggest that it would have presented a formidable obstacle to enemy movement. Figure 42 The outer moat as seen in Area 2B 59

64 Most of the moat s fills were dumped in, and may have comprised of the adjacent rampart, quickly backfilled in to the moat. This would explain the high clay content, which was quite different from the backfills of the inner moat which were far more organic and with a higher concentration of finds. The finds included a range of late medieval and early post-medieval finds, including cloth seals, a crossbow bolt, an iron arrowhead, roof tiles and window glass, copper and iron pins, stove tiles, a whetstone, a thimble, knives, glass beads, bone beads, horseshoes, a bone needle, bone handle, coins, shoe fragments, and ceramics (including Baltic Ware, Early Redware, Late Greyware, stoneware, Late Redware and Jydepotter). Many of these finds are the kinds of objects that might be lost in or near a moat, or on the rampart nearby. A series of deposits and stone structures were seen to the immediate east of the gate, whose function seems to have been the revetment of the outer moat. These consisted of a series of large uncut boulders, in seven rough rows or courses, each a little 'behind' the row below, following the edge of the moat. It is assumed this was done both as a defensive reinforcement but also perhaps to prevent erosion of the moats edge. The revetment extended over a distance of ca. 7,5 m, in a dog-leg shape. It appears that the moat was only reinforced in this way close to the gate. Alternatively, the revetment elsewhere might have been removed when this area was filled in. Figure 43 The upper course of the stone revetment, seen from the edge of the gate façade The outer moat cut took a sharp turn some 16 m northeast of the outer gate, from running southwestnortheast to northwest-southeast. This shows that the new outer moat did not link up with the inner moat, but instead ran approximately parallel with it. The 16th century fortification modifications effectively pushed the city moat out to the southwest. For a time the inner moat was still open, before being converted into a millrace. This is supported by map evidence form the early 17th century, particularly the Swedish spy map of 1624 (see Figure 46). The angled turn in the moat is indicative of the angled bastions which became popular in the late 16th and 17th centuries. 60

65 A series of moat fills were seen in front of the outer gate façade in Area 5, the lowest of which was a rubble deposit which could have been used in the construction of the gate façade. Other fills varied from sand, to silt, to peat, and generally it is thought that these deposits built up during the moats usage period. One deposit was made up of deliberately placed rectangular peat or turf sods. Possibly the aim was to conceal the base of the gate and the bridge pillars, or it may have related to consolidating a new phase of landscaping, to prevent it from eroding. Finds included Late Redware sherds, roof slates, nails, shoe fragments and a small fragment of a sandstone statue in the form of two life-size human fingers that appeared to be holding a book. It is possible that this was a small element of a statue that stood on the front of the gate, which we know from historical sources was decorated and embellished. Figure 44 Landscaping evident in clay placed next to the corner of the outer gate façade The Outer Gate The outer gate, thought to have been first constructed in the mid or late 1500s, was seen in Areas 2A and 5. It is difficult to date precisely based on the archaeological evidence, with few finds directly associated with it, no timbers that could be dated, or suitable material for C14 dating. It overlay and post-dated the demilune however (ca s, see above), and was depicted on the earliest map of the city from the 1590s. Hence it was probably constructed between c. A.D and As mentioned earlier, in A.D the roundel or demi-lune seems to have been rebuilt or extended, based on written records. This could also suggest a possible date for the construction of the outer gate. In A.D Christopher Valkendorff, King Frederik II s rentemester (treasurer) according to the written sources established a vault in Vesterport between the two gates.... This reference appears to show that by A.D at the latest, there was an outer gate in place. The outer gates consisted of two main elements, the façade and the foundations of the sidewalls (no rear wall was seen, due to modern truncation). The sidewall foundations consisted of two parallel structures, constructed of very large uncut boulders. 61

66 Figure 45 The remains of the foundations of the outer gate side walls, as seen facing southeast The boulders were placed carefully along the edges of the construction cuts, like kerb stones, and up to four courses of these were preserved. In a few instances smaller wedge stones were documented under or between the larger kerb stones. Traces of mortar and red brick dust were noted on several of the stones, indicating reuse. The western foundation measured 10,4 m x 3,1 m, while the eastern foundation measured 10,6 x 3,5 m. The preserved depth of the foundations was 1,6 m. The dimensions were however heavily affected by modern truncations. The gap between the two foundations was 2,75 m. Between the foundation stones were layers of both very organic and clayey soil, which would have served as bonding material within the foundations (mortar was not used). The outer western gate building was partly documented in 1865 when the large Schacks Bastion overlying the structure was demolished and hence this gate was exposed (see Figure 41). It was partly excavated again in connection with rearrangement of Rådhuspladsen and the construction of air raid shelters in 1931 and In 1865, the structure seems to have been preserved to a maximum height of approximately 3,5 m, including boulder built walls on top of the foundations and a paved surface between the eastern and western walls. During the excavations in , nothing was left of the structure above former ground level. The interpretation as a gate foundation was initially based on written sources and maps (earliest map of Copenhagen ca. A.D and the Swedish "spy map" from A.D. 1624, see Figures 36 and 46). The interpretation seems certain, based on the size, character and location as well as orientation of the structure. 62

67 Figure 46 Detail of the western gate area from the Swedish Spy Map of 1624 The exact dating of the construction of this gate is not clear, as the dateable finds are both medieval (bone combs, medieval pottery) and post-medieval in date. The youngest finds located between the foundation stones are Late Redware, stoneware and a single Jydepot sherd, which indicate a first deposition date between 1550 and 1650 AD. Therefore the date of the construction of the foundations is likely to be late 16th or early 17th century. Based on historical information, it is likely to have been constructed sometime between 1530 and 1590, and was used until no later than c.1670 but possibly only up to 1624 when the Swedish spy map could be depicting a different gate (see above). It is unclear if the façade was built at the same time as the side walls, it is possible that the façade seen during excavation was a later addition (see below). The upper level of this structure where the large foundation became a wall, was no longer extant, but were seen in the 1931 excavation, when it was described as having been of stone and brick. The outer gate façade The main façade and outward facing wall of the outer gate was constructed of stone and brick. The lowest part was set in a construction cut that was dug to about the same level as the moat cut, and had a depth below contemporary ground level of at least 4 m. The bottom section was faced entirely of cut stone, up to a height of about 3 m. These were very substantial stones, rounded at the back, but with flat squared fronts, and lay in five courses (only three survived at the western end). Behind these were more randomly shaped stones as well as brickwork, and the entire structure was bonded together with mortar which was still extremely solid during excavation. The construction cut for the façade stepped upwards to the rear (north-northwest), meaning that the wall was deepest at the front. Underneath the cut-stone base, a single course of un-bonded irregular rocks had been placed as the primary foundation layer for the structure; these were lodged in clay, which was probably placed deliberately for this purpose. 63

68 On top of the cut stone section of the wall a brick superstructure was built. This survived up to a height of 2,25 m, and though badly truncated, it survived well enough to see where and at what height the opening of the gateway was. Thus it could be seen that the road through the gateway had been at a height of ca. 4,3 m above the base of the wall foundation, and had an internal width of between 6 m and 7 m. The gate façade had overall external dimensions across the front of 11,9 m, and a width from front to back of 4,4 m. Taking into account the deepest layer of foundation and the buttress additions to the eastern end, then the dimensions increase up to 13,3 m in length across the front, and 5,1 m in width. Figure 47 The outer gate façade The foundation cut for the outer gate façade was separate from the construction cut for the side walls of the gate building. This suggests that they may not have been built at the same time, and indeed it is believed that the outer gate was renovated and given a new front during the reign of Christian IV. This suggests that the gateway was built between c. A.D and A.D. 1590, with the façade being rebuilt around A.D. 1618/19. A series of white limestone blocks used as part of the side foundation of the western corner of the gate may have been part of the original gate façade, though this is speculative. It is clear in plan that the façade and the side walls of the gate structure were not at right angles to each other, which again may suggest that the façade was not original, but instead added to a pre-existing structure, whose original front may have been at a more conventional angle to the rest of the structure. The results of an excavation here in 1931 suggested that the gate façade was placed on the outside of an earlier façade and it was thought that the changes might have been related to Christian IV s redecoration of the gate house beginning in A.D , described in written sources. The façade was an extremely durable structure, with an internal structure of criss-crossed brick courses and stone which would probably have made it capable of withstanding serious bombardments. 64

69 At some point following the construction of the main façade, additions were made to its eastern end. These took the form of brick built buttresses or supports. Why they were built is unclear perhaps they were deemed structurally necessary, or alternatively they formed the base for some form of cosmetic addition to the structure. On the spy map of 1624, the gate depicted does not appear to be in the same position as this outer gate. In fact the bridge and gate on this map do not appear to correspond very well with anything seen archaeologically at Rådhuspladsen. On the other hand, a dam and bastion shown are likely to be those that were identified during excavation (see below). Whether the illustrator of the map made errors in this area, or there once was another gate, is uncertain. Figure 48 Close up of the outer gate façade (left) In fact the physical evidence seen during the Rådhuspladsen excavation was more similar to what was depicted at Nørreport in A.D (see Figure 50). Again this can mean an error by the illustrator (Heinrich Thome, engineer), or alternatively that the outer Vesterport had at one time looked like what was drawn at Nørreport. If we trust the map, it could suggest that the outer gate was taken out of use by A.D. 1624, with a new gate built closer to Frederiksberggade. In fact the gate shown on this map seems to directly overlie the medieval moat (by then a mill-race), which raises the possibility that the mill also acted as a gatehouse. Unfortunately, the picture is somewhat unclear. Figure 49 The façade seen from the side (note how it projects beyond the side wall on the near side) 65

70 Figure 50 Nørreport as depicted on the Spy Map (1624) The Bastion Historical sources suggest that in A.D changes were made to the outer gate area. In the process of rebuilding the fortification based on Dutch and Italian models, the rounded island was transformed into a sharp-edged bastion, physically connected to the rampart in the semi-circular fortification. The bastion was known as Vesterport s bastion. Traces of the bastion were scarce during the excavation, but to the west of the outer gate some evidence was seen. This consisted of a section of cut stone wall that projected out from the west corner of the gate façade at an angle, and slightly further west on the other side of a deep modern truncation a substantial piece of walling built up against the natural clay subsoil (to its north), with the moat backfills to its south. The stone facing had mostly been removed, leaving mortar and bricks behind (see Figure 51), but it was clear from the very large stone sockets that there had been a stone outer face to the structure originally, up to a height of at least 3 m, and from there up it had been brick faced. Figure 51 The robbed-out face of the bastion 66

71 This was very similar to the facing of the outer gate itself, the main difference being that the gate had a vertical face, while this wall had been built leaning slightly backwards against the boulder clay behind. This suggests that the structures were built at the same time. The fact that the stone facing of the outer gate was not removed as was the case with the bastion wall, may suggest that the structures went out of use at different times, with a different approach taken to decommissioning them. This wall was clearly a surviving element of the late 16th/early 17th century bastion wall. The reason for the removal of the cut-stone facing of this wall is likely to have been its re-use in another structure, probably the late 17th century bastion. This section of bastion wall measured c. 23,5 m in length. Part of it was interpreted as a dam when it was first seen on site (the outer, western section), but this is now considered unlikely. The Spy Map of 1624 depicts a dam projecting off of the western end of the bastion s southern side, but this was probably located further west, outside of the excavation area. Infrastructure The 16th century saw a further rebuild of the bridge over the moat, and the construction of a sluice that fed water into the moat just north of the bridge by vesterport. Some wooden waterpipes were also seen. The Third Bridge The final bridge over the medieval moat outside the original (inner) Vesterport consisted of a brick-built bridge resting on masonry stone foundations. Dendrochronological evidence from associated timbers suggests strongly that this bridge was constructed in about A.D It measured about 17 m in length, and 7 m in width. Figure 52 the east The brick and stone bridge seen from This third and final bridge was documented in a number of parts. The bridge was located in Area 4, and spanned the moat in a southwest-northeast direction. It was a replacement of the earlier high medieval bridge and was built reusing its foundations. Consequently, the dimensions of the central channel were already defined by these earlier foundations. The main elements of the bridge consisted of a number of structures and associated cuts, separated by the central channel. On the western side a northwest to southeast orientated wall was keyed into a northeast to southwest aligned wall. No joint was visible between these two walls suggesting a contemporary construction. Another wall (removed by the bunker) was recorded during 67

72 the 1940's excavations, which would have created a three-sided structure. This construction can therefore be seen as a large three-sided rectangular structure measuring approximately 5,5 m X 7,5 m. On the eastern side of the moat a similar structure existed as on the western side, except on the fourth unwalled side, where the medieval gate would have formed the north-eastern extent. Again, not all of this side of the bridge survived, with the southern side having been robbed out at some point in the past. The base or ends of a brick arch were seen on both sides of the bridge, and were clearly built at the same time as the main bridge walls. The top of the arch had been deconstructed and removed in the past, possibly when the final defences were constructed in A.D Brick buttresses or bridge supports were added to the side of the bridge at some point, in order to support the main structure. Two of these survived, one on either side of the bridge. They were 0,8 m in width, and projected 1,7 m out from the bridge. Figure 53 The western side of the bridge arch, with foundation boulders visible and timber uprights The bridge was quite similar to that documented at Nørreport in 1915, along with the (presumed) medieval gateway. A reconstruction drawing made by C Christensen based on what was seen in 1915, suggests that the bridge seen by Nørreport was constructed in a very similar way to the one described above, including boulder foundations and timber uprights lining the channel under the arch. There is a high probability that these two bridges were constructed at about the same time. Some timber structures were noted in the environs of the bridge walls which are likely to have acted as scaffolding or construction-phase related structures. One of these was located on the western edge of the moat, immediately west of the masonry bridge. It consisted of three slightly angled timber uprights in a row, running parallel to the moat and bridge, and one horizontal beam, which had probably been attached to the uprights. It appears that these were also part of scaffolding erected during the construction of the masonry bridge. This is also based on the fact that another double row of posts was uncovered on the inside of the bridge arch, pressed up against the inner faces of the arch base. These were of a similar age to those on the western edge of the moat, and were also thought to be construction scaffolding. 68

73 The timbers on the edge of the moat were well enough preserved that a dendrochronology date could be obtained from one upright and a horizontal beam (both of oak). The upright returned a date of A.D (+/-14), while the horizontal beam returned a date of A.D (+/- 20). This points to a construction date for the scaffolding and bridge of c. A.D Further probable scaffolding timbers were located in the middle of the moat, at a depth of c. 4 m below street level. These composed of a number of upright stakes and a single plank aligned along the central channel of the moat. A number of dendrochronological samples were taken, of which two produced early felling dates of A.D and 1460, but the remaining four produced dates clustered around A.D to 1500, again suggesting a construction date of very close to A.D The older pieces may have been reused. Under the arch of the bridge, a further structure consisted of a number of timbers, aligned roughly northwest to southeast, in varying degrees of structural coherence. The east and west sides were divided by a laterally laid plank. One silt deposit had built up over the timbers. The dating of this structure is based on three dendrochronology dates, and points to a date between about A.D and The function of the structure is unclear, but taking its dating into account, it may be that it was associated with work carried out on the bridge arch, perhaps some repairs carried out in the mid to late 1500s. Dating of the brick bridge is based on the dendrochronology dating of the various associated timber structures, (seven samples returned dates) in which case a construction date of c. A.D seems likely. The brick types used were not be at odds with this dating. This bridge appears to have been in use for over a century, but sometime after the mill was constructed in the early 1600s, it ceased to be used for access to the city. It may have continued in use (with or without an arch) in connection with the mill until c. A.D. 1670, by which time the mill too went out of use. In this final phase of its usage, the bridge housed the final stretch of the mill headrace, and additional structures including a dam were built within the bridge arch. It is possible that the location of the bridge influenced the choice of location for the mill. This then was the third and final phase of bridge across the inner moat. The first phase was built in c. A.D. 1372, the second in c. A.D. 1443, and this phase in c.ad This would suggest that the first two bridges (most likely of timber, and timber and masonry respectively) lasted about 70 years and c. 55 years respectively, and this version at least a century. The reason for improving the bridge in c. A.D could have been a need for structural improvements, i.e. to make a stronger bridge. However it is also possible that it may have been rebuilt for purely aesthetic reasons, as an arched brick bridge may have been considered more impressive at the city s western entrance. The timber-lined sluice and gateway Located 11 m northwest of the bridge by the west edge of the medieval/early post-medieval moat, a sluice or water-channel was seen. The main sluice structure measured ca. 8 m in length (as exposed) and ran in a southwest-northeast direction. As well as the sluice, a brick wall and gate were also seen, which served to control the flow of water into the moat from the sluice. This consisted of a brick-built wall (1,8 m high, 2,2 m long and 0,5 m wide) of munkesten type bricks (large generally medieval form) running along the inside of the moats edge and a timber framed doorway that must have had a closing mechanism. A series of silted deposits were documented within the sluice. 69

74 Figure 54 The sluice wall, gate and revetment seen from southeast The timbers were of oak and pine. Dendrochronology dates retrieved suggest that the sluice and gate date to ca. A.D. 1537, with repairs going on until about A.D Finds retrieved included sherds of Late Redware, a stylus and a roof tile. This structure dates to roughly the same time as the demi-lune described above, and its base was at a very similar height above sea level. It may be that the sluice was in fact connected to the demi-lune moat. This moat was much shallower than the main city moat, and so it stands to reason that without some kind of control the water would simply flow down into the main moat, and the demi-lune moat would dry out. Consequently the sluice may represent a control point, regulating the water level in the demi-lune moat. As the area between these features was not excavated, it was not possible to confirm this theory. The Outer Bridge With an outer gate and moat constructed sometime between A.D and 1583, an outer bridge was also necessary from that time. Various bridge elements were seen in this area; one element comprised of a freestanding brick pillar. This was slightly out of alignment with the entrance to the outer gate. Such an angle in alignment may have been intentional and could have acted as a defensive measure to slow down an attack or charge on the outer gate. 70

75 Figure 55 Bridge pillar seen from southeast This pier or pillar measured 5 m in length, but was truncated at its eastern end, so it was longer originally. It measured 1,25 m in width, and survived 17 brick courses in height (ca. 1,6 m). It was placed upon a foundation of limestone blocks. The top of this structure was found at a depth of c. 2 m above sea level, or > 3 m below present ground level. Hence, the moat base in this area was at least 5 m below ground level. Moat fills were noted around this structure, and seemed to have built up in situ after its placement. Possible evidence for a second pillar was seen c. 4 m to the southeast, in the form of brick rubble. Evidence for this outer bridge was also found directly adjacent to the façade of the outer gate in Area 5, in the form of two brick pillars and their associated foundations and construction cuts. Figure 56 Bridge pillars seen from west These pillars were built directly up against the gate façade, though not keyed in. The eastern pillar survived to a height of 2,7 m, and sat on foundations c. 0,85 m in depth. The western pillar had been almost completely removed, and survived to a height of 0,3 m with only a few courses of brickwork remaining. It sat on a foundation 0,65 m deep. In both foundations, cut granite stones very similar to those used to build the outer gates foundation were used (though less formally laid). The pillars were built at a slight angle to the gate façade, and projected 1,28 m (eastern pillar) and 0,6 m (western pillar) from the façade. 71

76 Wooden waterpipes Two wooden waterpipes were identified in Area 1, running in a northwest-southeast direction for a distance of 15,6 m (as seen). Each was found in a linear trench, cut through archaeological layers and the underlying natural geology. Each had a diameter of c. 0,3 m. Dendrochronology revealed one to be a very early example, the pine tree having been felled in A.D. 1589/90. This makes it the oldest dated pipe from the excavation at Rådhuspladsen. The second pipe appears to be one of those detailed on a map from A.D On that map of waterpipe placement, several pipes are shown in this area, suggesting it was a major entry point into the city for water. No date was retrieved, but based on its proximity to the example above, and given that they ran parallel to one another, it may date from a similar time. Other Features Ditch A linear ditch was excavated in Area 2B running parallel to, and inside the 16th century moat that ran southwest northeast across this trench. While its backfills contained 17th century material, it is considered likely that the ditch itself is 16th century in date. Unfortunately as it was seen in a confined area, no evidence was found to further explain its function. Surfaces A number of deposits were seen c. 6 m west of the medieval gateway which have been interpreted as representing a work surface and associated cultural accumulation built up in situ. One of these layers contained charred seeds which could relate to cereal drying. The dating of these layers is based mainly on ceramics, which point to a late medieval date. The layers above contained post-medieval ceramics. This suggests a working surface laid down towards the end of the medieval period, and continuing in use into the post-medieval period (after A.D. 1500). These layers occurred just west of the medieval gate, in an area that was just inside the moat. This suggests that this area was located just between the medieval moat and embankment, as it cannot have been inside the embankment. This suggests that a narrow area existed outside the medieval rampart, but inside the moat, a sort of liminal space or no-mans-land, neither in the city nor fully outside the city. The cultural build up layers suggest it was a working surface of some kind. The presence of a possible iron-working feature deeper down, of likely medieval date, is also interesting, suggesting that this kind of work might be carried out near to, but outside of the gate, yet not outside the city territory entirely. 72

77 Phase 5 Decommissioning of the medieval defences; and the mill by Vesterport A.D c Main structures: mill, mill race, bastion, gate facade Introduction to Phase 5 The years between A.D and 1670 were perhaps the busiest documented on site, particularly in relation to the short span of time represented. This period overlapped with the reign of Christian IV, who was known for his interest in promoting construction projects, and he was almost certainly the driving force behind several of the large scale changes in this area between A.D and Christian IV was king from A.D to 1648, and his reign saw significant re-workings of the urban defences, and the erection of such buildings as Rundetårn (Round Tower observatory), Børsen (the stock exchange) and Holmens Kirke, that still stand today. He also commissioned the construction of the entire Christianshavn suburb; so the work by Vesterport was relatively small scale by comparison. This work included the transformation of the former medieval moat into a mill race, and the construction of a watermill within the former moat. It included the alteration of the ravelin, and its conversion into a more modern bastion. It is also believed, based on historical documentation, that he had the outer gate partially rebuilt, or at least given a new, presumably more ostentatious, façade, some evidence of which was also seen. Evidence was also found for the demolition of much of the work outlined above (particularly the mill related structures), towards the end of the reign of Frederick III (reigned from A.D ). By the late 1660s moves were made to upgrade the fortifications by the western gate once again, in a very large-scale fashion. This may have been because the fortifications were seen as not effective enough during the Swedish attacks of A.D. 1659, or perhaps simply due to trends in fortification construction in the wider region. This work saw the mill race filled in, removing the last visible traces of the moat built in A.D It also saw the deconstruction of the upper parts of the outer gate and associated bastion, and the filling up of the outer moat. All this work was done to allow for the construction slightly further west of a new, much broader, more regularly built and more modern set of fortifications. When these were constructed, much of the former defences, including the lower parts of the gate and bastion, were buried beneath the new larger bastion. Hence all of the remnants that survived the deconstruction of the 1660s, were in fact protected by the new bastion, sealed beneath it for the next two hundred years. 73

78 Phase 5 Description The fifth recognised phase of activity at Rådhuspladsen (between c. A.D c.1670), saw progressive developments related to the city s defences and infrastructure, many of which were initiated by Christian IV. It was a time when the medieval defence line in this area was abandoned, and reused instead as part of the city s non-defence related infrastructure. Figure 57 Main structures A.D The post-medieval remains seen at Rådhuspladsen were heavily impacted by later activities in the area, both archaeological (the placement of the final bastion and moat) and modern. Nonetheless a good deal of material survived, and together with what we know from previous excavations in the area, we can establish much of what happened in the area at this time. This phase primarily consisted of large structures indicative of industry and infrastructural developments, as well as some defence-related work. Many of the structures built in this phase were established in a relatively short time as part of a major phase of construction, as indicated by the dendrochronological dates received. The types of features excavated dated to this period include several mill and mill-race related structures, possibly a new façade for the outer city gate, and a great deal of in-filling of deeper features in order to facilitate the re-construction of the entire western boundary area. 74

79 Land-use Change Between A.D and 1670 a series of successive alterations were made to the inner city moat by Vesterport and in its environs, including its decommissioning first as a moat, and later as a millrace. These alterations will be outlined in the following sections. The inner moat partially backfilled A series of deposits and structures were recorded within the former medieval moat, which have been interpreted as pre-mill backfills, some at least of which were placed deliberately to prepare for the construction of the mill. Some were alluvial in nature, and built up naturally within the moat. The first group of deposits were located under the arch of the former third bridge, and also along the moats eastern edge, under the former mill building (see below). The deposits stretched across an area of some 25 m (northwest-southeast) x 11 m (northeast-southwest). From the analysis of samples it was seen that several weed species were present in these layers; particularly nettle, buttercup and goosefoot. A wide range of finds were retrieved, including ceramics (Late Redware, faience, Early Redware, Early Greyware, stoneware and Jydepot) metal finds (a padlock, musketballs), flint and bone. The assemblage shows that the layers were quite mixed, with material of different ages being deposited, supporting the idea of a deliberate dump of material brought in from other locations. The deposits were probably used to raise and level the moat base to enable construction to take place. This would suggest that the layers were deposited by about A.D (see dating evidence for mill below). The more alluvial type deposits were located in the southern half of Area 3, and spread over an area measuring some 12,5 m x 15 m across the base of the moat. Analysis of the ceramics found in these layers shows that there is a wide range of dates represented, from high medieval through to about A.D These are mixed within the same layers in most cases, showing that the layers are either relatively late, or that the material has been churned up in situ (due to water action). The stratigraphically deepest layer however, contained a few high medieval sherds, and no later material, suggesting that this layer could potentially be an in-situ medieval layer without later contamination. The outer fortifications altered (the Christian IV era) Located in Area 2A to the east of the outer gate, a cut and a series of deposits were interpreted as a reworking of the moat in the region of the outer gate. Originally the outer moat ran past the gate to the east for some distance before turning towards the sea. Later, much of this part of the moat was filled in, and a new 'edge' was created much closer to the gate, where the moat turned southeast toward the sea. This new edge was readjusted at least four times. This reworking probably coincided with some renovations to the gate façade; changes made during the reign of Christian IV about A.D or soon after, when the king had many adjustments made to the fortifications. Timbers were also seen which may relate to the strengthening of this rebuilt moat edge. These timbers had lain horizontally, and it is likely they were placed here to stabilise the deposits that had been used to fill up the moat to the east of this new edge. 75

80 All the re-workings of the moats edge are thought to have been carried out in a relatively short period of time, perhaps within a couple of decades or less, possibly from A.D and onwards, when Christian IV took effective control of the state. Figure 58 from above One of the reworked edges of the moat seen Two maps from A.D (see below) depict planned changes to the fortifications around Vesterport. Based on what was seen at Rådhuspladsen, most of these changes were never made in the area of the western gate. However, the maps are useful in that, based on what was seen on site, they seem to depict quite accurately how the outer gate area looked at that time. The area in front of the outer gate appears to be dry at this stage, and it may be that it was prone to silting up. This could explain the repeated reworkings seen in the area of the southeast corner of the outer gate. Figures 59 and 60 Two plans of the western gate area, c. A.D and 1649 (Lorenzen, 1930) 76

81 The mill Placed within the former moat in Areas 3 and 4, various contexts were identified which have been interpreted as representing the remains of a mill, previously seen in the 1940s during the excavation for the underground toilet, and also known from historical references. The mill had several different surviving elements, including construction levelling layers, structural timber elements, brick and stone structural elements, usage layers, and deconstruction material including rubble. Overall the structure measured 25,6 m in length (northwest-southeast) and 5,75 m in width (northeast-southwest), though the original measurements of the structure are likely to have been ca. 26,5 m x ca. 20 m wide (the entire western side of the building had been removed by the construction of the underground toilet building). The construction cut for the mill building was seen in several parts. One main cut was identified, comprising a large horizontal scarp cut into the natural clay to receive the majority of the mill construction. Separate foundation cuts were seen which were made for the placement of the various walls. Figure 61 Plan of mill-related structures as they survived A narrow linear cut that ran along the base of the construction cut probably represented a shallow drain beneath the floor of the mill (see below). It was filled by an accumulation of material formed during the use phase of the building. 77

82 Figure 62 The northern end of the main mill cut post-excavation, seen from south The mill building, based on finds recovered and historical information, was built in the early years of the 17th century. Indeed, thanks to the results of dendrochronological dating of several timber samples, we can now state that the mill was first constructed in about A.D or While it is possible that an earlier mill may have stood on the same location, perhaps dating back to the 1500s, no evidence for this was seen. Based on the available evidence (both artefactual and historical), the building was deconstructed in the late 1660s. This deconstruction was quite thorough, with much of the useful structural material fully removed. Regrettably, much of the surviving mill elements were removed in the 1940s, during an excavation for the placement of the underground toilet building. Very little documentation was carried out, hence we do not know the details of what was seen at this time. The presence of pieces of millstone (mainly basalt) from the recent excavations supports the view that the building was a mill. The finds recovered from the main mill area are in line with a use period through the late 1600s, and include coins and tokens, iron tools, a large assemblage of stove tiles, ceramics, glass and various other metal and organic objects. Main construction elements of the mill building The main structural elements of the mill consisted of a wooden wall to the west, an eastern brick and stone wall, a wooden floor, and a stairs leading into the mill. These will be discussed below. Foundation cut A linear construction cut was located in Area 3. This cut was more or less at right angles to the eastern wall of the mill running in a southwest to northeast direction, and was c. 7 m in length. Its base was cut into natural, and had two of the massive mill-related timbers resting on it, and following its edge. Hence, on reaching the base of this cut it became clear that it was a construction related cut for the placement of the large timbers at the south end of the mill. Mill Construction Platform Two courses of boulders were seen which were bounded on their upper extent by two beams lying northeast to south-west and north-west to south-east. These would originally have been joined together, 78

83 possibly with a peg. These beams were covered by steeply angled planks which appear to have been partly driven into moat silts below. These two sides of this structure form a rough right angle (see Figure 61). Figure 63 The southern edge of the mill construction platform, seen from southeast It appears that this structure represents a construction platform, a solid base upon which to erect the mill building. As the structure placed on top (of a quite similar age) was somewhat different in form, it may be that an initial plan for the mill was altered during construction, and this structure is a remnant of the original design, reused as a foundation platform. It is noteworthy that the tops of the angled planks had been chopped off at their surviving height in a fairly crude fashion. Dendrochronological analysis was carried out on five samples from this structure. The dates received varied from A.D. 1604/05 up to 1609+/-15. Two dates from A.D may suggest the actual date of the structure, or perhaps it may have been constructed shortly after this. The timbers were felled in either Østlandet in south-east Norway or Bohuslän in west Sweden. The wooden floor A wooden floor was located within the mill building, along the eastern edge of the former city moat, and south of the former inner western gate. It comprised mainly of timber elements, joists and floor boards, as well as some deposits thought to be directly associated with the floor. It measured over 13 m in length, and some 4,4 m in width, but was somewhat irregular in shape. Originally the floor would have been rectangular and considerably larger, but due to modern and historical truncations as well as decay, only part of it survived. 79

84 Figure 64 The wooden floor in situ, with the stairs beyond, seen from southwest The timber floor had been constructed directly on top of a flat scarp (see above) that had been cut into the side of the moat, and also resting on material piled into the lower part of the moat to form a continuous level platform. The joists were laid on this platform (running southwest-northeast), and then the planked floor was nailed on top. It was made predominantly of pine, which had been felled in Småland in Sweden. The joists were quite well preserved, while the floor boards were quite soft and had been compressed over time to just a few millimetres in thickness. As a result of the differential preservation levels, it was mainly the joists that were sampled for dendrochronological analysis. A range of find material was recovered, including nails, a coin, a token, a buckle, a stove tile, a thimble, a metal mount, and some mortar fragments. The coin was a silver Christian IV 1 skilling from 1621, while the token was dated to These dates correlate quite well with the dendrochronology dates (see below). This structure was part of the floor of the mill. It dated to c. A.D. 1632, based on the timber samples taken. In total six samples were analysed. Five of these were dateable, and returned dates of between A.D /- 20 and /-3. This is evidence for renovations carried out on the building, as we can assume based on the dendro dates from other parts of the building that this was not the original floor, but a replacement made in c. A.D There was some evidence that another floor had predated this one on the same spot, due to the presence of building rubble and structural cuts beneath the floor. The stairway A structure of brick and stone was situated along the north-eastern edge of the mill building, in Area 3. It comprised of a set of five steps, which led from ground level down into the mills interior, to where the wooden floor was situated. It appears that this staircase was built directly onto the edge/cut of the main mill building. The steps were constructed of brick, and were partially built into the fabric of the mills brick wall. Each flat surface (or tread) was overlain with a deposit of mortar c. 3cm thick, and this in turn had a timber tread placed on top, to form a walking surface. 80

85 The overall dimensions of the steps were 2,1 m wide x 1,6 m long, with a height of c. 1 m. The brickwork of the staircase was generally in good condition, and was still well bonded. The wooden treads however were very soft. Consequently they were not sampled. Figure 65 Brick and timber stairs, seen from south Eastern wall The main east wall of the mill was situated along the eastern edge of the main construction cut, in Areas 3 and 4. It comprised of a linear construction cut, some stone, brick, timber and mortar structural elements, and some deconstruction or packing material (mainly brick fragments). It measured c. 22,5 m in length and maximum 0,77 m in width, with a maximum height of c. 0,7 m. Figure 66 The remains of the eastern wall being documented. Seen from west The foundation was constructed of large uncut stones, with some crushed brick and stone packing. Above this the wall had been constructed of brick, but survived only in patches. In some areas only the construction cut and some rubble remained. The majority of the wall did not survive; this appears to have been both due to a phase of deconstruction, as well as a later phase of robbing of material. 81

86 Possible internal wall Another wall was located along the southwestern edge of the wooden floor in Area 3. It comprised of two related timber structures, a horizontal beam, and two uprights. It, measured 3,7 m long x 0,24 m wide and c. 0,3 m high. The horizontal beam was quite substantial, and had two large mortices cut into its upper side, to receive the tenons at the base of the two upright. The uprights only survived to a height of c. 0,2 m. It is not clear if this was solely due to rot, or if they had been deliberately broken/cut off in the past. This structure has been interpreted as the base of a wall, with the horizontal timber acting as the sill plate/beam. As so little survived, it is unclear if it was a timber-framed wall with brick panels, or if it was made solely of timber. It is likely to date to the early 17th century, based on its association with the other elements of the mill. Pre-construction of the mill Some pre-construction preparations for the mill building consisted of a levelling layer as a foundation for the wooden floor, located within the area of the mill building in Areas 3 and 4, at a level below that of the wooden floor. The deposits were very find-rich, and contained large amounts of building material (including bricks, floor tiles and many stove tiles). It contained ceramics (Late Redware, late grey ware, stoneware and Jydepotte), glass (both drinking and window fragments), iron nails, slag, window came, coins (where dateable, from between A.D and 1513), a glass linen smoother fragment, mill stone fragments, whetstone fragments, an iron knife with bone handle, and a cannonball. Overall, the finds are consistent with a date in the late 16th or early 17th century. Further mill construction elements A number of parallel linear cuts were recorded under the mill floor, roughly perpendicular to the cut of the moat and also perpendicular to the brick mill wall. These may have held timbers as part of an earlier construction than the wooden floor, or indeed connected to the working elements of the mill in some way, perhaps containing horizontal wooden beams that would have extended out into the moat or mill pit. Individual cuts measured typically 1,1 m x 0,45 m, and were 0,2-0,3 m deep. Figure 67 Linear cuts under the mill floor, seen from southwest 82

87 No timbers remained in situ, and the fill of the cuts is likely to have accumulated here when the beams were removed presumably when the mill was demolished, or when the final floor was built. Finds recovered included a possible chisel, some nails, a stove tile and a piece of slag. Located at the southeastern corner of the mill building in Area 3, a large cut (5,5 m x 2,75 m) and seven deposits were recorded. They appeared to represent the former placement of some kind of structure. The mill race Figure 68 The construction cut, seen from northwest. Post-excavation. Due to a high level of truncation the full extent and purpose of the structure are unclear, however, it does align with the mill building. The southern edge of the cut also appears to align with a short section of wall which was recorded in-situ further to the west. The precise extent of the southeastern corner of this cut is unknown due to truncation by a large pit. A mortar deposit lined parts of the southern edge of the cut, and may be evidence for a former wall placement. Further mortar deposits spread across most of the base of the cut, and have been interpreted as a possible floor or floor foundation layer. The upper fills were late 17th century in date based on finds (e.g. Late Redware pottery, window glass, CBM, wooden loom part) and were very similar to all the other waste backfills used to fill up the moat. This part of the mill building then seems to have been slightly deeper/lower than the rest. This may have been for functional reasons, which unfortunately are unclear. Located both northwest and south east of the mill itself, substantial parts of the mill race or head race and tail race, were found in Areas 3 and 4. The head race is the part upstream of a mill wheel at Rådhuspladsen this was the part to the northwest of the mill; while the tail race is the part downstream or after the mill wheel at Rådhuspladsen this was the part southeast of the mill. The various parts of these structures will be outlined in the following sections. The head race The main head race structure was first seen in trench Z 6326 just northwest of Area 4, and later in Area 4 itself. It was not fully excavated in the watching brief trench. It was seen that the headrace had a number of phases, which did not function at the same time, but rather superseded each other. Due to the complexity of the structure, it will be described as it was excavated, with the later phase described first. 83

88 Figure 69 The mill head race, seen in Trench Z 6326 from southeast In Z 6326 the head race was seen as a large wooden structure c. 5 m in width and 1,25 m high, with a base of stones set in clay (See Figure 69). The overall length of this structure as seen across all trenches was c. 39 m. The walls were composed of squared timber uprights, sandwiched between two planked faces, the inside one of which was waterproofed with felted textile along its joints. Between the two planked leafs or faces of the walls sand was packed, presumably to add to the structures water-tightness. The base comprised of large timber cross-beams at regular intervals, with the spaces in between packed with large stones set into sticky clay. This arrangement was probably both waterproof and unlikely to come apart. Each wall was about 0,35 m in width, and the space between the two walls was 4,25 m. The walls survived to a height of 1,25 m, though they were surely taller originally. The base of the head race was c. 2,25 m below present ground level, and at a height of 4,22 m above sea level. It was filled mainly with lensed sand to a depth of c. 0,7 m; sand which was clearly water deposited. Some organic layers were found over this, and produced 17th century finds, including leather, wood and ceramics, as well as a Swedish coin from These upper layers probably date to when the mill and mill race were decommissioned. About 3 m to the northwest a small trench was opened as part of the contractors work, and here a further section of the mill head race was seen, in the form of a vault of red bricks. When it was constructed originally, it may have passed under the city rampart, hence the need to be built in brick instead of wood. Approximately 6 m southeast of Z 6326, the head race was seen again in Area 4. Here the excavation went to full depth, so a more thorough examination of the structure was possible. The upper part of the head race again had a wood-walled structure with a base of stones set in clay. In this area the structure was placed inside the arch of the brick bridge described in Phase 4, so that the water for the mill ran through the bridge. It is possible that the top of the arch was already removed by this time, but it is not a certainty. 84

89 Figure 70 The mill head race in Area 4, seen from northwest. Note concrete service truncation. The dam and earlier sluice structure At its south-eastern end a further element of the structure was seen, in the form of a brick wall that ran across the width of the head race, with timber planking placed on top (see below). Once the water passed over the top of this wall it would have dropped down vertically, on its way to the mill wheel. Hence the mill would have functioned as an overshot mill. Figure 71 Brick wall, capped in timber, and slot for water, all placed within the bridge arch. Seen from southeast The water would have fallen about 1,8 m. It seemed that some of the water may have been diverted through narrow slots in the wall just beneath the timber planking, presumably for reasons related to the 85

90 mill wheel (see image below).upon removing the stone and clay base of the structure, it was discovered that under the wooden side walls there were yellow-brick built walls continuing downwards, of a construction-type similar to the wall crossing the head race, and these three walls appeared to have been built simultaneously. The walls may have been placed directly against the brick and stone walls of the bridge wall in order to guarantee the water-tightness of the channel. This was clearly an earlier phase of the head race to that described above. In order to build the next phase, dumped layers of material were placed within this structure to fill it up to the level of the stone and clay floor above, and in doing so deliberately decommissioning this earlier version. Down the centre of this area between the walls, ran a narrow timber-built sluice, measuring c. 0,9 m in width and c. 0,6 m in height, and which passed through the dam. This sluice was constructed of pointed wooden uprights that were driven into the ground, with horizontal timbers connecting them in pairs. The remainder of the structure had been removed, but its original form could be seen where it passed through the brick wall or dam. Here it was more intact, and it had heavy wooden planks lining its base and sides, and also the top of the sluice, so that it was completely boxed in originally. Rubble material topped with sticky clay had been deliberately filled in around the sluice, up to the height of the top of the sluice, and then sloping upwards slightly upwards to where it met the brick head race walls (see photo below). Figure 72 The lower sluice element of the head race exposed within the bridge arch. Seen from northwest When the sluice was intact it would have been possible to close it off, allowing the water in the upper larger part of the head race to fill up to the top of the dam, where it would then spill over the top of the wall, and enter the mill from a height. 86

91 Figure 73 A depiction of an undershot millwheel from 1848 ( On opening the sluice, the water built up in the upper area would presumably be forced through the sluice with some force in a smaller jet, in order to power an undershot mill wheel. It seems that this system was not satisfactory however, and so at some point the narrow sluice was largely dismantled as we have seen. The opening in the dam was blocked with two upright planks, and the head race back-filled up to the level of the top of the dam, with the addition of the new stone and timber head race base. It is worth noting that the height difference between water flowing over the dam or flowing through the sluice was quite significant, at 2,4 m. Several elements of the head race structures were dated using dendrochronology. Hence it is apparent that the lower sluice structure must have a construction date no earlier than A.D. 1620, and probably not much later than A.D The upper larger and stratigraphically later head race, had timbers with possible date ranges from A.D to 1693, but taken as a group, they appear to point to a construction date as late as A.D or just after. This suggests a relatively short life-span for the earlier sluice-based head race of just 30 to 44 years. It also suggests that there was a significant attempt to improve the mills effectiveness shortly before it went out of use, which suggests either that the plan to upgrade the city s defences was conceived and implemented quite rapidly, or simply that those who ran the mill were not aware of these plans and were allowed to waste time and money upgrading a mill that would be dismantled within about 4 to 10 years. Southeast of the dam timbers were seen which may in fact have been part of the mill itself. A number of dates were retrieved from these, ranging from A.D up to as late as A.D Taking the dates en masse however, it would appear that the structure in question was first constructed between about A.D and 1610, with repairs carried out up to about A.D

92 Figure 74 The lowest timber elements southeast of the dam Two points should be made regarding the head race structure. It was clear during excavation that the upper head race and the lower sluice did not and could not have operated at the same time. The lower sluice had clearly been dismantled and filled in, along with the walled head race channel above it, prior to the construction of the upper head race; in fact this backfill formed the foundation for the base of the later headrace. It is also worth mentioning that the entire structure, or at the least the upper later version, was placed in a cut made into moat backfills, implying that the moat, in this area at least, was filled up prior to A.D. 1664, and probably prior to A.D (the latter date would be considerably earlier than further southeast, downstream of the mill). Tail Race related structures A structure understood to be a revetment was located along the eastern side of the former medieval moat in the southern half of Area 3. It comprised of a stout timber structure of large upright posts (about 15 degrees off vertical) and horizontal planks, a construction cut for its placement, and a series of deposits which were upslope of or behind the revetment, dumped into the construction cut, and overlying it. The structure extended beyond the trench to the southeast, and was truncated to the northwest by the toilet building construction. It was nearly 11 m in length as exposed, and including the deposits it measured c. 6 m in width. The upright posts themselves were quite large, measuring c. 25 cm x 25 cm in section, and on removal were seen to be c. 4 m in height (as they survived). They had been driven into the ground, deep into the natural clay, and were placed quite close together (c. 0,28 cm apart). This combined with the thick sturdy planks placed behind it, suggests that the structure was built for strength. 88

93 Figure 75 Revetment Group 317 (left), seen from northwest (see also Figure 77) The revetment structure overlay the early alluvial fills of the moat. The north-eastern side of these posts was clad with overlapping horizontal planks. This was followed by the placement of a series of dumps and backfills (see below), an external surface stratigraphically post-dating the wooden construction but most likely sharing a contemporary phase of use. Finds from these deposits included ceramics, iron, glass, horseshoe, a whetstone, barrel hoops/staves, slag, clay pipes, knives, a cannonball, and a possible millstone fragment. The finds assemblage is consistent with a date of the late 16th/17th century. Of 3 dendro samples taken unfortunately just one, from the planking, returned a date. This returned a date of A.D. 1616/17. The planking may of course have been replaced more often than the upright posts, so it may be that the overall structure is somewhat older than this date suggests. It is likely that it dates to about the same time as the original mill, to c. A.D It is not clear if this structure at some point formed the side of the tail race along its eastern side, or if it was built to allow for the construction of the lighter canal/tail race structure to its west, retaining the clay and soil dumps of material which had been dumped in to the moats eastern side, to narrow down from a moat to a mill race. A walkway or external surface was located along the east side of the former medieval city moat, south of the mill, in the southern part of Area 3. It extended beyond the trench to the southwest, and it seems likely that it would have lead up the side of the moat/tail race to street level. This surface was bound on its western side by the revetment structure. It measured 10,5 m (exposed) by 7,8 m. 89

94 Figure 76 The walkway, seen from west Finds from these layers (Late Redware, Jydepot, stoneware, late light fired, knives, flint flakes, clay pipes, glass, stove tile, thimble, buckle, musketball, Christian IV coin) indicate an early to mid 17th century date, which would be contemporary with the construction and use of the mill. A wooden structure was located downstream of the mill, on the eastern edge of the moat within Area 3, running down the side of the moat towards its centre, and measuring 3,85 m in length, and c. 0,5 m in height. It was solid enough to allow a sample to be taken for dendro analysis. It consisted of a just single plank and two stakes, and was oriented in a northeast to southwest alignment. While there were various attempts at water management and erosion prevention, this was the only structure of its type and orientation found in the former moat. It may have acted as a lightly-built water control/dam structure, presumably in connection with the mill (though it was found downstream of the mill and c. 1 m higher above sea level than the water as it exited the mill). Dendrochronological dating of one sample returned a date of c. A.D This shows that it is contemporary with the first known phase of mill construction. The Tail Race Structure The main parts of the tail race comprised of a wooden floor and walls, the construction space into which it was built, and some sturdy timber structural elements that lead into the tail race from the mill itself. It also included some construction deposits, of stone, brick and rubble, placed to raise ground level for the end of the mill/start of the tail race. The structure was well built, and survived in good condition. The tail race was c. 5,3 m in width, and was seen to be at least 8,5 m in length. The wooden floor of the tail race only extended about 4,6 m however, but it may have originally extended further to the southeast. Whether the tail race would have been timber-lined all the way to the harbour is unclear. 17 th century mapping suggests a straight-sided and well-defined channel running from the western gate to enter the sea at Gammel Strand, running parallel to and just inside the city ramparts. This may suggest that the tail race was timber-lined all the way to the harbour. 90

95 Figure 77 Mill tail race, seen from southeast (note the revetment to the right) A cut was made into the moat silts, within which a line of posts were driven, floor beams fitted around the posts; and a fill was laid between the floor beams. Horizontal planks were then nailed to the posts forming a sidewall; floor planks were nailed to the floor beams; and three phases of backfill were placed behind the (northeast) side planks. The tail race was built with a step down into it from the mill, presumably to channel the water away from the wheel as rapidly as possible to keep the mill working freely. On the upper side of the step were two huge horizontal beams of beech wood, that measured c. 6,5 m in length, and were each c. 0,4 m in width. These extended metres beyond the tail race to the northeast, and it is likely that they mark the division between the mill itself and the tail race. They were placed on top of the massive boulder and timber foundation platform discussed earlier and seen as the first stage of the mills construction. A number of timbers from the tailrace, all of pine, were submitted for dendro dating. They ranged in date from A.D to A.D Taken as a group, they suggest a construction date in the early 1600s, with new elements added (repairs presumably) in about A.D and again in A.D There is no evidence for any further repair work after A.D. 1627, despite the fact that the mill appears to have been used for another 40 years or so. It may simply be that it was well maintained, and that the timber was in good condition (bearing in mind it was still in quite good condition in 2012). The timber was sourced in West Sweden or Southeast Norway, as well as Southwest Sweden, Gotland and Sodermanland, again in Sweden. This suggests that timber was being imported to Copenhagen from a wide catchment area in these years. Deconstruction of the tail race The decommissioning of the water channel/tail race was documented in the form of a series of substantial deposits in and over the tail race. The main layer consisted of rubble which was recorded as 'water rolled', which may suggest that the tail race was partially backfilled for a time while water was still flowing through it. This infilling must date to the late 17th century based on finds, stratigraphic position and written sources documenting the deconstruction of the fortifications and related structures from c. A.D

96 Deconstruction as Construction Defences and Mill Decommissioned In the late 1660s, the process of changing the city s defences began once again, with the decommissioning of the Christian IV era moat and bastions, and all of the mill-related structures in order to facilitate the construction of a new and more modern set of larger bastions. Medieval gate deconstruction A series of layers located in the environs of the inner gate (mainly between the walls), are thought to have related to the deconstruction of the medieval gate. They were mostly of sandy clay, with some rubble, mortar and charcoal. A shallow pit filled with rubble and stones, was also recorded adjacent to the former inner gate. It has been interpreted as part of the deconstruction of the gate. A further series of deposits of sand, stones and bricks was seen mainly within the remains of the construction cut for the wall that lead from the west corner of the inner gate towards the bridge. These deposits of construction material were disturbed, and probably represented elements of the former wall that stood here, demolished and dumped back into the foundation cut. In the Swedish spy map of A.D the inner gate was not depicted, though in the oldest map of the city from A.D it was; whether this was simply an omission in A.D. 1620, or whether the gate was demolished within this 30 year period, is uncertain. Certainly it did not survive beyond A.D or so when the mill etc. was demolished. We know this archaeologically, as the foundations of the inner gate were truncated in a substantial way by the placement of wooden waterpipes, which have been dendro dated to the winter of A.D. 1666/67. Medieval moat decommissioned The medieval moat, established no later than A.D. 1371/2, remained in use as a moat up until about A.D In that time, the bridge was changed, posts were added along its inner edge, and various additional moat elements and bastion elements were added outside the medieval moat, over a span of more than 200 years. Finally a mill and mill race was constructed within it, in about A.D. 1605/06, with the moat being partially backfilled in order to narrow it, and raise its base. It was probably at about this time that the organic moat backfills seen in Trench Z 3064 were filled in to the moat. These deposits were located to the northeast of the mill head race. Collectively, they measured c. 3 m in depth. They were dark moist peaty layers, and were very find-rich, with much pottery (Late Redware, German stoneware, Jydepot), glass, a whetstone, stove tiles, leather and general organic waste recovered. Animal bones were also plentiful, and included cow, pig, sheep/goat, domestic goose, hare and cat. Similar deposits were seen to the southwest of the mill race. Some of the deposits were clearly manure waste from stables or similar, and smelled strongly of horse manure. Others seemed more like general domestic waste, though this kind of material could also have found its way on to the manure pile. This waste must have been collected from houses or streets in order to be used to fill in the moat. The finds suggest an approximate 17th century date. It is likely that these deposits were dumped here when the mill race was constructed in about A.D. 1606, and they must predate the general moat/mill backfill layers (see below) by about 60 years. 92

97 Road west from the medieval gate decommissioned Two deposits were excavated in the west end of Area 4 that were composed of a mixture of re-deposited natural and occupation material. It is likely that these layers represented the deconstruction of the road west from the medieval gate. Finds included sherds of medieval pottery (Late Greyware and Early Redware) but also a sherd of green-glazed stove tile. It is likely, based on the other changes carried out in this area after A.D. 1600, that these layers were also deposited in this phase. Outer gate, outer moat and bastion decommissioned A series of substantial deposits, many of them organic in nature, were documented in trenches along the west side of the excavation area, i.e. the east edge of HC Andersens Blvd. These were interpreted as being backfills of the Christian IV era moat, and are likely to have been dumped in about the 1660s when that moat was filled in. In places the natural clay was encountered beneath this material, and was seen to slope down to the west, suggesting that the excavation trenches overlay the moats inner, eastern edge. Significant amounts of find material were recovered, including Late Redware, faience and glass fragments. A series of dumps of rubble-rich clay were documented further east, also in the outer moat, in the environs of the outer gate. These deposits must date from the deconstruction of the upper elements of the outer gate and the filling up of the outer moat. These acts were carried out in order to prepare for the construction of a newer and bigger set of defences slightly further out from the city to the west. From what was seen on site and in older excavations, it seems that when the outer gate was deconstructed it was only the upper part that was dismantled, and the remainder was buried under the new bastion. When the youngest bastion was itself taken down in the late 1800s, these gate remains were exposed, and documented to a degree. They were then demolished further, as ground level was lowered to form the square now known as Rådhuspladsen. Finds were few, and generally post-medieval. These deposits must date to c.ad 1670, based on written sources which refer to the construction of the youngest moat at this time, and this is supported by the finds retrieved. Figure 78 Possible rampart and moat deposits seen from west 93

98 Large dumped deposits were seen in a watching brief trench (Z 3444) towards the south of the site, early on in the excavation. They were mostly quite organic, and sloping downwards from east to west. The layers in question can be seen in Figure 78, and it can be seen that there were some very organic layers sitting over a very sterile sandy clay layer, with repeated washes of material coming off of the sterile clay onto the organic material. It is possible that what we see here is part of the rampart (the sterile clay) and some of the natural build-up of humic material on the base of the ramparts and in the moat (the dark material). The repeated lenses of grey washing over the dark material appear to be evidence for the grey material being washed over time by rain, out over the dark material, suggesting that it was the exposed surface of the rampart for some time. Overall it seems most likely that this rampart dates to about the Christian IV era (c. A.D. 1600). Mill and Mill Race deconstructed Located in the northeast part of Area 3 and the southeast part of Area 4, elements of the dereliction and in particular the deliberate deconstruction of the mill building by Vesterport were identified. They were spread over a sizeable area (c. 19 m x 7 m), and two separate excavation areas. Almost all of the deposits contained material such as mortar or brick rubble, as well as glass and tile fragments, and were consistent with the kind of material one would expect to remain following the deconstruction of a building. Once no longer in use, the building was demolished its interior was filled up in order to level the area. This meant that the primary deconstruction layers were preserved in-situ beneath the more organic dumps of urban waste used to level the overall area subsequently. It is likely that these deposits accumulated over a short period of time during the abandonment and deconstruction phase of the mill. A few localised pieces of the mill wall survived, perhaps where the bonding was simply too strong, and it is because of these that we know how the wall looked. These deposits date to the latter half of the 17th century. This dating is based on the finds recovered in the deposits, which are consistent with such a date, and is further backed up by historical references. A series of nine deposits were located in the northern part of Area 3 and southern part of Area 4, and overlay the mill floor. They measured c. 17 m in length x c. 4 m in width, with a depth of up to 0,4 m. Two of these are interpreted as abandonment deposits, and related to the time when the mill building was beginning to collapse during its dereliction. The remaining deposits are more likely to have resulted from deliberate deconstruction, and contained more mortar and brick material. These layers were very rich in finds, and contained much ceramics (mostly Late Redware), glass (both window, flask and bottle fragments), many decorated stove tiles (thought to be from one stove), nails, a chain fragment, a knife with a bone handle, a chisel, a saw blade, a hinge, copper alloy pins and some clay pipe fragments. No fewer than four silver coins were recovered, with dates between A.D and The dating of the coins may suggest that they were lost during the latter years of the mills use. Figure 79 An example of the many stove tiles found in the mill abandonment deposits 94

99 These deposits represent the final phase in the life of the mill. Some of the dereliction type deposits in particular may give us some indications of the kind of materials used in and as part of the mill itself. A robber cut (a cut made to access and remove structural material for reuse) and its backfills were observed along the north-eastern edge of the mill building, made when the eastern wall of the mill was removed to its base, presumably with the aim of reusing the masonry material. The overall cut ran in a northwest-southeast direction within Area 3 and Area 4, overlying the eastern edge of the mill building. It measured 22,4 m in length, with a maximum width of 2,2 m and a maximum depth of 0,48 m. As the robber cut was made through deposits that relate to the abandonment of the mill, it seems likely that the mill had been in a state of disuse and decay for a period of time prior to the formal deconstruction of the building. The robber cut also truncated the wooden floor of the mill, removing its eastern edge. This cut appears to date to the late 17th century, based both on the finds material from the deposits dumped into the robber trench and historical references. Further linear cuts were located near the northeast corner of the mill building in Area 4. The most significant element of the deposits within was frequent inclusions of brick fragments, including some pieces that were still mortared together. It appears that these were foundation cuts, probably of a small building or annexe attached to the northeast corner of the mill, rather than the mill itself. The final in-filling of the moat and mill race An enormous series of dumps (labelled Group 200) was located within the moat in Areas 3 and deposits were considered part of this act of dumping. Within the excavation area they measured up to 42,5 m in length and 26,5 m in width (across the moat). Together they measured c. 5 m in depth. The deposits varied in form, colour and shape. They ranged from pockets of sterile clay and sand, to more frequent and larger deposits of dark organic-rich material, sometimes mixed with sand, silt, clay or rubble. These deposits were very rich in cultural material. Figure 80 Moat backfills during excavation, February

100 Given their varied nature, it seems likely that the layers were tipped from carts or barrows from the edge of the former moat/mill/mill race during a fairly rapid deliberate process of in-filling. Located as they were in a deep and damp cut feature, the conditions for organic preservation were ideal, and consequently a huge range of material survived (wood, leather, textile, plant matter etc.). Figure 81 Leather book cover from the moat backfills The range and quantity of finds recovered from the moat backfills was very great (see below ). As well as ceramics, glass and metal artefacts, large amounts of organic and composite artefacts were recovered, many of which were quite high status. Figures 82 and 83 Gold ducat and doctor s stamp from the moat backfills 96

101 One find worth particular mention was a Frederik III gold ducat from A.D. 1660, though this item was surely a casual loss rather than deliberately dumped. A huge amount of environmental evidence was retrieved, seeds, nuts, fish and animal bones, and snail shells. The finds have been looked at by a range of specialists, and have contributed greatly to our understanding of 17 th century Copenhagen. An examination of the clay pipes for example, where dating based on typology was possible, has shown that these deposits were dumped in to the moat in a relatively short time, with no particular pattern obvious. The clay pipes dated to between A.D and c. 1700, but generally cluster around A.D to Furthermore, some of the deepest layers produced pipes that dated to as late as A.D. 1670, while some late deposits produced pipes with date ranges from A.D to Fifteen coins and tokens were recovered from these deposits, and dated to between A.D and Their dates and relative stratigraphic positions also support a later 17th century date. Overall, the mixed up nature of the finds through the deposits suggests that most layers dumped in to the moat were probably laid down between c. A.D and This ties in quite well with the historical references, which suggest that the mill went out of use sometime between A.D and 1674, when the miller was compensated for the loss of his mill due to the alterations to the city bastions. Many samples were taken from these deposits, both environmental samples and large samples for sieving. The results of processing these has added to the overall picture in terms of the range of artefacts, bone and plant material that were in the deposits, including small items that might not have been seen on site. The material dumped here was clearly urban waste, both domestic refuse and waste from streets, squares, workshops and stables. Figure 84 Moat backfills exposed in Area 3, from northeast These deposits represent the final major phase of activity within the original city moat, though by the time it was filled up in this way, it was of course no longer acting as a moa, but rather as a mill race connected to the mill. The filling up of this channel should be seen as a deliberate act of organised deconstruction. 97

102 Figure 85 Moat backfills seen from south Table 2 Find types from the moat backfills (Group 200): (selection) Ceramics Glass Bone Iron Other Metal Leather CBM Cutlery Wood Textiles Various Majolica, Faience, Jydepot, Late Redware, Late Greyware, Stoneware. Also clay marbles, clay pipes and a ceramic lamp. Window shards, bottle, drinking glass, vase. Rohmer glass, Pass glass. Animal bones. Artefacts, needles, combs (c. 20 of bone, antler, horn), elephant ivory handle. Spoon drill, cannon balls (3), keys, knives, knives with bone handles, axe blades, saw, candle holder, frying pans, file, hammer, nails, wire. spurs (x 3 Musket balls, Barrel tap, slag, scabbard, Cu. pins, cloth seals, bridal fragments, snuffle bit, riding), rapier handles, book clasp, window cames, lace chape, lead fragments, Cu. thimbles, Cu. headdress frames, Cu. buttons, coins (including Frederik III 1 and 2 skilling, and gold ducat, and a Christian IV 2 skilling, tokens/jetons, belt buckles, toy halberd, fish hook, candle snuffers. Shoes, book covers, scabbard, gloves, cut offs (waste pieces) Stove tiles, floor tiles, roof tiles, wall tiles, bricks. Knives, wooden spoons, iron fork fragments, Cu. spoons, silver spoon. Barrel staves, barrel lids, brooms, plates, bowl, gaming piece, pulley, money box, buttons, gear wheels, lace making tools, awl. Wool, silk, twill, velvet, lace, net, felted wool. Hairnets, wig, cap, rope, socks, cardigan, jacket fragments, gloves. Mineral seal/stamp, stone styli, gun flint, cowrie shells, lejesten (mill axel-stone), mill stone fragment, bracelet (wire and glass). 98

103 Figure 86 Leather glove from the moat backfills A series of extremely organic deposits were documented in trench Z 3465 in 2011, stratigraphically and physically under the late 17 th century gatehouse/guardhouse. It was considered likely that these were moat backfills, and when the nearby Area 3 was later excavated it was seen that this interpretation was correct. These deposits were also extremely find-rich, with a vast array of metal, ceramic, glass and organic finds retrieved. Three coins were found in this group (some from sieving), and these dated from between A.D 1621, up to the 1660s. This ties in well with the moat being backfilled shortly before the final fortifications (and gatehouse) were established, in about the 1660s. These deposits are directly comparable with and presumably contemporary with, the upper layers see in Areas 3 and 4. Other features in Phase 5 Isolated features In the eastern corner of Area 2B, a feature interpreted as a possible linear surface (road, or path) was identified. This surface was set in a shallow cut, made into the natural clay beneath, and comprised of small rounded cobble-like stones, set in an informal way into the natural clay beneath. Very little of this feature survived. It is also possible that this feature represented a drain of some form. Finds were mainly ceramic, and post-medieval in date, with a 17 th century date likely. New infrastructure waterpipes From the 16th century, a citywide investment was made in a municipal water system, which saw water pumped into the city through wooden waterpipes. These waterpipes were essentially tree trunks that were mechanically hollowed out. They were connected end to end, bringing the water several kilometres to the city from various sources. The pipes were generally placed in trenches, which were then filled in, meaning that they were not visible on the surface. Within the city they generally followed the streets, and in many cases probably started on peripheral streets such as Vester Voldgade, before having side pipes connected to them to take water down the various side streets. A gravity feed was used in some cases, with the water 99

104 coming from a more elevated source outside the city, but a second system of pumped water was constructed in the 17th century, and soon became the more popular of the two (Topcagic, 2014). Located in Areas 3 and 4, a set of four such waterpipes were documented running parallel to the former city moat. These were found in a vertical-sided trench cut, and were covered in a mixed backfill. The cut was made through the foundations of the former medieval gateway, which shows that this was surely demolished by this time as the level of truncation caused by the waterpipe trench was quite severe. There was a height change, dropping 0,2 m from the north-west to the south-east indicating that the water flowed in this direction. The pipes had an internal bore diameter of c. 11 cm, which suggests that these pipes were part of the main water network, rather than being part of the system that lead from the pump to the main water network (these pipes would have a narrower bore diameter of c. 8-9 cm (Topcagic, 2014). This was a major water pipe construction, and had a much later set of waterpipes running adjacent to it (see Figure 87). The location of these pipes suggests that waterpipes would have run inside the city defences, following a route corresponding to modern day Vestervoldgade. Figure 87 Below left: Waterpipe s cutting through the medieval gate foundation, seen from northwest Figure 88 and 89 Evidence for cleaning of wooden pipes 100

105 The finds and stratigraphy suggested an approximate mid-17th century date for these pipes. Two dendrochronology dates were retrieved, and both were from the winter of A.D. 1666/7. These pipes either pre-date or coincide with the 'closing down' of this area, the deconstruction of the mill and filling up of the former moat. Indeed it was clear during excavation that the backfill of the mill and moat overlay this pipe trench; hence it was definitely laid down before the area was backfilled with urban waste. It is even possible that the pipes were placed here as part of the same large scale phase of works that saw the mill decommissioned and the area prepared for the placement of the new bastion and ramparts. Located just east of the outer gate in Area 2, and running in a southwest-northeast direction towards the gates southeast corner, was a single wooden water pipe. The cut had been made through the backfilled moat deposits to the east of the gate, and the fill was probably the same material dumped back in to the trench. It is thought that this part of the moat was filled in already by about the early 1600s, so this pipe cannot be older than this. A dendrochronology sample was taken, but a date could not be retrieved. An iron ring joint was seen on the eastern extent of the pipe although the next pipe was absent. This could in theory have been the end of the pipe, either simply spilling in to the moat, or possibly feeding a pump at this location. It is considered likely that the outer gate was in use at the same time as this pipe, and that it was being supplied by the pipe. Another waterpipe system consisted of a construction trench, a heavily decayed wooden waterpipe and a backfill deposit, running in a northwest to southeast direction across the site, and seen in three trenches. Separate parts of this pipe were identified over a distance of 42 m. The pipe trench cut through the deposits placed around the late medieval bridge and also the actual side walls of the bridge itself, which had had holes punched through them for the pipe to pass through. As these holes seem to have been made quite roughly and with no repairs to the brickwork subsequently, it seems likely that the bridge was no longer in use when the pipe was placed here. One dendrochronology sample was taken from this pipe, but unfortunately due to the decayed and partial nature of the wood, it was not possible to retrieve a date. Taking the stratigraphic evidence into account, it seems most likely that this pipe post-dates A.D. 1600, and probably predates A.D

106 Phase 6 The final phase of fortifications c. A.D c.1860 Main structures: moat, wall, gatehouse/guardhouse foundation, wooden water pipes Introduction to Phase 6 Phase 6 at Rådhuspladsen saw a series of alterations to the defences and infrastructure at the western edge of the city, changes which reflect the further modernisation of Copenhagen s western defences, and also the advancement of more large scale civilian infrastructural developments, particularly the water pipe system. The changes to the fortifications were very significant in scale, and saw the replacement of all previous defences in this area with new massive 17th century type bastions and moat. The possible reasons for this may relate to a desire to keep up with current trends in urban defence, as well as an increased need for defence, particularly given the ongoing political climate with regard to Sweden. The new fortifications were very broad, very regular, and very much in line with fortifications in use elsewhere in Europe by this time. As well as traces of the earthworks, elements of the wall leading from the gate to the 17th century bridge were encountered, as well as the foundation of the former gatehouse/guardhouse. Evidence was seen for the ongoing establishment of wooden water pipe lines through the area, both expanding and upgrading the system already in place. Evidence for their maintenance and possibly repair was also seen. Some traces were also seen of the deconstruction of many of the fortification elements in the latter part of Phase 6, including the moat and the gatehouse/guardhouse. The traditional form of urban defence moat and ramparts or wall in close proximity to the city had become obsolete by the 19 th century, mainly due to developments in warfare. The defences near the western gate which could have remained even if obsolete were removed to open up of the western boundary of the city, allowing expansion in that direction, and also allowing for the future creation of a new square in this location. Phase 6 Description The sixth recognised phase of activity at Rådhuspladsen corresponded approximately to the later postmedieval period (between about A.D ), and saw a final and very large-scale re-development of the city s defences in the environs of the western gate. The defences were modernised and upgraded, in line with changes elsewhere in Europe, with an emphasis on the construction of a broad moat and ramparts, which required the fortifications in this area to be pushed out even further to the west. For this reason much of this moat lay outside of the excavation area at Rådhuspladsen, as it had been moved so far out of the city. The ramparts themselves would have been located within the excavation area, but had been almost entirely removed in the past. Elements of the associated gateway were identified however, along with parts of the associated gatehouse. 102

107 Figure 90 Phase 6 main features The post-medieval remains seen at Rådhuspladsen were heavily impacted by later activities in the area such as modern service trenches and bunkers, but also by the deliberate levelling out of the ramparts and in-filling of the moat as part of their deliberate removal, along with the creation of a new square in the late 19 th century. The types of features excavated that can be dated to the later post-medieval period include new moat elements, gate or bridge related elements and evidence for the associated guardhouse, as well as evidence for the deconstruction of all of the above. Several water pipes were also recorded from this period, and a range of pits, dumps and miscellaneous other features. This phase primarily consisted of large scale structures however, mostly indicative of defence. Fortifications During Phase 6 of the site (AD ) the final version of the city moat and bastions was established, and by the end of this phase had already become obsolete and was being dismantled. These developments will be outlined in the following sections. Moat and Embankments Phase 6 at Rådhuspladsen began with the establishment of an entirely new set of fortifications around this part of the city; a vast construction project carried out to modernise and upgrade the cities defences. This project would also see the fortifications moved further out from the city, with very broad ramparts, and a very wide moat. While this moat was in most areas back-filled and the rampart levelled out in the latter 103

108 decades of the 19 th century, some elements of both have been preserved in localised areas, in parks (Ørstedsparken, Botanisk Have, and Østre Anlæg) and in the grounds of Tivoli. Very little of the actual moat and rampart from this period was seen at Rådhuspladsen; this is because the rampart was later removed very thoroughly, and the moat was located largely beyond the limits of the archaeological excavation. Located to the south of the main excavation area, two deposits and a possible cut were identified which have been interpreted as representing moat backfills. It is likely that these deposits were placed here in the later 19 th century, when the fortifications were taken out of use. These layers were seen in a small trench and were seen to extend beyond the limits of the trench. Hence little more can be established about their nature. They were seen to have a depth of at least 0,6 m. They comprised of both sterile clay and dark organic clay. Some 15 m north of the deposits discussed above, another small trench revealed probable dark moat backfill, located just 0,7 m below modern ground level. There was some uncertainty, due to its location, whether it should be seen as backfill of the 1670s moat (laid down in the 19 th century), or if it could be backfill of the previous moat, filled up in about the 1660s. No evidence was found to answer this question, so it remains uncertain. Located along the extreme western edge of the overall excavation area, a number of dark find-rich deposits were identified that appeared to be moat backfills. These must have related to the backfilling of the latest moat in the later 19th century. Overall very few traces of the 1670s bastion, rampart and moat were seen during the excavation. It should be borne in mind however, that it was not expected that much of this phase of fortifications would be encountered. Western Gate related structure A number of structural elements were seen which were interpreted as being part of, or at least related to, the city gate (Vesterport) built in about A.D and torn down in the 19 th century. Seen in a narrow trench at the beginning of the Rådhuspladsen excavations in 2011, the remains of a redbrick wall were found, placed quite centrally in the square, and with a southwest-northeast orientation. An examination of available mapping and some illustrations from the 19 th century suggest that this wall, based on its form, was almost certainly part of the flanking wall which led from the gate out towards the bridge over the moat, connecting the two structures. 104

109 Figure 91 A depiction of the flanking wall by Vesterport, painted by F.L. Bradt (c. 1800) and reproduced by F. Hendriksens (Dansk Centre for Byhistorie) The wall survived up to five courses in height, and in some areas foundation stones were observed. Two deposits were also recorded, which are likely to have been foundation layers for the wall. Figure 92 The outer face of the wall (from north). The wall remains were not very deep below the modern ground surface of the square, so it is likely that any future work on the square might expose further elements of this wall and the associated gate foundation. The part seen in 2011 however, was removed during the laying of services in the trench. A series of five deposits were documented immediately adjacent to the west side of the wall. These were generally quite mottled deposits with a lot of brick fragments, mortar and stones. They have been interpreted as relating to the deconstruction of the wall and perhaps gate, and as such are likely to date to the 19 th century. 105

110 Gatehouse/Guardhouse A number of elements of a building were documented c. 31 m northeast of the wall outlined above, in the direction of present day Strøget. This building has been interpreted as being the remains of the former gatehouse or guardhouse, located just to the north of the inner side of the western gate. This structure is seen on a number of paintings, and its size and position as seen on site seems to correlate well with these. It would then be considered likely to date to about A.D or shortly after, when the western gate was constructed. Dendrochronology dates (see below) point to a likely construction date of c. A.D however, suggesting that the gatehouse was built some years after the gate itself. The larger and main part of the gatehouse was seen in a linear watching brief trench, while a further element, a probable annexe to the rear of the building, was seen in the adjacent southeast edge of Area 3. Both structures survived as foundations only. The two elements were constructed in quite different ways. The foundation of the main structure was constructed from a number of different elements. Firstly a linear foundation cut was made into the soft organic moat/millrace backfills below, then a series of foundation piles were driven down through the base of this cut and in to the soft layers below. These were placed in sets of three, each set taking up the width of the base of the foundation cut. Figure 93 Foundations seen in section, from northeast The piles (all of oak) were each 1,25 m long, placed between 2 m and 3 m apart along the base of the foundation cut. On top of the outer piles and supported by them, linear beams were placed horizontally within the foundation cut, running parallel along its edges with a row of sizeable stones placed in the gap in between. Finally clay was packed into the foundation cut around all the elements, to hold them together. The top of the foundation was at a height of 5,05 m above sea level. 106

111 Figure 94 Part of the timber and stone foundation Cross-pieces were also seen; these were shorter wooden pieces that linked the two sides of the timber linear foundations, and it may be that it was on top of these that the timber frames of the walls above would have rested. As these did not survive however, we cannot be certain. The main building was quite substantial, measuring almost 13 m in length, and almost 5 m in width. Four dendrochronology samples were taken, and returned dates of as early as A.D. 1651, and as late as A.D /- 15. However, taken as a group, they appear to suggest a construction date for the building of somewhere between A.D and The timbers used originated in Halland in Sweden. Figure 95 The foundation of the possible fireplace. Seen from southeast A further smaller section of foundation found within the building may have related to an internal wall, or perhaps to the placement of a fireplace and chimney at the centre of the building (see above). It was built in the same basic style as the main structure, with wooden piles and horizontal wooden beams. Some similar gatehouses survive in Copenhagen today (for example on the ravelin between Christianshavn and 107

112 Amager), and show how the upper elements of this building might have looked though of course to what extent these buildings have been rebuilt and repaired over the last almost 350 years is uncertain. An element of a probable rear-annexe to the gatehouse/guardhouse was seen in the south-eastern edge of Area 3. This comprised of a foundation cut into moat/millrace backfills, and a combination of stones and broken bricks laid within to form a foundation, upon which was placed a brick and mortar laid foundation. This structure measured 3,8 m in length, and would have extended c. 3 m out from the main gatehouse/guardhouse. Given the fact that this structure is smaller than the main structure and built in a different way, it is likely that it was a later addition/extension to the building. Hence we cannot say precisely when it dates from. Its function is also unclear; it may have acted as a storage area, or it may simply reflect a need for more space within the building. Figure 96 The annexe structure seen from northwest Infrastructure In Phase 6 of the site (A.D ) the infrastructure in this area was improved in a number of ways, most obviously of course in relation to defence, but also in non-defence related ways. Perhaps the most important of the improvements was the expansion of the water system, with many new water pipe lines established. Water pipes Wooden water pipe lines were being established in Copenhagen since at least the 1600s. The years after A.D saw the renewal and expansion of this system in the Rådhuspladsen area, and thanks to dendrochronology dates, we can outline these developments and their chronology with some confidence. A set of four pipes was described in the previous section, running more or less parallel to and along the edge of Vester Voldgade. That set of pipes was dated to c. A.D. 1667, and was probably established around the time the mill was decommissioned. Located directly beside these pipes, a second set of five wooden water pipes was discovered running in an almost identical alignment. While the older pipes were clearly 108

113 sealed by the backfilling of the mill/moat, with the cut for the pipe-trench only appearing when these dumps were removed, these later pipes were apparent much earlier in the excavation, and were clearly cut through the moat backfills. These pipes had a vertical sided trench cut. This contained the five water pipes, one of which was placed under the others, and which did not continue beyond the boundary of Area 3 and 4. The reason for this pipe not continuing is not clear, but it may suggest that some of the pipes were replaced at some point, with the old pipes sometimes being left in situ in the trench. Approximately 24,5 m of the pipes length was exposed during the excavation at Rådhuspladsen. Laid over the pipes was a mixed backfill deposit, very similar to the moat backfills, but looser and more mixed. Figure 97 The later water pipes (on the right) seen from southeast A re-cut of the pipe trench was seen in Area 3. This re-cut was shored with timber which had been left in situ, and appears to point to some sort of repair work carried out in this area. These pipes were notably bigger than the older version, with broader diameters (0,35 m 0,4 m). Another notable difference was that these pipes had had their bark removed, whereas the older pipes still had much of their bark attached. Both sets however, had an internal bore diameter of c. 11 cm, which suggests that these pipes are part of the main water network, rather than being part of the system that lead from the pump to the main water network (these pipes would have a narrower bore diameter of c. 8-9 cm (Topcagic, 2014). These pipes were probably laid as a replacement or perhaps an addition to the older set recorded immediately to the west. A further possibility is that one line might represent pumpevand (pumped water), while the other might be coming straight from the source. Both pipelines ran along Vester Voldgade, using the open street as it would be easier to dig up. Dendrochronological analysis indicates a felling date of winter , suggesting that these were one of the later sets of water pipes in the city. This timber was identified as having originated in Småland in Sweden. 109

114 Figure 98 Timber shoring in situ, possibly for accessing the pipes to carry out repairs. Seen from south Located in the northern corner of the excavation area in a watching brief trench, a single wooden water pipe was seen early on during the excavation at Rådhuspladsen. It was placed in a vertical-sided, flatbottomed trench cut, which was back-filled with mixed material. The pipe measured just 0,24 m in diameter, while the hole in the water pipe had a diameter of 12 cm. The trench and pipe ran in an E-W direction, perhaps towards the west end of Vestergade. No date was retrieved; however based on the form of pipe and as it still had bark attached, it can be tentatively suggested that it is relatively old, perhaps 17th century or a little later. Seen in different trenches across the site at Rådhuspladsen, the various pipes likely dated to post-1670 suggest an increasing need or desire to have fresh running water in the city, and points to a city-wide level of organisation and planning to ensure this. We have seen from the dates retrieved at Rådhuspladsen that as early as A.D wooden pipes were being laid beneath the streets of western Copenhagen, and that this process continued in a technologically similar way until at least A.D. 1822/23. Water pipe access-trench A linear trench thought to relate to accessing some of the wooden water pipes was documented in Area 4. The trench was located in the eastern half of Area 4, running in a roughly southwest-northeast direction. It consisted of a linear trench dug presumably dug for the purpose of maintenance of the pipes. The northeast terminus of the trench exposed the top of four wooden water pipes which ran at 90 degrees to this trench. These had not been damaged in any way, (though the bark was missing here) and there was a wooden peg driven in to a drilled hole on top of each, located centrally in the trench - suggesting possible maintenance work. However, the reason for the extension of the trench to the southwest is unclear. It may be that there was uncertainty as to exactly where to find the pipes, or that the trench was dug to access the pipes, which were then tapped, and that the purpose was in fact to use water from the pipes. The trench 110

115 appears to lead toward the water canal, and though the mill must have been out of use by this time, the millrace might have been kept open somewhat longer. The cut was filled with similar material to the backfills of the mill and moat, and probably was mainly the material that was dug through while making the trench. The fill was very rich in finds, which generally dated to the late 17th century, including faience and china. It also produced hundreds of fragments of clay pipes, particularly stems, which generally appeared to be unused. The trench appears to date to the very late 17th or early 18th century based on the finds assemblage, and was clearly one of the latest archaeological features in Area 4. Figure 99 The access-trench seen from northeast Other Features Pits A number of pits have been dated to the period after A.D One example located within the eastern edge of the former moat/mill in Area 3, consisted of a large circular cut. This pit was cut into the already back-filled moat/mill. It was subsequently filled up with a large amount of waste material, mainly organic waste, but with a large amount of cultural material. This material included many high status objects, more than in the moat backfills, and it may be that this pit was filled with the household waste from a nearby wealthy household. It is probable that the pit held a high concentration of either (or both) latrine waste or animal manure. There was evidence suggesting periods of flooding or slumping occurring while the pit was in use. Figure 100 Wig (FO ) found in the large pit 111

116 Figure 101 The large pit post-excavation. Seen from northwest This pit dated to the late 17th century, post-dating the backfilling of the mill/millrace/moat, suggesting that it dated to after A.D The dating is also based on the artefactual evidence from its fills. Indeed some of the clay pipe fragments recovered point to a date of at least A.D. 1690, or perhaps slightly later. The backfills in the moat may have been somewhat 'sanitised' by this time, whereas the material dumped into this pit was fresh 'unclean' waste, which required burying. Another possibility is that the cut itself was the significant element, that perhaps a structural element of the mill, previously left in-situ, was uncovered and removed though this scenario seems unlikely. Spur (FO ) from the large pit, post- Figure 102 conservation Artefactual material recovered included textile, leather (including shoes and a hat), clay pipes, wood chips, straw, animal hair, kitchen utensils, combs, horseshoes, a cannonball, tokens, a buckle, a metal stylus, scissors, nails, pins, nuts, sea shells, animal bones, bucket staves, a glove, a wig, an iron key, a spur and drinking glass fragments. Samples were taken from the main fill, one large sample for sieving, and two environmental samples. Dietary information recovered from these showed the presence of walnuts and hazelnuts, while a huge amount of animal bone was recovered, including haddock and ling, goose, hen, duck and swan, cattle, pig, sheep, goat and red deer (antler only), as well as cat and horse. Many cattle and sheep horn fragments (as well as the antler fragments) are thought to be evidence for horn-working, but overall the bone assemblage reflects a domestic assemblage. 112

117 Phase 7 The modern city A.D present day Main structures: air raid shelters Introduction to Phase 7 Phase 7 saw ongoing activity around the square, mostly related to landscaping and the placement of various modern services. Traces of some of this activity were documented to a degree during the excavation, because of the impact they had on archaeological features, and in order to explain the condition of the impacted archaeology. Also documented in Phase 7 were a number of air raid shelters. These offered a glimpse of an occupied city at war. Given the increasing interest in conflict and battle-field archaeology, it was deemed appropriate to treat these structures as archaeologically and historically interesting, and hence they were documented albeit briefly. The construction of these structures had a quite severe impact on the earlier archaeological features. It is worth bearing in mind that the air raid shelters constructed during World War II were in a sense the modern equivalent of the city fortifications, defence for the urban population in an era when enemy attack could no longer be kept out with the use of physical barriers on the ground. The shelters were in a sense the last resort, not so much urban defence, as places of temporary refuge to be used while the city itself might be destroyed overhead. The underground toilet building, also constructed in the 1940s, was still in use up until early This building also had a major impact on the archaeological features, particularly the former mill. This building was not documented archaeologically, but can be seen on many of the site plans, as the blank area at the centre of the main excavation area, and in some of the photographs. Phase 7 Description The final recognised phase of activity at Rådhuspladsen relates to the modern period, from c. A.D up to the present day. In this period the square known as Rådhuspladsen was established, and later saw both the placement and removal of a tram system, and in more recent times the construction of a bus terminal. Some of these events were recognisable in the archaeological record, such as the construction of a number of air raid shelters during the 1940s, and an underground public toilet building that would remain in use right up until the beginning of this excavation in The defences had, prior to this phase, been removed in this area, though more modern fortifications were instead established far outside the urban area. Despite their modern nature, the features found at Rådhuspladsen from this period, particularly the air raid shelters, contribute to our understanding of Copenhagen, and indeed its defence, during this period. The modern remains seen at Rådhuspladsen heavily impacted earlier features in the area such as the postmedieval mill structure and the outer gate, but left behind interesting traces of more modern activities in the urban area. 113

118 Modern Urban Defence Figure 103 Plan of the main features in Phase 7 The remains of air-raid shelters were seen during the excavation. In general two types of shelter were encountered, L-shaped or linear shelters (in some cases still intact), and round or domed shelters (all of which had been largely demolished previously). Sources indicate a date as late as A.D for the construction of these shelters, by which time (we can say in hindsight) the war was approaching its end. The construction of the shelters was prompted by news of the heavy bombing that many German cities were experiencing, and a fear that Copenhagen might suffer a similar fate. It is understood that these shelters, constructed in public areas such as city squares, were built for people on the streets to use in the event of an air-raid. Elsewhere, basements in residential buildings were also set up to function as bomb shelters. L-shaped bomb shelters During the excavation carried out at Rådhuspladsen, three linear or L-shaped air-raid shelters were uncovered. The first encountered and most intact example was first seen in trench Z 6326 and later the remainder was exposed in Area 4 of the main excavation. The main entrance to the shelter was at its northwestern end, located in Z 6326, and following the removal of concrete slabs sealing the entrance stairs (and the pumping out of water), it was possible to examine the interior of the structure. 114

119 The shelter consisted of a linear reinforced concrete structure, set within a large and quite deep construction cut. It was clear that the entire structure would have been below ground level, apart from the top of a centrally placed small square turret, which presumably was both a lookout and potential escape route should the main entrance become blocked. The stairway and entrance area measured 1,1 m wide by 2,05 m high (at the bottom of the stairs). Above the entrance 'Misbrug straffes efter Løven. Luftværnchefen' (misuse punishable by law. Air Force commander) was painted in black lettering. Fragments of a wooden inner door survived, lying broken in the doorway. The door measured 1,69 m high and 0,925 m wide, with C.L painted in red letters. This is an abbreviation of Statens Civile Luftværn (The State Civil Air Defence).The stairway joined to the main tunnel section seen in Area 4 at a right angle. Figure 104 Entrance to the shelter, inner door visible on left side The main section consisted of a vaulted arch of c.16 m in length (16,7 m in length externally). The internal width was c. 2,5 m, c. 3 m externally. It seems that the linear part of these shelters was effectively a reinforced concrete cylinder, but with a flat concrete floor poured on the inside to make it more user friendly. A cylinder was probably both easy to make, but also quite strong. A groove ran along both sides of the flat floor, presumably for any water that might get in to the shelter to flow along. It is likely that there would have been a drain for excess water to flow out somewhere, but this was not seen. This type of shelter would have had benches running along its length on both sides, but either they had been removed or they had rotted away. Rusted iron attachments could still be seen along the walls. 115

120 Figure 105 The interior of the shelter Some sandy sediment had collected in the shelter over the years, presumably washed in by flood water. Finds comprised of the door remains (described above) and some glass beer bottles, manufactured in the 1940s. The latter objects would suggest that the shelter was probably sealed off shortly after the war, and left untouched thereafter. The structure was very solid, with no obvious deterioration. The majority of the structure was removed during the excavations at Rådhuspladsen, though some elements of the southwestern end of the structure were left in situ. Breaking up the structure, as with all of the bunkers, required the use of a mechanical excavator fitted with a hydraulic hammer, and took considerable effort, showing how well built the shelters were. The second linear or L-shaped air-raid shelter seen at Rådhuspladsen was seen in Area 2 (A and B), and in Area 5. The shelter was L-shaped, with a 90 degree bend in the main structure. The stairwell was built parallel to the shorter north-eastern part of the shelter, to its west. At the western end of the structure, the construction cut had been made through the remains of the outer gate façade, which must have taken considerable effort. It is surprising that it was not simply decided to place the shelter in a slightly different position to avoid this obstacle. The cut for the shelter truncated a considerable amount of archaeological features, including several medieval pits in Area 2B. The shelter was constructed in a similar way to the example described above, using reinforced concrete, though where the two sections were connected, a short corridor area built with concrete blocks was used. It could be seen that the concrete of the main structure had been shuttered during construction, and so was presumably built (poured) in location. The main section was only seen inside briefly, as it had been damaged and blocked off by the steel shoring around Area 2A. The shorter eastern section however, could be accessed from the roof hatch/turret in Area 2B (this had been capped with concrete presumably when the shelter went out of use), and was found to be in good condition. 116

121 Figure 106 The eastern part of the second shelter, within Area 2A. Seen from north It was similar in form to the other shelter, but two unusual features are worth mentioning. Along the northeastern wall, a timber plank was attached to the wall, and at regular intervals along it, grey electrical wires were attached, which had been cut off at the ends. Their purpose is uncertain, but it is possible that this end of the bunker was set up to be an emergency communication point, with phones or telegraph installed. The other unusual feature was the presence of a raised concrete plinth in the north-western corner, and a ceramic pipe which came through the roof/wall above it, where it ended. The inside of this pipe appeared to have a slightly sooty texture, and it seems likely that some form of stove had been fitted in this corner, sitting on the plinth and with its exit flue attached to the ceramic pipe. The combination of these unusual features certainly points at this end of the shelter having had some special function, and being set up for at least slightly more long term use. Finds from this shelter included scraps of old newspaper, a ceramic plate fragment, a rusted can, and a Frederik IX coin. The year on the coin was unclear, but must have been between 1947 and The discovery of a tiny white plastic skull in the bunker showed that some intrusive material was present. This may have come from the chimney pipe, which may have been open to the surface in later years. 117

122 Figure 107 The northern end of the shelter described above. Note the wooden panel and wires to the right, and the ceramic pipe in the corner. One further linear air-raid shelter was documented on site, in trench Z This had been truncated by many modern services (including a large district heating trench), and so survived only partially. Its basic construction appears to have been similar to the shelters described above, but its overall size and shape are unknown. Circular/domed bomb shelters Across the excavation area at Rådhuspladsen several circular/domed air-raid shelters were recorded. In every case these survived only partially. It seemed in general that the domed top, which would have protruded above ground, had been deliberately broken up, to below ground level, in order to remove the visible traces of the shelters. The bases of the shelters, to a height of c. 1 m generally survived, often with remnants of the top of the shelter lying broken up within. The staircases survived to varying degrees. Seven circular shelters were seen in total, and these occurred in two clusters of three, with one more isolated shelter in between. The first cluster was located along the west side of the excavation area, close to HC Andersen s Blvd. These three shelters were placed in one construction cut, and were placed in a line parallel to the edge of the square/street. The most southern example measured c. 7,5 m across. It had some traces of a stairs surviving to its southeast side. It was badly damaged in the past, and its eastern half had been removed completely by a fjernvarme (district heating) trench. Located c. 3 m to the northwest was the second shelter. This structure survived in two parts, as the fjernvarme trench had also gone through it. It measured c. 7 m across as documented. Located immediately to the northwest was the (possible) third shelter. It seems possible that this could simply represent an element of the previous shelter, or the very partial remains of another circular shelter. 118

123 The second cluster of shelters occurred further east, in Areas 2 and 5. The foundations of the former bus terminal had interfered with the structures to quite an extent. The best preserved shelter (see photo below) was located to the east, close to the underground toilet building. It was possible to document this shelter to a greater extent than the others. Figure 108 Air raid shelter. Seen from southwest The diameter at the base was documented at c. 7 m, while the staircase measured c. 1,6 m wide. The thickness of the concrete dome was approximately 25 cm, and it was clear that it had been shuttered and poured in situ. The shelter would have had an internal height at the centre of c. 3,5 m. Figure 109 Some of the circular bunkers at Rådhuspladsen during construction in

124 This example was not physically connected to any of the others. It was largely destroyed, probably in 1947 when other bomb shelters on Rådhuspladsen were demolished. Benches would have been fitted around the edge of the shelter, but no trace of these survived. In the base of the stairwell a drain was located in the floor. From inside the shelter there was also a drain, connected to a sand-trap in the entrance. In or around the drain/entrance, a small orange bakelite or plastic flask was found. On the bottom of this container was written "Hautentgiftungssalbe" "eje" "115" "1943" and "44". This was part of the military equipment given to German soldiers during World War II (e.g. It contained skin decontamination cream for any toxic "war substance" one might come in contact with during combat, e.g. blister gas. The "eje" probably refers to the factory where the bottle was produced is the year the bottle was produced. The 44 is melted into the plastic and this refers to the date where the ointment was filled in the bottle. The lid was (still) attached to the bottle with a nylon string, and the bottle would originally have been stored in a small container of plastic coated cardboard, along with some cotton swabs. This was the only clearly military artefact relating to World War II recovered on site. Figure 110 Hautentgiftungssalbe from the shelter Another air-raid shelter was documented in trench Z This was c. 7,5 m in diameter, and constructed in the same way as the other domed shelters. Only its western half was seen, the rest was probably removed when the Movia bus terminal was constructed. No further details were noted. Located just northwest of the shelter above was the last of the eastern shelter-cluster. Only the western edge of this structure survived, having been destroyed when the bus terminal was constructed. While only a small part of the shelter was seen, it was clear that it was constructed in the same way as the other circular/domed air-raid shelters. Located within trench Z was one further domed air-raid shelter. This was c. 7 m in diameter across its base, and was constructed in the same fashion as the others. No further details were noted. These domed air-raid shelters were all built at about the same time, in precisely the same fashion, with the use of standard shuttering moulds. Therefore, it is likely that they were almost identical. The measurements taken at Rådhuspladsen suggest a diameter of c. 7 m was standard; variations in survival condition can explain the slight variations apparent above. 120

125 Other Activity A series of deposits were recorded overlying the remains of the outer western gate, which are thought to date to sometime after the gates secondary deconstruction in the 19th century. While some of these deposits might belong in Phase 6, modern material was seen and it seems likely that these layers have been disturbed by modern activities in the late 19th or 20th centuries. A number of modern service trenches had been placed in the area, for electric cables or pipes of various forms, cutting some of the upper parts of the deconstructed gate. The placement of these services probably explains the disturbed nature of many of these deposits. 121

126 Discussion Public spaces and activities Public spaces were identifiable in the form of roads/streets, and in the form of the city gates and bridges. An identified cemetery area could also be defined as a form of public space. It may be that some of the wells identified should be seen as for public use. Certainly the wooden waterpipe system seen in a number of areas was part of a large scale urban project. One of the surfaces defined, under present day Vester Voldgade, might relate to a square rather than a street. In most areas where street surfaces were encountered, substantial evidence existed for their ongoing use, and intermittent replacement or renewal with new surface material. This can surely be seen as centrally organised work. It could also be seen that Vestergade, or a street in the same place, appears to have existed from the earliest stages of Copenhagen, as well as a continuation of that street, out of the city to the west. Figure 111 The outer gate foundations exposed in Area 2A A wealth of evidence was uncovered relating to the town boundary, in the form of various fortification elements. These fortifications, and the many alterations to them, have given a vast amount of physical evidence for the chronology and morphology of the fortifications through time. Interesting evidence was unearthed regarding the land use inside and outside of the town. Perhaps most surprising is that no evidence was seen for a boundary in this area prior to the 14 th century, and furthermore, a range of evidence (such as pits, wells, buildings and the burial area) outside of the later medieval fortification, suggests that this area was part of the urban area of the town from a time predating the first known defences. Infrastructure and organisation can be seen in the construction, repair and reconstruction of the roads, the planning and construction of the various fortifications including the bridges, and of course the building of the mill. Furthermore, the placement and replacement of the wooden waterpipes are evidence for largescale infrastructural works, with the aim of supplying fresh water to at least some of the citizens. It should also be remembered that even the filling up of the moat with urban waste reflects centralised organisation, not just in the terms of the decision to re-landscape the area, but also in terms of the organised collection and transportation of the waste. In a much more modern sense, the air-raid shelters also point to largescale projects with central organisation. 122

127 Economic and demographic development Evidence for trade and craft was recovered in considerable quantities. This varied from (for example) fish processing waste to butchered and/or processed animal bone, much evidence for milling, wood working, needle craft, pottery making, comb making and tanning. Even begging, in an official sense, was evident. From the later period, possible evidence was seen for brewing, for textile manufacture, pottery making, bone working and iron-working. Fish processing was clearly still going on in the area, as well as butchery. Perhaps most obvious of all activities was milling, in the form of the remains of the watermill building and associated millrace. From the 17 th century moat/mill race deposits, there came a wealth of evidence for a growing economy, and for a growth in consumerism. This came in the form of the amassed urban refuse, dumped into the defunct moat/millrace in the later decades of the 17 th century. Due to excellent conditions for preservation, great quantities of organic material survived as well as the more typical inorganic finds material. This gave a very complete picture of the kinds of material being discarded in this period, including fine glassware, ceramics, clay pipes, textiles, shoes, cutlery, food waste, weapon and tool parts, timber waste, building material (bricks and tiles) and horse equipment. Other more accidentally dumped material such as coins, tokens, a doctor s stamp and intact knives, showed how important objects could end up being lost within refuse. The artefacts also reflected the ongoing trade in the city. Figure 112 Area 2A Documenting the archaeology in The nature of trade at the time is apparent, with many foreign wares included amongst the waste (particularly German and Dutch). It has also been seen in the pottery assemblage for example that during the post-medieval period while there was large-scale importation, there was also local manufacture of imitation foreign goods. The brewing of beer was clearly thriving, as was the importation of tobacco and wine. It can also be seen however, that though consumerism was on the rise, on the other hand there was also much repair and reuse going on, of items such as clothing and shoes. The invaluable source material from the former moat certainly opens up opportunities for research into topics related to consumerism and trade, and their consequences for society. 123

128 Socio-cultural implications and consequences of urban life The material evidence left behind implies many kinds of social interactions, at various social levels. It also tells us much about the kinds of lifestyles that existed in the city, particularly in the 17 th century, for which the greatest volume of evidence survives. With few structures surviving to any great extent, the aim of examining spatial layout of actual individual structures may prove elusive. However, there is evidence that provides information on the organisation of activities and consumption, i.e. in the early and high medieval remains of pits used for refuse disposal including a diversity of household and production refuse. For example, food evidence did survive, and much has been established about the diet of Copenhageners through the centuries, particularly in relation to meat and fish resources, and also cereal and plant consumption. The majority of this food evidence came from secondary locations such as waste pits and the moat however, and is difficult to directly associate with particular households, with the exception of one high medieval house structure seen in Vester Voldgade. Household items were also recovered in considerable quantities, but the same caveat applies as to that with the food evidence. Nonetheless, particularly where the 17 th century is concerned, there is much potential to address trends across society, if not individual households. Items such as repaired clothing and repaired and recycled shoes point to the stratification of society, with the wealthy purchasing new and fashionable items, and later the same items working their way down the social ladder, through resale, charity or scavenging, and end up in the hands of the poorer people. The recovery of a gold ducat for example, also points to the wealthy (perhaps merchant) class, while a beggars badge recovered from the fills over the millrace is reflective of relative poverty, and also to the social and administrative organisation of the town, where an activity such as begging was in effect subject to licence. Clearly there were well established different levels in the 17 th century social topography of Copenhagen. From the establishment of the town boundary in the 14 th century, it does not appear that there were any structures of a domestic or industrial nature in the immediate vicinity of the outside of the western gate. There were also few finds recovered from that area from the late medieval or post-medieval period, apart from in the backfilled moats. Hence, there is little opportunity to examine differences in the material culture or structures inside versus outside the fortifications, other than to observe the relative lack of them outside the town area. 124

129 Conclusions The excavation at Rådhuspladsen carried out between 2011 and 2012 in advance of the construction of a Metro Cityring station identified very significant archaeological remains surviving under the present day square. This material was documented thoroughly, and has provided a wealth of information regarding the origins and development of the town and later city of Copenhagen through the centuries. The early and high medieval remains which were documented, including road surfaces, pits, wells, levelling layers, fragments of buildings, and a hitherto unknown burial ground, represent the first large-scale archaeological settlement material excavated from this period in Copenhagen, and are therefore a very important source of information on the early development of the town and of life in the town. The material has given reason to rethink earlier interpretations of the extent and fabric of early medieval Copenhagen. This material will be worked with in greater depth, as part of a project that will focus on exploring what activities, people and networks were important in the early urbanisation process of Copenhagen, and if and how urban ways of life and urban identities can be seen in the material culture. The high medieval remains were also very significant in nature, both relating to everyday life (street layers, pits, wells and structures) but also to urban fortification. New dates for some of the fortification elements give reason to re-examine the process of constructing the high medieval fortification around the city, and the time-line involved. The new dates point to a prolonged process, which raises questions as to why this was, on whose initiative and in whose interest the fortification was built and what the main purpose of it was. The new evidence relating to the fortification can inform future research, perhaps in association with the evidence uncovered at Kongens Nytorv, and at other excavations around the city. In terms of sheer volume, the post-medieval remains dominated the excavation at Rådhuspladsen, with a wealth of structures, pits and of course fortification elements documented across the excavation area. The new evidence adds considerably to our knowledge of the development of the city s boundary area and fortification, including the civil use of the area around the western city gate right up to the mid-19th century. Furthermore, vast amounts and a great variety of artefactual material were recovered, particularly from the backfilled moat, mill and mill race (material dumped there in the later 17th century). This assemblage holds great potential to enlighten us regarding life in the city in the 1600s. Aspects of the assemblage, the shoe and textile collection for example, are already part of ongoing research projects. The sheer scale of the finds assemblage ensures that there are further opportunities for material studies relating to a variety of different object and material types. Pottery, glass, household objects and personal related objects are categories with potential to give new information on consumer culture and the way people promoted themselves in public or in their homes. The emphasis put on scientific and specialist analyses of different materials has also yielded a source material which holds potential for further studies and research. For example, the metal working residue from the medieval period has potential to add to our knowledge of the medieval development of this craft in Denmark, of where the ore was coming from, and the role of iron production and the smith in the medieval trade networks and in society. There are many possibilities for further research projects which could address aspects of this assemblage. For the Renaissance moat finds, the potential is not only in the individual finds categories, but also an 125

130 opportunity - and a challenge - lies in placing the entire assemblage into a contextualized view of consumer culture and the display of urban identity in 17th century Copenhagen. Clearly the excavation at Rådhuspladsen has already added significantly to our understanding of Copenhagen s past, and the research projects both ongoing and upcoming illustrate the value of the information gained, and its potential going forward to form the basis for further studies. The material is extensive and varied enough to stand on its own, but perhaps its greatest value will be as part of the collective archaeological and historical source material relating to Copenhagen, and also in comparison with other cities in Denmark and Europe. 126

131 Section II Exploring the archaeology of Rådhuspladsen 127

132 The emerging medieval town of Copenhagen some ideas about where, how and why Introduction The question of how Copenhagen came to be is an old one, resulting in numerous and sometimes conflicting theories from historians and later on, archaeologists, since the 19th century. However, the source material has been scarce, both from a historic and an archaeological point of view. A dearth of large excavations in the old parts of the city has kept the archaeological evidence fragmentary, a corollary of which is a lack of synthesis pertaining to the more recent archaeological evidence. In connection with the Metro Cityring excavations the Museum of Copenhagen has had the opportunity to conduct major excavations in areas pertinent to the development of the medieval town. The sites of Kongens Nytorv (The King s New Square; ) and Rådhuspladsen (The Town Hall Square; ) lie on the borders of the high and late medieval town, but are traditionally seen as being located outside the earliest settlement. The preliminary results of these excavations, particularly Rådhuspladsen, together with those from the 2008 excavation of St. Clemens cemetery and a number of indications and results from small watching briefs around the city, allow us to update the story of the early development of Copenhagen. Figure 113 Copenhagen and the Øresund area, with important towns marked. The findings at Rådhuspladsen indicate that the city s early development is a complex process with more phases and involving more agents than hitherto asserted. At present, there is insufficient empirical data to fully investigate this. However, the results obtained provide some interesting insights, albeit in a 128

133 preliminary form. Questions which can be put to the material are: What kind of place was early medieval Copenhagen? When and how did the town start to develop? Why did it develop as it did? And who were the people who settled here and lived their lives in the new town? The potential that this new information holds for enhancing our knowledge of Copenhagen s role in the Øresund (Sound) area in the dynamic period of the Early Middle Ages is invaluable. Moreover, it can further our understanding of the general historical development in the eastern part of Denmark in this period (ca ). Urbanisation and urbanity The process which leads to the development of a place into a town (urbanisation) can be complex and differ from case to case, just as the functions of the specific town can vary. A common trait is that the town constitutes a centre of authority and organisation. The settlement is usually characterised as being dense and organised in plots. The location of the town is perhaps foremost based on its communication possibilities. That is why the town has to be considered in its wider context, as an actor in the landscape and the region, interacting with its surrounding villages and countryside. A number of non-agrarian functions are placed in the specific location (the town), which has implications for the type of life and living conditions present in such a place (urbanity). Trade and craft are perhaps the most important of these nonagrarian functions. The town is a place where people from different places and with different roles meet and create a type of life which in many ways is different from in the countryside. Previous research on Copenhagen s early period Traditionally, the founding of the town is said to have occurred in 1167, when according to Saxo Grammaticus, the Archbishop Absalon is said to have built a new castle on the island of Strandholmen. Another contemporary written source is the letter Absalon received from Pope Urban in 1186, stating that King Valdemar I had given him the castle in Havn (the early name for København/Copenhagen) and what is interpreted as an estate or village of Havn. The meaning of the passages have been scrutinised by historians over the years, but there is little consensus on what Absalon was actually responsible for building, and what type of place Havn was at this time. The dating as well as the placement and function of the earliest settlement has also been subject to much debate. The general agreement though, among both historians and archaeologists, is that Copenhagen/Havn has a history predating Absalon. What kind of a place Havn was at this time, as well as the dating and placement of the earliest settlement/town, cannot however be said with certainty to have been agreed upon. The primary reason for this being the meagre archaeological source material. The most established theory among scholars until recently, has been that Havn was a seasonal market place, with fish as a main trading commodity, and that its importance grew during the 12 th century. The first settlement has been believed to have been located within a moat and rampart in a 2.5 ha area, with the church of St. Clements placed outside. Even with regard to these theories however, very much has been uncertain: the date of the permanent settlement, the types of activities, the function of the moat and rampart, existence of an eastern settlement, and the dating of the earliest church in the town, for example. 129

134 Figure 114 Small horseshoe-shaped enclosure and St. Clemens church and cemetery on the background of the high/late medieval town. The approximate location of the Rådhuspladsen excavation is marked with a circle. New additions to the archaeological record In the past 25 years, and particularly in the last 10 years, excavations and watching briefs around the city centre have piece by piece updated and added to the archaeological record, providing new indications on the dating and topography of the early settlement. There are, however, reservations as to the extent to which these highly limited and scarce remains can be considered as clear evidence. It is often only an isolated radiocarbon date or a few finds that constitute the grounds for dating. It is also uncertain, in some cases, as to what the archaeological source material from these excavations represents, i.e. if deposits should be seen as remains from activities at the precise location, or if the material has been transported from other places in the vicinity, to be used as infill. With these caveats, the following map (Figure 115) and list show some of the most important locations where there are indications as well as more firm evidence of early medieval activity, from east to west: 130

135 Figure 115 The medieval town. Shown here are some of the archaeological finds which have enabled archaeologists and historians to rethink the dating and the extent of the early town. The map also marks the placement of the excavation at Rådhuspladsen (circle). 1. Fredriksberggade, Vester Voldgade, Mikkel Bryggers Gade; 2. Vestergade 7, 1989; 3. Mikkel Bryggers Gade 11-13, 1989; 4. Gammeltorv 18, 2008; 5. Vestergade 29-31, 2008; 6. Amager Torv/Højbro Plads, 1994; 7. Amager Torv/Læderstræde 8, 2003; 8. Regensen, 2012; 9. Kongens Nytorv, The excavation at Rådhuspladsen Although the archaeological evidence listed above attests that the extent of the early settlement appears to be different from what was previously believed, the excavation at Rådhuspladsen has given this a new perspective or dimension. Due to the location of the site outside the medieval town, it was thought to offer little potential for finding evidence of early medieval inhabitation. Contrary to this however, a good deal of early medieval material was indeed encountered, indicating that the extent of the early medieval town goes beyond the town s later medieval borders towards the west. Yet perhaps more importantly, the excavation has produced empirical source material of such a scale that we now, with a new degree of certainty, have important information indicating the kind of place early medieval Copenhagen was. The excavation comprised of 1750 m 2 which was subject to excavation, and 2600 m 2 of watching briefs (see Figure 4). Due to intensive use of the area from the high medieval period and onwards (for instance construction of multiple phases of moats and World War 2 air-raid shelters) a large part of the area was badly truncated, potentially removing early medieval cultural layers. Thus, most traces of activities from 131

136 this period that remained were deep cuts and their fills. Therefore, we know very little of the ground level from that time, and the information we have about activities in the area is fragmentary. Figure 116 Plan of the excavation with finds from c highlighted in red and blue. The main truncations are marked with grey. The circular, smaller, oblong features represent the WW2 air raid shelters. The excavation trench is the large, central, rectangular figure where the modern toilet building makes up the missing piece. The watching brief trenches surround the excavation trench. It should be noted that, most of them had been dug up before, and contained, to a large extent, disturbed soil. 132

137 The features in question were spread across the excavation area (see Figure 116). They consisted of pits, wells, simple buildings, roads and graves. From finds and stratigraphic relationships, we can date these features in a broad fashion to the late 11 th -13 th centuries. From sometime in the 14 th century, it is evident that most of the area has been used for other purposes. In the eastern part of the excavation area, the high medieval fortification with its moat, rampart and city gate Vesterport (Western Gate) were constructed, leaving huge cuts in the early medieval ground. No activity similar to the early medieval use of the area has been identified from the late 14 th century onwards outside what is known as the town s high and late medieval borders. Early medieval production and settlement area A large part of the area contained pits and well-like features that were preliminarily dated to the early medieval period through pottery and comb types found in their fills. The pits are believed to have been used for storage in connection with dwellings or productions some might also have been used for specific purposes related to the iron production on the location (see below). There were c. 60 cuts interpreted as pits and 12 as wells, all but one located south of a potentially contemporary road running in a southwestnortheast direction across the excavation area. The road was preserved in several phases of usage, dated by 14C-analyses from the early to the late medieval period. It is likely it was used until the outer western gate was built in the 16 th century. The pits and wells were situated quite close together, and contained similar fills. Some were subject to inter-cutting, which would suggest several phases of activity. Seen in plan view, it appears as though they were placed in a system, almost in rows at a certain distance from the road (Figure 117a). This could suggest the idea of a pattern for instance that they could be placed behind hypothetical houses that might have been located between the road and the pit/well area. This was one way of arranging household activities in medieval towns, with houses for dwelling and/or booths for trading closest to the road, and other activities, including places for refuse disposal, placed behind them. There is also evidence, for instance from Lund in the 12 th century, that in this period with less regulated craft activities, workshops were placed far back on the plots. However, no plot borders have been recorded at Rådhuspladsen. Furthermore, since the area which hypothetically would have contained houses was, to a very large extent, truncated by later activity, we do not have any archaeological data from that area the apparent pattern of pits and wells could merely be imagined. The categories of features uncovered suggest, on the one hand, that the area was mostly utilised for production and craft, and as such it would perhaps be of a less regulated character. On the other hand, due to the large truncations, dwellings and regulated plots borders leaving more shallow cuts in the ground than pits and wells, would hardly have survived. The best evidence of the activities taking place her could be argued to be the backfills of the pits. The find material in the deposits of the pits contained both refuse from craft and production as well as household refuse. This strongly suggests that the area may have been used as a combined dwelling and craft area. 133

138 Figure 117a Close-up of area with pits and wells in the middle of the square. The reconstructed road is marked with light blue, the preserved road parts in dark blue 134

139 Figure 117b Pit from 12 th century, pre-excavation. Photo: Museum of Copenhagen The features interpreted as pits were generally of a size of 1-1,5 meters in diameter and up to 1,5 meter deep. The pits and wells had been utilised as refuse pits after the primary use had stopped. It is also possible that some pits were dug as refuse pits originally. Many of the backfills contained craft-related refuse, with iron slag as a significant component. Many backfills also contained a substantial amount of fish bone and other bones. Other important find categories were pottery, daub, iron objects such as different tools and building material. Personal items like bone combs and bone pearls were also found in the deposits (Figure 118a and b). The pottery was mainly Baltic Ware ( ) or Early Redware ( ), which previously has been scarce in Copenhagen. One pit contained a single Viking Age potsherd. Collectively, the backfills can be described as containing both craft-related and household material. The wells were between c. 0.6 m and 2 m in diameter, up to two meters deep and typically with vertical sides and flat bases. In some of these features, the fills did not seem to be highly affected by water, and only one had an obvious lining in the form of a timber well lining. Alternative interpretations for some of these features could be some type of container for instance a water cistern or a silo. Cisterns or silos were often placed in connection to dwellings or to other activities requiring the use of water or other storage, e.g. of grains. Pollen analysis from one of the more typical wells suggests a usage in connection with tanning or brewing. The general interpretation of the pits as primarily used for storage, and secondly for refuse disposal, signifies they were related to dwellings, even though we do not have extensive evidence of such structures. Pits were generally used as storage for food supplies, and they could be placed either outside the houses or under the floor indoors. The pits and wells could also have been useful for storage or specific activities related to different types of craft or production, for instance to keep raw material in a controlled atmosphere, and of course for water which was needed for many purposes. Furthermore, if the backfills of 135

140 the pits and wells were to be seen as traces of the activities taking place on the location, it is likely that they have been part of craft- or production activities. The evidence indicates that the site has been the location of iron working and possibly also of fish handling and other crafts, such as comb making, as well as the place for occupation. As mentioned above, the pits and wells were situated south of the road running east-west. However, except for the burial area described below, almost no area to the north was available for the preservation of early medieval remains. Moreover, there were no borders or endings of the activities observed to the east, west or south in the excavation area. To the east, we know that St. Clemens Church and cemetery were situated, but we do not know how far towards the west or the south the activities occurred. The coastline at the time should have been found a couple of hundred meters to the south/southwest (see fig. 114). Figure 118a and b Part of a comb and sherds of Baltic Ware found in pit backfills at Rådhuspladsen. Photos: Museum of Copenhagen The datings of these features rely on a combination of typology of artefacts, stratigraphy and radiocarbon dating of seeds from primary pit fills and road layers. Preliminary 14 C-datings from primary fills of pits show a time span from the late 11 th century to the early 14 th century. The oldest pits are dated to and thereabouts. The Baltic Ware pottery found in the backfills date preliminarily to the 12 th century (Figure 118b), while some later dated pits also had Early Redware and Late Greyware in their backfills. There are several combs of late Viking/ early medieval types (Figure 118a). This gives an initial usage period of this area to the late 11 th to mid-14 th century, with the period c as the busiest phase. 136

141 Figure 119 Archaeologists from the Museum of Copenhagen excavating early medieval features in Vester Voldgade in Photo: Museum of Copenhagen In the eastern sector of the excavation area, closest to the central part of the town, some scattered traces of buildings were found together with pits as those described above. This area was less disturbed by later activities, possibly because the rampart of the later medieval fortification may have built on top of it. Thus, some cultural layers and original topsoil were preserved. The traces of buildings were fragmentary and consisted mainly of a few postholes, beam slots and fragments of clay floors. Since the undisturbed area was quite small, no complete buildings were identified. Analyses show, that at least four phases of usage of the area within the time period c can be discerned. This means, that the building structure and usage pattern in the area area was completely or partly re-organised three times during this time. With regard to the discussion of the kind of activities the western area described above represent, it could be argued that the better preservation conditions seen in the eastern part of the area, give an idea of how the whole of the area has been used for dwellings and production in several phases. In this area, the Vesterport town gate was later built. Below the gate s foundation, was a stone paved layer found, interpreted as part of an earlier road. A calibrated 14 C-dating from a seed found in between the stones dates to (Calendric Age). Burials Perhaps the biggest surprise of the excavation at Rådhuspladsen was the discovery of early medieval graves in the north-western corner of the square. The first results of these point to a dating range of these graves to within the timespan of (Calendric Age, cal AD). 137

142 The remains of all individuals were analysed with regard to age, sex, height and basic pathology. The analysis showed that the buried individuals consisted of women, men and children of all ages, suggesting this to have been a typical part of a settlement population. Nothing specific in terms of health or disease could be seen. The only information of particular note was the unusually tall height of the two individuals where estimations could be made a man of 179 cm, and a woman of 170 cm. No conclusions can of course be drawn from two individuals, but the indication is nevertheless curious in light of the fact that the individuals buried nearby in St. Clemens cemetery at about the same time were exceptionally small. Several women from the early phase of the St. Clemens cemetery (approximately dated to 11 th -12 th centuries) were of a height of between 140 and 145 cm, and some individuals categorised as probably male were cm tall. The average height of women during the Middle Ages was cm, and for men 173 cm. During the Viking Age, the average heights were somewhat lower, for women 158 cm (Bennike and Brade 1999, p. 16). The individuals from St. Clemens cemetery and those from Rådhuspladsen are placed outside either side of this scale, although believed to be contemporary. The possible significance of this is worthy of investigation. Further analyses hopefully can provide information about diet, living environment and place of origin. The layout of graves and the demographical indications can point to the burials belonging to a parish cemetery, most likely connected to a church or chapel. However, there is no information from written sources to suggest that a church was located here. In the historical records, there is no reference to more than one church during the early medieval period. The one church mentioned is interpreted as being the church of St. Clemens. From what we now know from the archaeological record, a new study of the references of the historical sources to churches during the medieval period would be beneficial. The density of burials, which becomes higher towards the north, indicates that the centre of the cemetery is located in this direction, as well as the probable church. There are other indications of the full extent and placement of the cemetery. Ca. 25 m to the east, a pair of human shinbones was found at an earlier stage of the excavation, in a very small watching brief trench, which at that point was seen as a stray find. Additionally, according to a note from 1954 in the museum s archive, skeletons were found outside the building which faces the north side of Rådhuspladsen, quite close to the graves found in At that time, the question was if the skeletons should be considered as deriving from a modern murder or if they were historical. After we checked with the Police archive, it was evident that the skeletons were not modern. Knowing this, it is likely that they may be a part of the newly discovered early medieval cemetery. The stratigraphic conditions as well as the 14 C -results indicate that the usage period of the cemetery was fairly limited, but still more than a temporary feature. However, since the cemetery, and its hypothetical church, is not known from written sources, it is likely that it was taken out of use quite early in the medieval period. This is confirmed by the dates of the graves. It is tempting to see the cemetery, the occupation and production activities as a contemporary phase of activity which at one point came to an end and in its place the high medieval fortification was built running through this area. What this could mean will be discussed later in the text. To sum up, the excavation at Rådhuspladsen has yielded crucial new information on the early history of Copenhagen. The information can be interpreted in the following way: 138

143 Part of the settlement or town has been located further to the west than previously suggested, which could have several implications. It could mean a larger extent of the earliest town, or perhaps that the town s centre was located further to the west than previously believed or that there were several settlement nuclei at this point. The findings seriously question the former theories about the horseshoe- shaped ditch and rampart east of St. Clemens and west of Gammeltorv as marking the earliest extent of the town. It is likely that there has been a previously unknown church in the west which was abandoned, possibly already in the late 12 th century. The presence of two churches points to social complexity, and the later abandonment of the cemetery and activity area suggest a change of organisation or power relations in the town. There is evidence of craft production primarily iron working. Also significant is the occurrence of fish bone which could be seen in relation to trade. The early settlement - or town - What type of place was it? What do the results imply about the early urbanisation of Copenhagen? What does this new archaeological data, both from Rådhuspladsen as well as the earlier indications from around the town centre, suggest of the type of place Copenhagen or Havn was in the 11 th and 12 th centuries? Long-standing questions, such as when the oldest settlement can be dated to, where it was situated, who initiated the new settlement, and why, can now have new light shed upon them. This new information also enables us to ask questions about the people who moved to the town about who they were, and why they settled down here. This will not be discussed in any depth, here, but left for future enquiry. Dating, topography Previously, it was assumed that the settlement developed possibly from the late 11 th century and onwards, but now we have more firm indications to suggest that Copenhagen could already have been a place with a developing urban character in the late 11 th century. The dates from St. Clemens cemetery, the ditch surrounding the horseshoe-shaped enclosure, dates from Mikkel Bryggers Gade and Vestergade as well as the ditch at Kongens Nytorv, all indicate substantial human activity already during this period, and over quite a large area. The 14 C-dates of the burials from Rådhuspladsen are among the earliest dates we have of activity in Copenhagen, and they point to a well-established cemetery, alongside with the cemetery of St. Clemens, going into the 12 th century. Moreover, quite a large amount of 14C-dates from the production and settlement activities, starting from the late 11 th century add to the picture of Copenhagen as a busy place when the 11 th century turned into the 12 th. The general picture of the topography of early Copenhagen may be interpreted in several ways. It may indicate that the early medieval settlement was placed along the beach in the rough shape of a longstretched oblong shape (Figure 120). Parallel to the coast, and later harbour, was a road running west-east, entering the location between the grave area and the production area at Rådhuspladsen (and documented 139

144 at the Rådhuspladsen excavation), and ending at Kongens Nytorv. Along this road, the town developed. Alternatively, there could originally have been two or more nuclei, as nobleman s estates, each with its own church, cemetery and farm houses. These types of settlements from the late Viking Age and Early Medieval period have been brought to notice in recent Scandinavian research. These places often had different functions, some with specialised craft activities. The town would then have developed and grown from this two centers. Toward a new map of early medieval Copenhagen a hypothesis With the archaeological data outlined above, together with the theories presented, a new map can be suggested for how the town might have looked in the early medieval period (Figure 120). The physical map has significance for the map of power in the town, which will also be discussed later. Figure 120 Map with suggested placement of various activities. The horseshoe-shaped rampart and moat, which earlier was believed to be the first fortification and extent of the town could instead have been a protected market place, or possibly a fortified/enclosed king s or nobleman s estate. Immediately to the west, the church of St. Clemens could have been built already in the 11 th century, or early 12 th at the latest. West of the church (at present-day Rådhuspladsen) there seems to have been a combined production/dwelling area. North of these activity areas, a road ran in an east-west direction. North of the road by the production/dwelling area, a second cemetery was placed. The hypothetical church connected to the cemetery probably lay further to the north, since the grave density increased in this direction. Assuming this would probably have been a private church, there could have 140

145 been a nobleman s estate next to it this is suggested solely according to frequently used archaeological theories - no archaeological evidence of this is presently at hand. In the area east of the horseshoe-shaped enclosure, from Gammeltorv all the way to Kongens Nytorv, the archaeological evidence attests that there before the 13 th century probably were sparse settlement activity here, much like farms, which was a common layout of the early medieval town settlement, e.g. in Lund. Finally, at present-day Kongens Nytorv, more solid evidence such as plot borders and animal bones possibly from the 11 th century suggest an older settlement or an estate at this location. Taking into account that this would be a logical place for docking ships coming to the town, it is also feasible that there would be some point of control here, monitoring the incoming ships. Considering the contemporary topograghy, the area of present-day Rådhuspladsen was then quite close to the shoreline, which could be another reason for the seemingly active use of this area perhaps there was a second harbour or place for docking boats here? An alternative hypothesis is thus the possibility of two or more centres in the area from present-day Rådhuspladsen (or even further towards the west) to Kongens Nytorv, in the form of large nobleman s farms or estates. This is seen in other comparable towns, like Viborg in Jutland, Wrocław in Poland and Skänninge in Östergötland, Sweden amongst others. The centres in early Copenhagen could have had different functions, forms of organisation and rulers. These could eventually have grown together or been merged under a common town ruler. Activities It has long been assumed that fishing was the dominant economic factor in the origins of Copenhagen, something which is all the more likely due to its placement by the coast of Øresund and its proximity to the emerging herring markets in Skanör and Falsterbo. In many places in the town, archaeological material attests that fish was an important source of nutrition. At a few locations, for example Mikkel Bryggers Gade, fish bones have appeared in such numbers and in such a way as to suggest fish handling on a larger scale. The clay-lined pits for fish at Kongens Nytorv dating from the 13 th century are another example of the economic importance of fish in Copenhagen in the medieval period. At Rådhuspladsen, there were large amounts of fish bones in many of the pits. It is evident that fishing has been of great importance for Copenhagen in the early and high medieval period, but the evidence analysed so far is not sufficient for drawing more substantial or nuanced conclusions to the role of fish trading. The excavation at Rådhuspladsen has yielded information about other early medieval activities. The most important might be the refuse in the many pits which indicate a considerable amount of iron working. Technical analyses of this material has revealed a versatile and non-specialised production, with several active workshops. Both primary and secondary smithing have been taking place, something which underlines the importance of the iron for early Copenhagen. The quality of the iron and the skills of the smiths seem to be average. Apart from iron, some evidence of Copper alloy smithing has also been found. The composition of the iron ore could indicate a provenance for the raw material to Sweden, Norway or central Europe. More secure methods for examining geographical origin of iron ore are currently being experimented on, but it is anyway safe to say that the iron seems to come from two different geographical areas outside of the local area of Zealand. The analyses of the important iron working material will continue. The analyses will hopefully indicate whether the production was only for local use in the town or for wider distribution. The results could be a 141

146 key to understanding the kind of place that Copenhagen was in the early medieval period, and if iron working was something which helped decide the further development of the town. Iron may have well have had an important role for the town, which could have been a place where the raw material was taken and distributed further to the rural surroundings or other towns in Zealand. A possible distribution route for the raw iron or iron ore could have been from Skåne, via Øresund (the Sound) to Copenhagen, where the raw iron was worked into artefacts and distributed further into Zealand. It is generally believed that the early medieval iron production was something which was highly interesting for the king to take control over. Other craft related evidence in early medieval Copenhagen is scarce. There is however some findings from Rådhuspladsen which could be important and in need of further study. The osteological analyses of materials from pits have shown some to have remains of bone or antler work debris, possible raw material for comb making and also some half-made combs. With further attention to this material, more remains could possibly be discovered. Initiative and control over early medieval Copenhagen Organisation, power and the significance of two churches How organised were the initial activities of fishing and craft, and what trade was there and how was it organised? How much centralised control was there in early medieval Copenhagen? What can the churches reveal about the organisation of the place? What reasons might there have been for the hypothetical second church to be never mentioned in written sources? Is it possible to interpret the archaeological remains as evidence for some type of competition or power struggle in the early medieval period? These are all questions that arise when dealing with the recently recovered archaeological source material for the early urbanisation of Copenhagen. An important key to understanding the early urbanisation of Copenhagen naturally lies in its functions what kind of a place was it, and what occurred there? It may be argued that early medieval functions in Copenhagen, such as production and distribution of iron as well as fishing would have been under the king s control. However, there would have been local noblemen involved, who were present in the town and kept the activities and income under control. It is their presence that might be revealed by the possible existence of two churches. Churches dedicated to St. Clemens are generally believed to have been built by the king sometime in the mid-11 th century. 26 St. Clemens churches existed in Denmark, which is by far the most in Scandinavia. St. Clemens is the saint of metalworkers, blacksmiths, and seamen and the churches were often built in coastal towns and there placed close to the waterfront. The placement and dating suggestion for the St. Clemens Church in Copenhagen to the 11 th century would fit well with these theories. It can therefore be argued that the king was in control of Copenhagen at an early stage. But what about the hypothetical second church? All in all the 14 C-dates suggest that this church could have been older, but still partly contemporaneous with the church of St. Clemens. What does this mean in terms of power and control over early Copenhagen? 142

147 The finding of the graves belonging to a second church is significant for several reasons. Firstly, they indicate dates that show that there has been activity in this location possibly as early as the late Viking Age. This in turn has potential to provide new information about the process of the Christianisation of Denmark. More importantly, the findings also reveal more about the type of place Copenhagen might have been during this period. If the hypothesis of two contemporary churches is correct, that would suggest more than one source of power present, with interests in the town in its early stage. This conclusion is drawn on the basis of theories which have been dominant in recent decades, which suggest that the early medieval churches were mostly private churches built by noblemen, or by kings and bishops. Also, when there is reference to parishes in the early medieval period, many scholars believe that they should be seen in a social and economic context, rather than a territorial one, representing a group of people connected to a leader/person with power. This could signify that before the king obtained control of Copenhagen, there might have been a nobleman present in the town. The nobleman might have built a church and was in that case most likely involved in the economic activities of the town at this point. However, there is nothing to suggest that there were no other actors like this in Copenhagen. Hypothetically, there could have been several different interests on several organisational levels present at the earliest stage of settlement. Noteworthy in light of this, is the seemingly sudden change of use of the area which is now Rådhuspladsen sometime in the High Medieval period from being a busy area with craft/production activity, dwellings and a church and cemetery, to a more or less unused place where the town s fortification is placed, leaving most of the former busy area outside the formal borders of the town. Could this abandonment have been the result of a decision made by the town s ruler? Should it be seen as a deliberate erasing of a competitor s territory? Is that also why the hypothetical church is not mentioned in any historical sources? Recent studies on the theme of abandoned medieval churches in Denmark show that a large number of churches possibly existed during this period which did not survive into the High/Late Medieval period. One example of a town with churches abandoned in this period is Slesvig (present-day German Schleswig). A historical source from the 12 th century tells of two churches, which later were abandoned, and there is archaeological evidence of even one more church, which is not mentioned at all. It would be interesting to examine and compare the situation in Copenhagen in this context. The questions surrounding the churches and the role they might have played in the early urbanisation of Copenhagen is an aspect which is definitely worthy of further study before new theories can be properly formulated on the subject. A hypothesis regarding the development of the early medieval churches in Copenhagen could be thus explained: The suggested church to the north of Rådhuspladsen, possibly slightly older than St. Clemens, might have been a nobleman s church, belonging to a nobleman who was in control of the trade or parts of the trade over the Sound prior to the king s involvement. This nobleman perhaps later continued to be a force in the town, allied with the king, and taking care of the king s interests. At some point in the late 12 th century, perhaps when the town was given to Bishop Absalon, his services would no longer have been required, and he would have lost his power. This could be why the hypothetical church and the cemetery were abandoned, and the area for occupation and production as well. The new ruler of the town, Absalon and his successors then began the work of building a town fortification which went right through this area, symbolically and physically leaving the earlier lord s land outside town. 143

148 Copenhagen - A politically strategic place in the 12 th Century It has been argued in this paper that the key to understanding the kind of place Copenhagen was, is the different activities we now have evidence for, or that from our current understandings we can assume to have taken place - craft, fishing, and most likely trade. It must be reiterated that the possibility of the existence of two mostly contemporaneous churches, too is highly significant. Combined with its central location in the Øresund area, it is possible that already by the early to mid-12 th century, Copenhagen played a key strategic role in the region. It is likely that the town was some kind of hub for trade and travel, for instance between nationally important towns like Lund and Roskilde. Copenhagen was probably also a politically strategic location. It must have been increasingly important for the central powers in the early medieval period to have control over the passage between Sjælland and Skåne, both for political and economic reasons. Increasing conflicts with the Slavs in the south-eastern Baltic sea region, could have been an additional motivation to build a strong point of power here. A town? When did Copenhagen become a town? There seems to have been a gradual and perhaps fluctuating development in the 11 th and 12 th centuries. The process is more interesting than an actual founding date, which would be a simplification. It could be that at a time when fishing, iron working and presumably trade were important functions in Copenhagen, and when there is likely to have been two churches in existence controlled by two different power figures, then there is an urban character to the place Copenhagen. Its primary functions might have been as a logistical, political and economic node in eastern Denmark. For the inhabitants, this had great effects. The activities and functions stipulated here were bound to have resulted in a type of life different from life in the countryside. Everyday practices, ways to arrange one s life, relations to other people co-existing in the town were different than in a village. This was a time when an urban way of life started to form in Copenhagen. 144

149 The fortifications of Copenhagen: The western boundary as seen at Rådhuspladsen Prior to the excavations at Rådhuspladsen in 2011/2012, relatively little was known with certainty about the city s former western boundary. What knowledge was available mainly stemmed from cartographic sources and historical references, as well as present day street layout (particularly Vester Voldgade). The first map however was only drawn in 1590, and the first historical references for this area date to the later 1300s, when vesterport (the western gate) is mentioned for the first time. Part of the aim of the excavation then was to confirm or reject existing ideas about the city s border to the west, where it was placed, how it was constructed and when, and how it changed through time. The evidence prior to the Metro Cityring excavation The general perception has been that the medieval western boundary of Copenhagen followed approximately the line of present day Vester Voldgade (Western Rampart Street), with the medieval western gate placed outside of present day Vestergade (Western Street). Some small scale trenches opened over the years in connection with service trenches, as well as some larger excavations in the 1940s, have broadly appeared to back up this idea, though with little evidence seen for precise dating. Some of the earliest references to the city fortifications from as far back as the 12th century refer to byens planker the town planks or town fence, but this structure has never been seen archaeologically and we have little idea how it should have looked. Bishop Absalon acquired the town and built his castle in the 1160s, and it is generally thought to have developed quite quickly thereafter. A theory exists that the earliest town, dating back to the 1100s, was defended by a relatively small horseshoe-shaped enclosure (an area of c. 2 hectares defined by a ditch and embankment), located somewhat east of Rådhuspladsen, and extending eastwards towards Gammel Torv, and south towards the harbour. This theory is based partly on the shape of other Danish medieval towns, and on some smaller excavations in the city centre, the results of which appear to back up the idea of this horseshoe shaped defence. Being placed further east than the excavation at Rådhuspladsen (90 m at its nearest point), it was clear that no trace of this structure would be seen during the Metro Cityring excavation, but it would mean that Rådhuspladsen should lie entirely outside of the town as it was first defined. It has to be borne in mind that many of the excavations that support the idea of this enclosure were carried out as far back as a century ago, and hence they are not very thoroughly documented. Evidence for the early town within this boundary has been scarce, but thin cultural layers containing Baltic Ware pottery and fishbone waste have been documented. Skt Clemens church is thought to have been established in the late 1100s (though it is first clearly mentioned historically in 1304), outside of the horseshoe-shaped enclosure, while it has been assumed that the high medieval defences, those placed by Vester Voldgade, were probably established in the second half of the 13th century to allow the town to expand. That said, the first documented references to a western gate come from well in to the 1300s. Overall it is not clear whether Skt Clemens church was inside or outside the town boundary when it was first established. The towers placed along the medieval boundary line were not erected until the early 1500s according to contemporary sources. 145

150 In the Roskilde bishop s land record from 1377, Vestergade is mentioned as the street by Vesterport. In 1373 it is mentioned that part of Vestergade is called Smedegade (Smith s street), indicating that smiths or smithys were located in the area. The high medieval rampart is mentioned in the oldest town privileges from 1254 and therefore was apparently in existence by the middle of the 13th century. The rampart was apparently c metres long and enclosed an area of approximately 70 hectares. The establishing of this rampart and moat structure is usually attributed to Archbishop Absalon around the year 1200, but it is uncertain how accurate this is, what form this early fortification actually took, and where precisely it was placed. At the western side of town a small semi-circular roundel or ravelin was believed to have been built outside the western gate, probably in the first half of the 16th century. Written sources from the 1520s mention that men were paid to build an earthwork outside Vesterport, and as mapping from the 1590s appears to depict such a formation, the earthwork may refer to this ravelin. A new outer gate building was established on the roundel. This gate is mentioned a few times in historical sources, though not in detail. From previous archaeological observations it is apparent that it was built of stone and bricks and placed so that the route through it was north south at a right angle to the original gate. Having two co-existing gates would have provided easier control over who and what came into town, therefore playing an important defensive role. Figure 121 The oldest map of Copenhagen from 1590 Regarding later changes to the fortification, Valkendorf is believed to have carried out improvements on the defences in the 1580s, while Christian IV is known to have had the fortifications modernized in this area from 1606 and onwards. Finally, as far as this area is concerned, following the Swedish siege in the 1650s, 146

151 the western fortifications were once again rebuilt in the 1660s, this time completely renewed in fact, with much broader bastions established and a very broad moat called Stadsgraven, all of which was moved further to the west than the earlier defences, with the moat largely occurring outside of the area of the Metro Cityring excavation. A new bastion called Schack s Bastion was placed in the northern part of the area where Rådhuspladsen is today, sealing over the former outer gate, which was partially demolished. A new western gate was established between Schack s and Gyldenløve s bastion to the south, outside of present day Frederiksberggade. In constructing this more modern set of fortifications, it was also necessary to fill in any deeper earthworks remaining within the new defences, such as the previous version of the moat. The 1940s the moat encountered Figure 121 The Swedish Spy Map from 1624 A number of archaeological investigations of various kinds have been made in and around the Rådhuspladsen area over the past century or so. The most significant as far as the fortifications are concerned however, were those carried out in the 1940s. In the autumn of 1941 a large area in the northeastern part of Rådhuspladsen was excavated to facilitate the establishment of an underground public toilet. The excavations were undertaken with limited archaeological supervision. There was no report made of the archaeological findings, but notes and a handwritten manuscript for a presentation of the findings held at Rådhuset in December 1941 survive, along with a limited number of photos, some plans and sketches. These together with the numerous newspaper articles about the excavations give a somewhat fragmented picture of what was found, and where. 147

152 The interpretations made from the excavations were heavily influenced by historical records and what had previously been written by Chr. Ax. Jensen in In the north end of the trench a brickwork pillar was seen and recorded. This had a foundation of large boulders. North of the pillar part of a larger brick structure on boulder foundation stones was recorded. It seemed to be three sides of a square shaped structure of brick walls the western part was apparently not excavated or was not preserved. The structure was interpreted as being part of the bridge running between the inner medieval gate and the outer gate built in the beginning of the 16th century. Figure 122 The public toilet building construction site in 1941, seen from southwest The area excavated in 1941 measured approximately 25 x 25 m and the trench was dug to a depth of at least 5 metres. However, it seems that some excavation work was done outside the area where the toilets are now located the trench seems to have been extended to the north to investigate the brick structure that was seen here. A large amount of finds material was retrieved, consisting of pottery, metal and well preserved organic material. These finds would have been placed here during the filling up of the medieval and renaissance moat in the 1670s or so, when the large bastion fortification was built. One photo from 1941 shows the trench after several metres of fill have been dug out. In the bottom a long north-south oriented line of transverse large wooden beams is seen. What appears to be the same structure is depicted in plan and section drawings, showing that the beams must have been placed on a long row of boulders. A brick wall is indicated in connection with this, but the drawing leaves doubt as to the location of this. From a series of plan drawings it is obvious that a wooden channel is running northsouth above the transverse beams. The structures depicted must represent elements of the mill and millrace (built after 1600 within the medieval moat) which were removed during the excavation. 148

153 Figure 123 An elevation drawing of part of the brick bridge over the medieval moat made in 1941 during the toilet building construction. Excavations for the placement of air raid shelters in 1944 were also documented to a degree. Two photos were taken when a bomb shelter was being placed in the middle of the square, almost in line with Frederiksberggade (Strøget) and Vesterbrogade. On this occasion a large brick and boulder structure was seen. Both the air raid shelter and the brick and stone structure would be encountered again during the Metro Cityring excavation. The evidence from the Metro Cityring excavation The high medieval fortifications As expected from the outset, given its location, the Metro Cityring excavation at Rådhuspladsen produced a wealth of evidence relating to the city s former western defences, evidence which has helped greatly to clarify the picture in relation to both the form the defences took, and the dating of the various changes made. It has also unearthed interesting new evidence for how this area was utilized throughout the period of the town s existence. Given that a fortification must have a number of different features in order to function, we can make certain assumptions regarding which structures were established at the same time. In order to keep out an enemy, a wall or rampart is needed, and generally paired with a parallel ditch or moat. In most cases we can assume that when the moat is dug out, the resulting clay material is used to form the rampart, so it is built simultaneously. Once this barrier is established, an enemy army can in theory be kept outside of the resulting defended area. But of course, on a day to day basis people need to cross this boundary, hence a bridge is required to cross the moat, and a matching opening in the rampart or wall. The bridge then presents a weak point in the defence, and so a gate and in most cases a gate building are needed in order 149

154 to control this strategic access point. Hence, we can assume that once the moat was established around Copenhagen, all these other elements would also have been required, at locations such as outside Vestergade where an access point was needed. During the excavation at Rådhuspladsen in 2011/2012, these kinds of features were identified along the east side of the square / the west side of Vester Voldgade. The medieval moat was exposed for a distance of c. 44 m, and was seen to have measured c. 22 m in width, and c. 5,5 m in depth. It ran in a northwest to southeast direction across the excavation area, and extended beyond the limits of the excavation at both ends. The moat had been dug deep into the sterile clay and sand underlying the area, deep enough to reach the water-table, and hence the moat was certainly wet. It is also possible that the sea extended this far up the moat, as the base of the moat was slightly below (present-day) sea-level. The sides of the moat were quite steep, and would have presented quite an obstacle to any would be enemy. The rampart only survived in small fragments, so little can be said about its former scale or form, other than it seemed to be of clay, and that it was clearly placed on top of former urban activity areas, sealing such features as former road surfaces, pits, and even areas where structures (houses or workshops) had previously stood. Therefore it is apparent that when this fortification was established, the town was rearranged to a degree, and some former urban space was taken out of use. Indeed, much pre-moat activity was observed outside of the moat, so in fact the town was to some extent pulled back in from the west. When the base of the moat was reached during the archaeological excavation, a large structure built of oak timbers was encountered, precisely in the area of the moat outside of present-day Vestergade. The lowest level of this structure consisted of huge timber piles driven deep into the clay at the base of the moat. The top of each of these had been fashioned into a rectangular tenon, and onto these were jointed a series of massive horizontal oak beams, running in a southwest to northeast direction across the moats base. Figure 124 The oldest bridge beams exposed in the base of the moat 150

155 This structure appears to represent the surviving base elements of a rather massive oak bridge. Samples were taken from this structure to be dated using dendrochronology, and the resulting dates point to a construction date of about 1372 or just after. As no further structures were seen to predate this, then we can suggest that this bridge was almost certainly the first one constructed within this moat, and hence the moat and its associated rampart too are likely to have been established in about 1372.This dating was further backed-up following a final phase of watching brief carried out in February 2016, during which a small area of intact medieval moat fills were identified to the south of the bridge (under the former underground toilet building). Three samples were taken for C14 AMS dating, one from the deepest layer, and two from the second (and more organic layer). These produced date ranges spanning the 14 th century (see Phase 3), and considered with the dendrochronology dates for the bridge, back up the idea that this moat was established in the mid to late 14 th century. To the immediate northeast of the moat, a substantial stone built foundation was discovered, with some traces of brickwork apparent resting on top of it. This foundation, while surviving only partially, points to a rectangular structure, measuring c. 9 m x 9 m, and placed directly in line with Vestergade. The foundations were 1,6 m deep, and comprised of layers of carefully laid stones, set in to either clay or sand. Given the depth of the foundation, it is likely to have supported a superstructure of somewhere between 3 and 5 m in height. This points to a rather substantial building, and given its location, this must represent the surviving remnants of medieval Vesterport. It is again interesting to note, that prior to the construction of this gate, there had been substantial activity in this location. It was clear that the foundations were dug through older layers, mainly street surfaces and associated layers of cultural accumulation. These layers, when investigated further, pointed to a pre-gate road leading east-west, and also a street surface extending to the south, associated with various pits and structural remains of early to high medieval date. These were then buried under a layer of sterile clay, material which seemed to be a part of the former high medieval rampart. In short, we are again seeing that prior to the construction of the medieval gate and rampart, this area had been part of the active urban landscape, and was taken out of use with the construction of the gate, rampart and moat. Given the dating of the layers the gate foundation was cut through, and its presumed association with the adjacent moat and bridge, the evidence available points to the construction of this gate also having occurred in about

156 Figure 125 The east corner of the foundation, mid-excavation. The foundation cut had clearly gone through several archaeological layers, as can be seen So what does this evidence mean for the western part of medieval Copenhagen? Along with the quite clear dating evidence for the bridge and associated defensive structures, come some new questions. It was quite apparent from the evidence from pits, postholes and various layers, that the area where these fortifications were placed had been part of the urban area up until about 1372; in fact all indications are that this was a quite busy area since at least the 1100s, and that this activity extended even further to the west, with wells, pits and even a burial ground identified west of the medieval moat during the excavations. Then in c the defences were placed here, with almost all activity to its west ceasing, and much of this former busy zone either dug away for the moat or buried under the rampart. It is perhaps more usual to think of towns and cities growing and expanding, but in this case, a conscious decision was made to take a substantial part of the urban landscape out of use at the expense of the new fortification. Why this was done is not clear. Many possible theories could be put forward, but only two seem plausible. Establishing the moat would have been a quite massive undertaking. As seen during the archaeological excavation, it measured c. 20 m in width, and c. 6 m in depth. If the town as it existed in 1372 had become somewhat irregular in shape and layout, if it sprawled outwards in various areas while perhaps there were still open spaces within its more core areas, it may have been more expedient to rearrange the urban space somewhat, in order to reduce the length of the new moat. It might have been decided to relocate some of the peripheral activity and instead to fill in areas deeper within the town, resulting in a more dense and perhaps more organized medieval city. Such consolidation of the urban area might have reduced the required length of the new moat significantly, which would have made a substantial difference to the amount of time, labour and money required to construct it. Alternatively, perhaps this area was closed down for more strictly defensive reasons. Perhaps the topography was such that it dictated where the fortification should be placed to be most effective. Or 152

157 perhaps more likely, a more compact town with a reduced coastline may simply have been easier to defend, with a shorter fortification to protect, and less exposure to the coast. Exactly what the reasons were, we will probably never establish with certainty, but perhaps the theories outlined here come some way close. A further question raised by the evidence discussed above, is where was the town defence located prior to the 14 th century, or in fact was there one? As we have seen previously, there is a theory of a horseshoeshaped enclosure to the east, but the area of urban activity seen at Rådhuspladsen falls well outside of this possible defended area. So we have a scenario where in the years leading up to 1372, substantial parts of the urban area may have stood undefended outside of the town core. Alternatively, an as yet undiscovered fortification lay further to the west than the area excavated at Rådhuspladsen, enclosing the entire area. One final possibility remains, and that is that there might have been an older less substantial fortification following essentially the same course as that of the 14 th century version, so that the earlier version of the moat was fully removed by the newer version, and the new larger rampart could only fit by covering part of the town area. This scenario is perhaps the least likely however, for one main reason. If one was to enlarge an existing moat in this way, it would surely make more sense to expand it outwards, away from the town. When considering these issues, it is worth considering the fact that the first historical reference to any western gate in Copenhagen was in the 1370s, which supports the idea that the first western gate was only built at about this time. It may well be then that a substantial part of the town was undefended up until Further muddying the waters is the fact that emerging evidence from the Metro Cityring excavation at Kongens Nytorv appears to indicate that the eastern part of the high medieval fortification was already established by the 1200s. Unfortunately, while the evidence from Rådhuspladsen has answered many questions about the medieval defences, some mysteries still remain. One fact that is worth consideration however, is the attack on Absalon s Castle by the Hanseatic League in In aggressively defending their trading monopoly, they plundered and razed to the ground the castle built by Absalon. Whether or not the town next to the castle was attacked is not documented, but it is rather unlikely that it went unscathed. In light of this, it seems very likely that the new fortification by Vesterport was built at least in part as a reaction to the hostilities perpetrated by the Hansa. As far as the archaeological evidence goes, there is little indication that the fortifications by Vesterport changed very much from 1372 up until about The one change of note was a rebuilding of the bridge. This was seen in a series of dendrochronology dates from a secondary wooden structure placed on top of the original bridge base, which were dated to c This new structure also included a wooden platform on the west side of the moat which seems to have been placed in order to support a large foundation of natural boulders. 153

158 Figure 126 Bridge timbers from the second bridge exposed crossing base of moat, boulder foundations seen in section These in turn seemed to have been placed in the moat to form a solid foundation for a new bridge of brick and perhaps stone. Very little of the super structure survived however, just two platforms of brick, where the bridge would have rested on the boulders. Hence little can be said about this bridge, other than it must have been seen as an improvement on the original bridge, perhaps due to being stronger or more of its time. The fortifications from c A series of developments were seen in the area of the moat, which again using dendrochronology dating, appear to have taken place in about The most substantial of these was another rebuild of the bridge. Substantial parts of this third and final bridge over the medieval moat were seen in 2011/2012, including bridge abutments on either side of the moat channel, and the lower part of the arch on the west side of the bridge. Timber uprights were found both in front of and behind the abutments. Several of these timber elements, thought to be associated with the construction of the bridge (perhaps as scaffolding), were dated by dendrochronology to around the year 1500, hence giving a strong indication as to when this version of the bridge was constructed. It was apparent once exposed, that it was parts of this structure that were seen north of the public toilet building construction in 1941 (see Figure 122 and Figure 123). 154

159 Figure 127 The western side of the bridge arch, with foundation boulders and timber uprights visible This bridge was well constructed, with foundations of large cut stone underlying the well built brick superstructure. Buttresses were added to the sides of the bridge at some point however, suggesting that there may have been concern over the stability of the side walls of the abutments. Again it is unclear why a new bridge was needed, it may have been related to changing architectural styles, or perhaps the previous bridge was not deemed to be strong enough to withstand an attack. A lightly built fence or revetment of in many cases recycled timbers was also constructed at about the same time, running along the inner edge of the moat, and curving outwards to meet the bridge. These stakes of oak had been pointed and driven into the sterile clay the moat was dug through. Horizontal beams were also laid, resting on the upper side of the stakes. Their placement here, at about the same time as the bridge was rebuilt, points to a large program of rebuilding and improvement of the defences being carried out in about the year Figure 128 The revetment stakes exposed in Area 3 155

160 It was about 30 years later that we see the first evidence for a change (or in this case an addition) to the actual moat itself. In about 1530 (based on both dendrochronology and C14 evidence), a new element was added to the moat, in the form of a semi-circular moat or ditch, placed outside of the medieval gate and linking back into the main moat at either end. This type of structure would form a secondary layer of defence, and create a semi-circular and easily defended island outside of the gate. This kind of defensive element is known as a demi-lune (half-moon), and was first developed in the early 1500s. The example seen at Rådhuspladsen was relatively small, with a ditch that had a maximum width of 10 m and a depth of c. 1,8 m. It may be that it was in fact too small to be a meaningful deterrent for attack; either way, it appears that this arrangement did not last very long before a substantially larger version was dug, slightly further out, and with a second gate also added to the layers of defence. It was this version that was depicted on the oldest map of Copenhagen, from 1590 (see Figure 121), but it appears to have retained the curved shape of the demi-lune, but on a grander scale. This outer gate was unearthed in 2011, and survived as two parallel foundations of huge boulders, and the remains of a huge cut stone and brick façade. The structure, as it survived, measured 10,6 m in length, and 12 m in width, and its façade faced to the southeast. The southeast corner of the façade survived to the greatest height, being c. 6,5 m in height. A linear air raid shelter had been constructed in such a way that it had caused the partial removal of the gate façade, hence we can say that the outer gate was the structure encountered and photographed in 1944 in the middle of the square (see above). Figure 129 The outer gate façade seen from the south As can be seen in Figure 129, this gate would have been an imposing structure, and was clearly built to withstand cannon bombardment. The façade was faced entirely of cut stone up to a height of about 3 m. These were very substantial stones, rounded at the back, but with flat squared fronts, and lay in five main courses. Behind these were more randomly shaped stones as well as brickwork, and the entire structure was bonded together with mortar which was still extremely solid during excavation. Underneath the cut- 156

161 stone base, a single course of un-bonded irregular rocks were placed as the primary foundation layer for the structure; these were lodged in clay. On top of the cut stone section of the wall a brick superstructure was built. This survived to a height of 2,25 m. It could be seen that the base of the gateway/road surface had been at a height of ca. 4,3 m above the base of the foundation, and had an internal width of between 6 m and 7 m. The gate façade had overall external dimensions across the front of 11,9 m, and a width from front to back of 4,4 m. When one takes into account the deepest layer of foundation and the buttress additions to the eastern end, then the dimensions increase up to 13,3 m in length across the front. The façade was an extremely durable structure, with an internal structure of criss-crossed brick courses and stone which would probably have made it capable of withstanding quite heavy bombardment. The precise date of construction for this gate is not entirely clear, and unfortunately the archaeological excavation did not provide solid dating evidence. We do know however, that a substantial part of the foundation was constructed across the former demi-lune ditch, which means that it post-dates Furthermore, the gate is depicted on the earliest map of Copenhagen which was drawn in Written records suggest that it was in 1543 that the roundel or demi-lune was either rebuilt or extended. This could suggest a possible date for the construction of the outer gate. In A.D Christopher Valkendorff, King Frederik II s rentemester (Minister of Finance) according to written sources established a vault in Vesterport between the two gates. This reference shows that by A.D at the latest, there most definitely was an outer gate in place. The results of an excavation here in 1931 suggested that the gate façade was placed on the outside of an earlier façade, and that it was thought that these changes might have been related to Christian IV s redecoration of the gate house beginning in A.D , described in written sources. It was not clear from the recent excavations if there had been a renewal of the façade or not, but it cannot be ruled out. The partial remains of four bridge piers were also seen, two abutting the gate façade, and two placed further out in the moat. These were constructed of brick, with stone foundations. The moat associated with the outer gate, as the mapping from 1590 and 1624 hints, was changed a number of times. From what was seen during excavation, the moat was originally curving (in an approximate C- shape if we trust the 1590 map), and extended eastwards beyond the gate (towards the town) for c. 19,5 m, before turning sharply southeast towards the harbour. At some point its shape was adjusted, in order to have a more angular profile in the form of a bastion, and the part that extended eastwards beyond the gate was completely filled in. Historical sources suggest that it was in A.D that these changes were made, in order to model the fortification on Dutch and Italian models. Certainly, when the Swedish spy map of 1624 was drawn, the bastion was in place. The bastion was known as Vesterport s bastion. Part of this was seen during the excavation, to the west of the outer gate. This consisted of a section of cut stone wall that projected out from the west corner of the outer gate façade at an angle, and slightly further west on the other side of a deep modern disturbance a substantial piece of walling built up against the natural clay subsoil, with the moat backfills to its south. The stone facing of this had mostly been removed, leaving mortar and bricks behind, but it was clear from the very large stone sockets that there had been a stone face to the structure originally, up to a 157

162 height of at least 3 m, and from there up it was brick faced (Figure 130). This was a similar construction style to the outer gate facade. Figure 130 The robbed-out face of the bastion This structure was built in a fairly typical way for a bastion, with a sturdy inclined encasing wall facing any would be attacker, and this backed up with clay (clay would have been filled in behind its upper part also, though this did not survive). This created a very durable structure, which would be able to absorb cannon ball impacts. In total, 23 m in length of this bastion wall survived. Perhaps as an outcome of the Swedish siege of the 1650s, it was decided by the 1660s that the fortifications were no longer good enough along the west side of the city, and so in about 1668 a new fortification was constructed in this area, more in keeping with what was already in place along the east side of the city. The western defences from c Relatively little of the last fortification built in this area was seen during the excavations in 2011/2012, as the moat was located almost entirely outside of the area of the Metro Cityring development, further to the west, and the rampart was entirely removed in this area in the later 19 th century. Parts of this moat still exist further to the south however, within Tivoli, and parts of both the moat and rampart survive further north in HC Ørsteds Park. Some direct evidence for this fortification was encountered on site, both as structural elements, and in another sense as evidence for the decommissioning of the previous fortifications; the partial deconstruction of the outer gate, the filling up of the moat, and the deconstruction of the medieval gate and of a mill which had been placed within the original moat in about The structural elements of the 1668 fortification seen included a brick wall, and the remains of a gatehouse building. The material used to fill up the older moat elements was largely comprised of urban waste material, and in itself is a source of much information about life in 17 th century Copenhagen, being incredibly rich in cultural material. 158

163 The remains of a redbrick wall were found, placed quite centrally in the square, and with a southwestnortheast orientation. An examination of available mapping and some illustrations from the 19 th century suggest that this wall, based on its form, was almost certainly part of the flanking wall which led from the gate out towards the bridge over the moat, in effect connecting those two structures. Figure 131 A depiction of the flanking wall by vesterport, from a painting by FL Bradt (c. 1800) and reproduced by F Hendriksens (Dansk Centre for Byhistorie) The wall survived up to five courses in height, and in some areas foundation stones were observed. The wall remains were not very deep below the present day ground surface of the square, so it is likely that any future work on the square might expose elements of this wall and the associated gate foundation. Figure 132 The wall seen from what would have been the outside (from north) 159

164 A number of elements of the gatehouse building were documented 30 m northeast of the wall described above, roughly in the direction of present day Strøget. This building was located just to the north of the inner side of the western gate, and is seen on a number of paintings. Its size and position as seen on site seems to correlate well with these. Dendrochronology dates point to a likely construction date for the gatehouse of c. 1677, suggesting that the gatehouse was built some years after the gate itself. The building survived at foundation level only. The foundation of the main structure was constructed from a number of different elements; firstly a linear foundation cut was made into the soft organic moat/millrace backfills below, then a series of foundation piles were driven down through the base of this cut and in to the soft layers below. These were placed in sets of three, each set taking up the width of the base of the foundation cut. Figure 133 Gatehouse foundation seen in section The piles were of oak, and were each 1,25 m long, and placed between 2 m and 3 m apart along the base of the foundation cut. On top of the outer piles and supported by them, linear beams were placed horizontally within the foundation cut, running parallel along its edges with a row of sizeable stones placed in the gap in between. Clay was packed into the foundation cut around all the elements, to hold them together. The top of the foundation was at a height of 5,05 m above sea level. Overall the building was quite substantial, measuring almost 13 m in length, and almost 5 m in width. An element of a probable rear-annexe to the gatehouse/guardhouse was also seen. This comprised of a foundation cut, and a combination of stones and broken bricks laid in random fashion within to form a foundation, upon which was placed a brick and mortar laid foundation. This was probably a later extension to the building. 160

165 Fortification no more Traces were also seen during the excavation of the deliberate deconstruction of many of the later fortification elements, including the infilling of the moat itself and the deconstruction of the gatehouse/guardhouse. This was done in the later 19 th century, because by then the traditional form of urban defence moat and ramparts or wall in close proximity to the city had become obsolete, based mainly on the developments of warfare. The defences in the area of the western gate which could have been left in situ even if obsolete were removed as part of an opening up of the western boundary of the city, allowing for the modern city to expand in that direction, and also allowing for the future creation of a public square in this location. The absolute final traces of defence related structures on Rådhuspladsen came in the form of air raid shelters from the 1940s. Two types were seen, domed shelters (in every case dismantled), and linear shelters (some were still intact). While these structures were not designed to keep an enemy out (impossible in an age of aerial bombardment), they are nonetheless evidence for defence related activity and stretch the evidence for war and defence in this location to almost 600 years, representing continuity, even through great changes. Figure 134 The eastern part of the shelter in Area 2B. Seen from north 161

166 Figure 135 The interior of the shelter in Area 2B. Note the wooden panel and wires to the right, and the ceramic pipe in the corner 162

167 A moat re-imagined the mill by Vesterport The medieval moat along Copenhagen s western boundary, as constructed in about 1372, was the main defense line in this area for over 200 years. In the late 1500s however, large-scale changes to the defensive arrangement in this area saw the construction of a ravelin or bastion, the digging of a new section of moat further to the west to surround this, and the addition of a second gate on the bastion. By about 1600 then, the original moat, at least in the environs of Vesterport, was at best of secondary importance, and at worst it had become redundant. As a result, it was decided at about this time to take it out of use as a moat but to reuse it instead for a more practical non-defense-related purpose. It was decided that given its depth and topographical location, it could be re-formed to contain a mill race and mill, without as much digging required as an entirely new mill race. It is clear from mapping evidence that it ran inside and parallel to the 17 th century western rampart. The mill was according to sources used to grind flour and malt, both for the castle and for the town residents. Historical information regarding the mill Some historical references to the mill at Vesterport survive, particularly from the rentemesterregnskaber (accounts of the Kings treasurer). The references below were assembled originally by Bjørn Westerbeek Dahl and Inger Wiene (Københavns Museum). Additional comments by the author. May 1606 Christian IV agrees with carpenter Dyrch Frii that he will build a mill by Vesterport, of both timber and brickwork, as well as a vault to carry the water under the road. The cost would be 1200 daler. 1607/1608 Financial accounts show that building master Didrik Frij (presumably the same person as above) was paid to construct the mill by Vesterport. The construction of a foundation for the mill is specifically mentioned Timber work carried out on the mill A carpenter is employed to build three wheels for the mill A dam is built north from Vesterport, and some of the dammed water was to be allowed via a vault through the rampart to drive the mill. This suggests that the moat north of the gate is now also replaced with a new moat further west than the medieval moat. Vitt Kragen is the carpenter for the mill now Frames delivered for around the millstones 1620 Soil removed from the vault under the bridge (presumably silted up soil). Repairs made to collapsed parts of the vault. 1620/21 Blue clay delivered for the sluice for the mill A carpenter was paid for work carried out on the mill race in July, and again in December. Carpenter Abraham Krug was paid for going to Skåne in Sweden to collect beech timber and a mill stone for the king s mills, including that at Vesterport. Note: Several timbers from the mill race as seen during excavation were dated by dendrochronology to about the year 1620/ Builder Christoffer Flecke built some walls, improved the roof and also the baking oven at the mill by Vesterport The new sluice is smeared with tar Carpenter Frederik Christian is paid for two large water wheels for the mill Knud Svendsen is the miller at Vesterport. Mention of rye, wheat and barley being ground, some of it for course-bread (grovbrød) Mill rebuilt with a large building 1636 Anders Koch is appointed miller. Work carried out on the mill building. 6 mill wheel/parts to be scrapped if they are in poor repair. 163

168 1643 Brick laying carried out on the building. Some kind of deconstruction and reconstruction carried out on the millhouse by Vesterport Mill mentioned again, as the mill established by Christian IV The dam associated with the mill came down, and with Vesterport being moved and a new moat being established, it was decided that the mill should be deconstructed. c The mill was deconstructed about this time. Christian V writes in May 1674 that a Johan Baneermand has sought compensation for his mill by Vesterport being rendered useless by the changes carried out to the fortifications in Thus suggests that the mill had been sold sometime in the years before Previous archaeological encounters with the mill Between 1941 and 1943 an underground public toilet building was constructed at Rådhuspladsen, very much in the same area that the Metro station is currently being built. There was an archaeological presence on site, albeit no report was ever written. Nonetheless, some information regarding this work can be gleaned from contemporary newspaper articles and some brief museum archives. A photo from 1941 shows the trench after several metres of fill have been dug out. In the bottom a long north-south oriented line of transverse large wooden beams is seen. What seems to be the same structure is depicted in plan and section drawings, showing that the beams must have been based on a long row of naturally-shaped boulders, as well as some which had been worked. A brick wall is indicated in connection with this, but the section drawing leaves doubt as to the location of this. From a series of plan drawings it is obvious that a wooden channel is running roughly north-south above the transverse beams, and this is also depicted on an axonometric drawing of the same structure. Various newspaper articles from the time with interviews with museum staff, provide some of the most useful information regarding the dig in The last thing we found was a layer of heavy beams/logs and boulders (Chr. Ax. Jensen 1941_11_08 Ekstrabladet) Just south of the bridge there was a water mill of which several traces were found. In the moat a wooden drain was found used for draining the water from the mill. It was demonstrated that the whole base of the moat was laid with beams/joists forming a base for the sluice of the royal water mill. The mill was situated in the middle of Rådhuspladsen. Towards the north towards the Utrecht-building the water was dammed causing a fall driving the mill wheel. It was seen that the mill wheel was driven with both underfall and overfall (1941_11_10 Politiken). 164

169 Figure 136 A rare photograph from the 1941 excavation that appears to show the base of the mill the wheel or wheels would probably have been located directly over the timber structure seen in the centre of the area Archaeological evidence and historical sources As seen above, there are quite a lot of references to the mill from the 17 th century, though these tend to deal mainly with finance related matters, and basic information regarding repairs and reconstructions. One of the aims of the excavation of the mill remains would be to see if these records were accurate, and to attempt to make a reinterpretation of the brief results of the previous excavations in the 1940s. The main central part of the former watermill as seen in Figure 136 above, unfortunately was entirely removed in 1941, apart from the very deepest part of the foundation. Nonetheless, many other parts of the mill and mill race had survived in quite good condition and were thoroughly documented. The headrace which brought water into the mill was documented in a number of parts and areas including a dam and a sluice, the eastern side of the mill building was still partially extant even including its wooden floor, and the tail race where the water exited the mill had also survived quite well. A full account of these elements is contained in the first part of this report, and also in the full excavation report for Rådhuspladsen hence it will not be repeated here. What is key to point out however, is that the timber elements of each part of the mill that survived were generally in excellent condition and consequently many samples could be taken to be dated using dendrochronology (tree-ring analysis). 165

170 Figure 137 The structural mill remains as seen during the Metro Cityring excavation. The blue line indicates the approximate outline of the medieval moat Figure 138 The southern edge of the mill construction platform, seen from southeast Several elements related to both the construction of the mill itself and its tailrace were documented and sampled for dating purposes. The construction platform (seen above), provided a series of dates in the early 1600s, with an indication that the timbers were felled in This corresponds very well with the 166

171 historical references to the construction of a mill in 1607/1608, and it is likely that the boulder and timber platform (seen above) is precisely the foundation of the mill mentioned in the historical sources. It is surely this structure that was mentioned by Chr. Ax. Jensen in his newspaper interview in 1941, at which time some at least of the structure must have been exposed if not removed. Figure 139 The upper (later) part of the head race within the former bridge arch, where it would have entered the mill. Seen from southeast The mill head race which led water into the mill, was documented in a number of parts, and was interpreted as having been changed a number of times. The later version (seen above), provided a range of dates, but taken together they suggest a rebuild of the head race as late as c. 1663/4. The historical sources do not mention any rebuild of the head race at this time, but it may be that as the mill seems to have been in private ownership by this time, then the state treasurer would not have been involved in paying for the work and hence it was not documented. The work must have ultimately proved to be largely a waste of time and money, as the mill would within a few years be rendered useless by the changes made to the fortifications. It appears from its form that in these later years the mill was used as an overshot mill. 167

172 Figure 140 A depiction of an undershot millwheel from 1848 ( Figure 141 The lower sluice element of the head race exposed within the bridge arch. Seen from northwest The deeper and older version of the head race (seen above) was seen to include a narrow wooden sluice and control point, suggestive of an undershot wheel. This structure provided a number of samples, and these returned a range of dates from the 1600s, which means a precise dating is somewhat difficult. Overall the evidence suggests that the sluice was constructed at the same time as the mill, but was repaired in an ongoing way over the next few decades. The tailrace structure also survived in excellent condition, and provided many excellent samples useful for dendrochronology analysis. The dates received were again varied, but pointed to a construction at about the same time as the mill, with various repairs over the years, particularly around 1620 and possibly in about The dates from 1620 correspond very well with the documented work carried out in 1621 by 168

173 Abraham Krug. The timbers dated to 1620 however are of pine, whereas beech is mentioned in the records. It is stated that the timber was sourced in Skåne in Sweden, while the identified samples seem to have originated further north in Södermanland. It may be that the timber was simply purchased in Skåne, but originated further north. Figure 142 The tailrace seen from southeast Figure 143 The east side of the mill building, with stairs beyond, and floor in situ, seen from southwest The floor of the mill building (seen above) provided five dendrochronology dates, mainly from the more sturdy cross beams. Some of these may have been original pieces from the mills original construction, but at least two appear to date to about 1632, suggesting a re-laying of at least part of the floor at about this time. These timbers originated in Småland in Sweden. This phase of replacement may correspond to the reference in 1635 to the mill being rebuilt with a large building. 169

174 Conclusions The excavation of the mill at Rådhuspladsen conducted in 2011 and 2012 provided many interesting details regarding the construction and form of Christian IV s watermill, and also regarding the many alterations and repairs made to it over the years. The survival of many timber elements in excellent condition meant that dating using dendrochronology was a possibility. Comparing the recent findings (in particular the dendrochronology dates), along with the scant evidence from 1941, with the original sources referring to the mill offers a rare opportunity to compare detailed archaeological findings and scientific dating with contemporary documentation. One of the inescapable conclusions of this analysis is that the mill appears to have been rather ineffective, with repeated attempts to improve it apparent from both the historical records and the archaeological evidence. It may be that the mill was placed here largely at the behest of the king, who sought to make use of the by then redundant section of moat. However, not every idea based on productivity is a good one, and it appears that the location was simply not suited for a water mill, with insufficient change in the local topography the likely reason that the mill failed to be productive (another of words, a lack of sufficient fall in ground level to generate enough power in the mill wheels). The combination of archaeological and historical evidence employed here, allows for a very detailed level of understanding of this interesting structure, the king s mill by Vesterport, and gives us a picture of an ongoing struggle to make this structure productive and profitable, against the odds. Footnote: The oven Within the part of the mill where the wooden floor survived, an assemblage of almost 200 fragmented as well as complete oven tiles was recovered. As these were found in a relatively small area, it seems likely that they had been part of an oven located within the mill, perhaps broken up either following the mills abandonment or just prior to its deconstruction. Of interest regarding this find is the mention in the sources listed above to the improving of the baking oven in the mill in Could the tiles found in 2012 belong to this very oven? While tile ovens were not typically used for baking, the possibility is worth consideration. The tiles themselves were rather interesting, many of them bore the images of contemporary monarchs and famous persons from around Europe, such as Anne of Austria , Queen consort of Poland and Sweden and her husband Sigismund III Vasa , King of Poland and Sweden, and also James VI of Scotland (also James I of England) (married to Anne of Denmark), which suggests that the tiles dated to the late 16 th or early 17 th century. It is interesting to note that many of the people depicted were famous Catholics, which at the time in question, is somewhat surprising as Denmark was at the time rather anti-catholic. It seems that to the tile maker and to the oven builder and owner, this did not matter, or at least did not prevent the oven from being constructed. 170

175 Figure 144 and 145 Sigismund II Vasa and his wife Anne of Austria 171

176 Urban waste as a source of information. The 17 th century Copenhagen moat backfills and what they can tell us. Introduction The Rådhuspladsen Metro Station excavation saw the archaeological investigation of a substantial part of the former city moat, a moat which had been filled up with urban garbage in the later 1600s. The excavation was located in the environs of the former western gate, moat and bridge. The section of moat relevant to this discussion was initially replaced in about 1600, as part of King Christian IV s programme of bastion construction. However, it was not yet filled in, but was instead reused as a millrace for a watermill that was built inside the bastion. In the late 1660 s, an even larger set of bastions were constructed. It was at this time that the mill was taken out of use, and the former medieval moat was filled in (Fig 146). One of the aims of the excavation was the examination of the cultural material that was used to fill in the moat at this time; a vast assemblage of 17th century urban rubbish, dumped in moist anaerobic conditions that allowed for excellent preservation of organics. The find material from the moat must have been taken from places like workshops, houses, town squares and streets, and as such it was recovered in a secondary context. The sheer volume, diverse range, and the level of preservation of the assemblage holds huge potential. We can use this resource to understand more of 17th century Copenhagen life. Also, as the assemblage is the product of the rules of waste collection and disposal at the time in question, we can also attempt to understand something of these rules, and of the society that formed them. Figure 146 The partially excavated moat at Rådhuspladsen 172

177 The Historical background In order to understand the processes which caused this waste to be placed here, it is necessary to examine the historical sources regarding rubbish handling in Copenhagen in the post-medieval period. Little enough is known of the situation in the 1600s, but the picture from the 1700s is clearer, and it is likely that the situation had not changed very much. We know for example that it was the responsibility of house owners to keep the street and gutter in front of their building clean. A horse driven rubbish cart picked up the rubbish, and the driver rang a bell so that people knew to take out their rubbish. The vognmændene or cart-men were appointed to their task by the magistrate. A regulation was documented in 1647 relating to the significant problem of rubbish building up on streets, squares and along the rampart. Part of the solution was having cart-men assigned to specific streets and areas, and it was stipulated that their carts must be in good condition, solid and water-tight so that waste would not escape. They were paid according to the size of the load (10 skilling for a large cart). If a house owner wished to remove their own rubbish, they could do so, but presumably had to inform the authorities. It was stated that manure and foul butchers waste could not be taken out to the street unless a cart was already ordered to take it away. Human waste could not be taken out to the street, nor dead animals; this was dealt with separately the natmand (night man) or rakker was the only one who could remove it. This material did not appear to show up in the moat backfills, so it seems that this waste was not seen as appropriate material for in-filling of this sort, and that the rule above was adhered to. Given the amount of waste needed to fill in the moat, it is likely that apart from the exceptions noted above, the waste collectors would not have been very discerning in their work, so the assemblage from the moat is probably quite representative of the city as a whole. A statute from 1680 states that the cart-men are to come every morning once the city gates open to remove the waste and that they should take it to a place that the Kæmner (administrator) depending on time and place has ordered them to place it. Presumably then, the Kæmner would be informed of the decision to fill up the moat with waste and would pass this on to the cart-men. Given how quickly the moat was filled in, perhaps all cart-men across the whole city were ordered to dump waste in the moat during these years. It is impressive that the city was producing enough waste to fill the moat, in what seems to have been quite a brief window of time, when Copenhagen had a population (in 1660) of about 23,000. Excavating the moat The volume of deposits excavated within the moat was so large (approximately m³) that they were only partially dug by hand, using a mini-digger in tandem, in order to proceed at a reasonable pace. The mini-digger, supervised by an archaeologist, loaded the soil it excavated into cubic metre big bags. A proportion of them from each major moat deposit were kept as samples, and later systematically sieved for finds, bones and other material. This was done in parallel to the hand retrieval of finds by archaeologists. The area was also metal-detected, to help recover smaller metal finds. The finds recovered from Rådhuspladsen were registered and examined by a range of different finds and environmental specialists, with the aim of documenting the assemblage in a detailed way, and gaining as much insight into the material as possible. 173

178 Figure 147 Moat deposits being excavated The moat fills were often substantial in scale, and differences in consistency, content and inclusions were seen between different layers. This suggests that waste from specific non-domestic sources was also dumped here, perhaps having previously rested elsewhere. It may be that manure heaps from stable areas, piles of waste collected in markets, or by-products from craft areas, were collected and dumped here, and already had to some extent a distinct form. Clusters of find types were evident, for example a large dump of charred cereal in one area, a substantial cluster of cow metatarsals in another area, and a dense pile of clay pipe fragments in another, further suggesting that the waste was taken from a variety of sources, and very possibly from various parts of the city. The most frequent find types recovered from the moat: Ceramics: 9,500+ sherds Glass: 1,698 shards Textiles: 1,397 fragments Clay Pipes: c. 1,186 fragments Animal Bones: c. 3,000 The figures above give an indication of the quantities of material and the relative frequency of various find types. In total, over 21,500 finds were registered from the moat fills. The post-medieval ceramic assemblage from Rådhuspladsen is the largest recovered from any Copenhagen site to date, weighing over 600 kg. The rubbish It is evident from the finds assemblage that the moat was filled up quite quickly, as the date range of finds (e.g. clay pipes, ceramics and coins) from the deepest backfill layers is similar to that found near the top. 174

179 Based on the evidence available, it appears that the moat was filled up sometime between the year 1675 and It appears that the embankment material was not used to fill the moat; presumably this was instead used to construct the new bastion. Consequently, the 5 m to 6 m deep of moat backfill comprised mainly of organic material: humic soil, timber, leather, bone, stable waste, and textiles. The organic content had been extremely well preserved over the centuries in the damp environment, giving a wonderful opportunity to examine the whole spectrum of material types that were dumped there in the second half of the 1600s (Figure 147). The waste tells us little about the fortifications, but instead is a virtual time-capsule of everyday life in Copenhagen in the later 17th century. Some of the more exotic finds recovered (for example porcelain and whale baleen) suggest trade with a wide range of distant places, in some cases indirectly, for example via bigger trade hubs such as Amsterdam. It was about this time that the East India companies were importing exotic items into Europe the English and Dutch companies being particularly successful. The Christian IV supported Danish East India Company was less of a success, though it was also engaged with trade in the Indian Ocean at this time. Even in Copenhagen though, it is likely that the Dutch East India Company s influence was the greater and contributed to a growing wealthy merchant class, and an increasingly prosperous city. Modern consumerism may have its origins in the early 20th century, but steps were already being taken in that direction in the 1600s. A growing number of wealthy people were buying consumer goods in ever increasing quantities. Of course, in an era that was pre-industrialisation and pre-mass production, true consumerism was not yet possible, but the increasing number of quite wealthy residents, rapidly acquiring new, sometimes exotic and ever less necessary products in increasingly large quantities, was a move towards modern consumerism. The rubbish excavated at Rådhuspladsen was not placed in the moat with the aim of telling us today what the city was like in the 1600s, but rather to fill an unwanted hole in the ground and to simply get rid of rubbish. The upside of this is that it was done in a rather neutral way, with no thought for the possibility that anyone would later examine it. It was therefore normal rubbish, which reflects the reality of society, the good and bad aspects, in a mostly unbiased way. There can be some bias of course with some kinds of material perhaps being seen as inappropriate and dumped elsewhere, or not dumped at all. We are not seeing a full representation of life in Copenhagen in the 17th century, but rather a partial representation based on what was collected from the waste piles around the city and carted to the western boundary to fill a hole. The assemblage is partially a reminder of the actions of waste collection and dumping, and also a partial representation of life in the city. Dining, Drinking and Smoking The ceramic assemblage included Late Red Ware, Majolica (including pieces which had been repaired), Faience in numerous forms (mostly Dutch), Jydepotter (Jutlandish), German Stoneware (Westerwald, Frechen, Bartmann, Siegburg, Niedersachen), and the ceramics came in many forms; jugs, plates, lamps, pans, bowls, tankards, vases, ointment jars etc. Approximately two thirds of the pottery post-dated The imports were overwhelmingly from Germany and the Netherlands, the latter perhaps partially reflecting the large Dutch population in the city in the 17th century, as well as the influence of trade with 175

180 Amsterdam. There was also waste material recovered from pottery making, suggesting local production of pottery. The Rådhuspladsen assemblage has further shown that local production was more varied than previously attested. The evidence shows that Dutch faience and Majolica came to Copenhagen in large quantities in the 17th century, whereas Italian faience was not very widespread. This tells us something about the main trade routes, and the dominant external influences. The ceramics mostly related to kitchen use, but also to the serving of food and drinks. Mass production was evident, and generally the ceramics were rather everyday in form. The glass assemblage included bottles, window glass and drinking vessels for both beer and wine. Drinking vessels recovered included Humpen, and Passglas, Röhmer glass, green wine glasses, façon de Venice glass, Flügel, and bossed beakers, suggesting a well established drinking culture. The majority of the vessels were imported, though some Danish made material was also seen. One Venetian vase was recovered, and many fragments of round or bulbous bottles and square flasks. Some of the bottles had seals, and from these some very precise dates for the bottles can be established. These indicate dates in the 1660s, but also in the 1670s. Overall the glass assemblage is what might be expected from a city site dating to the mid to late 17th century. An exception was the recovery of some 20 winged goblets or flügelglas, which were both exclusive and probably expensive items. The recovery of so many fragments suggests a good deal of these luxurious items were being used in the city. So there is an inclusion of unusual, rather luxurious items. It was apparent that much of the finer glass, though found in later 17th century layers, originated in the earlier part of the century. This suggests that the finer glass vessels were taken better care of, and lasted considerably longer. The majority of the glass was imported from North Germany and the Netherlands, and the sheer quantity shows that it was both quite widely available and reasonably affordable. It is apparent that the drinking of beer and wine was common, and also that vases were being used in some homes, presumably for the keeping of flowers. The cutlery found was in many cases quite elaborate with decorated handles and shows that it was important to have fashionable equipment for everyday functions. A number of two-pronged forks were recovered, showing that Copenhageners were up to date with the new trends across Europe at the time (these two-pronged forks were likely to have been used for serving food, only in Italy was it common to eat with a fork at this time). Knives and spoons were also found, in silver, copper alloy and pewter. Knife handles were mainly of bone, with some wooden handles also seen. One entire knife was carved from bone, and it is unclear if this was a functional item or in some way an ornament or toy (Fig 148). In general, the cutlery seems to be indicative of the wealthier classes. This shows that at least some of the waste was coming from wealthy households. 176

181 Figure 148 Bone carved knife Wooden kitchen utensils such as plates and spoons were also found, as well as non-food related items such as candle holders, candle snuffers, scissors, and wooden brooms. The household cultural package seems to have been quite broad and diverse. A significant amount of stove tiles were recovered, and show the popularity of this means of heating. Where food is concerned, the animal bones recovered from the moat backfills suggest that beef, sheep/goat and pig dominated the urban diet, in that order, followed by domestic fowl. Deer was almost absent, suggesting that this was not a meat available to most people. Non-food related bone material was hardly seen at all, only a few horse, dog and cat bones were seen. So generally the bones of animals exploited for their meat or other by-products were dumped here, while pets and horses were given different treatment. These were probably dumped or buried elsewhere by the rakker (see above). The fish in the moat backfills were rather large in size. Many cod from cm were observed, and vertebrae from large salmon/trout as well. Some vertebrae had been cut length-wise - probably as a result of making fillets from the fish, and points to the work of a practiced fishmonger. The macro-botanical analysis of samples taken from the moat backfills, have revealed a range of dietary information. The samples contained a very high proportion of crops compared to other deposits on site, particularly barley as well as oat and rye. Plants such as hazelnut, cabbages and plums were also present. While the food and drink related waste can have originated anywhere in the city, it is interesting to note that nearby Vestergade was a street known for breweries and inns eight breweries were located on this street in Situated to service those arriving into the city from the west, these may account for some of the dining and drinking related finds recovered. 177

182 Clay pipes of three main categories were retrieved, plain pipes which were the cheapest, those with stem decoration and makers marks which were the most frequent, and finally those that were polished or even glazed, which were very rare. These were the most expensive and show that smoking was a pastime for those in every walk of life. One personalised pipe with engraved initials suggests that smoking pipes could be treasured personal items. The pipes were generally Dutch in origin it is unclear if pipes were being made in Copenhagen at this time. Figure 149 Some of the many clay pipes recovered Shoes, Clothing and Fashion A huge amount of textile fragments were found, and were generally in excellent condition. Items recovered include wool, felted wool, silk, and velvet, and (where identifiable) items ranged from socks to ribbons, cuffs/garters, hairnets, hats, cardigans, trousers, blankets, gloves, jackets, and wigs (a growing trend in the 17th century). The majority of pieces were cut-offs and scraps, showing that a lot of reuse and reworking of clothing was going on. Previously only fine clothes of the nobility survived from the Danish Renaissance-era, and almost nothing of the ordinary people, so this assemblage will contribute greatly to knowledge of textiles from this period. It looks as though some of the basic wool items were homemade, while some were made on a larger, but local scale, and were mainly the clothing of the poorer classes. The less frequent silk items were likely from a higher level of society. These showed less evidence for repair than the wool items. Something of the fashion trends can be seen, with, for example, balloon-shaped trousers and jackets of varying lengths popular for men. A lot of details regarding the weaves used can also be seen. 178

183 The leather and shoe assemblage was significant in scale. The majority of the shoes were very worn and were much repaired. Both well made and poorly made examples were seen, suggesting both the stratification of society, and variation in the skill levels of craftspeople. The shoes were seen to be inspired by the French and Dutch fashions of the time. It appears that the majority were made by shoemakers situated in Copenhagen. As some of the finer shoes have clearly been worn out and then repaired a number of times, and sometimes quite badly, it suggests that the shoes of the wealthy might end up eventually being worn by less affluent people, whether that be through a process of re-sale, passing on of used goods, or even scavenging of litter. Crafts and trade Textile production items were seen, such as lace making tools, thimbles and bone needles. Other tools included a saw, an axe, a wedge, several chisels, awls, drill bits and a wooden pulley. It is difficult to be sure what kind of people owned these items, as it is likely that many people could sew, knit and perform practical tasks of this nature. Nonetheless it is likely that the tools recovered point to some of the craft specialisation that would have existed within the city by this time. This can be seen in some of the waste material recovered, such as the thousands of simple copper alloy pins, the hundreds of cut-off metatarsals recovered in a cluster, masses of wood chippings and the sizeable amount of slag found in the moat backfills. These kinds of by-products are indicative of workshops and specialist activities going on in the city. One unusual find relating to a workplace was an intact ornate doctor s stamp. This was likely to have been an accidental loss, as it was certainly still functional when it was dumped. Some cloth seals were found, which are sometimes stamped with the name of their city of origin or even manufacturer. Some more exotic items were also recovered, such as an ivory handle. This object is likely to have originated in West Africa, and presents evidence of trade with some of Europe s colonial outposts of the time. Some bridal parts, horse shoes and spurs were found. Some complete spurs found may have been lost initially, rather than being deliberately dumped, as these were clearly still functional (Figure 151). Perhaps some of the waste was brought directly from the streets and squares of the city, where such equipment might be lost. Figure 150 Doctor s stamp 179

184 As a busy harbour city, it stands to reason that a huge range of products, for example ceramics, glass, textiles, tobacco and a range of exotic goods, were being traded in and around the markets, stalls and streets of Copenhagen, perhaps in some cases before being moved on again. It is clear that the city s physical location, in a safe docking point close to the mouth of the Baltic, was key to its success, and to a very large degree has been responsible for the growth and prosperity the town. Figure 151 Ornate spur Discussion So, what can this assemblage tell us of the people of the city in the 17th century, and of the process of deposition? Even the volume of rubbish that was available to be dumped in a short timespan tells us something people were consuming at a level we do not see in Northern Europe until the 17th century, with vast quantities of products being made or imported, traded, used and ultimately disposed of sometimes in a condition that suggests they were still useful. The evidence for smoking and drinking shows that a certain amount of money was available for non-essential activities, even among ordinary people. Conversely, shoes and clothes, even finer quality types, frequently showed repair, implying that it was acceptable for these to be recycled and reused, presumably by those of lesser means. With shoes and clothing, signs of wear and tear and resulting repair are easy to identify. This evidence may suggest a bigger pattern of product movement - that many items were being reused and recycled. Perhaps fine glassware or once fashionable pottery might have been sold off, given away or discarded by the wealthy, only to become the property of the less well off, for whom it may still have been useful. These kinds of items are less likely to show obvious use-wear or signs that they have changed hands. The importation of foreign pottery, as well as the production of local imitations, is just one example that can be seen of an interest in having products that were fashionable in the wider northwest European region. This awareness of European trends was partially due to the extensive travel and trade conducted by Danish merchants, but also by their counterparts in Germany and the Netherlands in particular. Also worth consideration is what was not found in the moat backfills. Just as the material that was dumped can tell us something of the people, so too can an analysis of what they did not throw away. For example metal plates and dishes are absent, yet must surely have been used by some. As with shoes, recycling may be the explanation such items could easily be reused and reworked into new items, and so might not be 180

185 disposed of. The more recyclable certain object types were, the less likely they were to be dumped. As some still useful items were recovered in the moat backfills, it seems there was little opportunity for scavenging. Instead it seems that the rubbish was dumped quickly, before it could be gone through. It is even possible that people were not allowed to go through the waste, though such a ban would likely be difficult to enforce. Within the assemblage it is sometimes clear that multiple objects fulfil the same function, but with different levels of ostentation. This can say something about the owner. But at Rådhuspladsen, we know that we are seeing this material as waste, dumped en masse, regardless of who owned it. We do not know if the more luxurious items came from wealthy homes, or had found their way in to the hands of those lower down the social ladder. If we found a selection of these items in the remains of a single homestead, we could tackle in a better way questions of what the assemblage meant; who owned it, what kind of people, and so on. Instead we must look at this collection of material as reflecting a broader group, a crosssection of Copenhagen society in the mid-17th century. We can begin to understand instead something about the city as an entity, about its place in the world, and about how its residents saw themselves. To improve our understanding of the assemblage, we can use contemporary written sources. Inventories of the property of named Copenhageners in the late 17th century would be useful for this purpose. About 20 such lists survive from pre-1680, of which a selection have been studied and transcribed and found to contain evidence of both people of higher social strata and less well off people. The lists comprise records of everything in a household considered having value, thus including types of materials that for reasons of continual circulation or secondary use were not found in great numbers in the moat fills. On the other hand, items such as personal clothes are not always included and only rarely are objects like shoes mentioned in the lists, which indicates that these written sources cannot stand alone in an analysis of the material culture of Copenhageners of the time. While the inventories list what was considered valuable, the refuse in the moat mainly consisted of objects seen as having no further value. Hence, a full analysis of the surviving inventories in combination with the archaeological data has great potential to increase our knowledge regarding the material culture of the urban population. Conclusion The 17th century waste found in Copenhagen s former moat in 2012 has provided a wealth of evidence for the early growth of Copenhagen s modern consumerist society. There are still questions that remain unanswered of course, but a thorough investigation of the relevant documentary sources has the potential, in combination with further analysis of the assemblage, to cast much light on daily life in Denmark s capital in the 17th century. Nonetheless we have seen clear evidence in the assemblage of a growing city, and have gotten an insight into the life of its ordinary inhabitants and of their desire where possible to keep up with the fashionable urban populations of other cities in the wider region. Archaeologists and specialists whose work was used in writing this paper: Andersen, V, Dahlström H, Enghoff, I, Haggren, G, Ranheden, H, Kristensen, R. S, Lyne E, Pedersen, M, Rimstad, C, Whatley, S, Wiene, I 181

186 Rådhuspladsen the contribution of natural science and finds analyses During the excavation carried out at Rådhuspladsen, many thousands of finds were recovered from the various archaeological features encountered, and hundreds of samples were taken, mostly soil samples and timber samples. The finds which were taken in to the museum, were not only (in fact rarely) collected with a view to display, but rather, for the information that could be gained from the cultural material of the people that lived in the city in the past. Similarly, in various ways the samples taken can be analysed to shed new light on how the city developed, and was lived in in the past. Below, some of the methods used at Rådhuspladsen are briefly described. The finds material In general the finds collected at Rådhuspladsen tell us about the people who lived in the city in the past, what they used, what they needed, and what they wanted. It tells us something about the level of prosperity of the city, what kinds of food were being consumed, clothes being worn, and so on. At a broad level, analysis of the wider assemblage helps us to form a good picture of how it was to live in Copenhagen in the past. Typology Typological studies of find types allow us to examine how certain find types developed and changed through time. For example, was pottery generally handmade, or wheel thrown, was it glazed or unglazed, what temperature was it fired at, and when did these changes occur? Were shoes reused, or re-worked? Were they in line with fashion in the wider European area? The outcome of typological studies also means that when we find a number of finds together, by referring to knowledge of finds typologies, we can already be fairly sure of date-ranges of the layer or structure we are excavating, based on the finds associated with it. Figure 152 Some sherds of early medieval Baltic Ware pottery from Rådhuspladsen 182

187 Distribution In some cases the finds recovered during an excavation such as at Rådhuspladsen are recognizable as being imports. Clay pipes for example might have been made in the Netherlands. Mill stones might be of a type made in Germany or Sweden. This kind of information can tell us much about the trade networks in use at the time, and about what cities Copenhagen had contact with and exchanged goods with, directly or indirectly. Based on the studies carried out so far, the Netherlands, Germany, Sweden, Norway, France and the wider Baltic region all feature in Copenhagen s trade network to various degrees over the centuries when the city was growing. Natural Science When definable layers of soil from different features of the excavation such as pits, road surfaces or the moat were excavated, as well as documenting the kind of material (describing and photographing it) found, in many cases samples of the soil were taken, usually in 2 litre plastic containers. These samples can be used for an array of analyses. The majority of them, if prioritized by the archaeologists as being important, were sieved in a special way known as flotation, where the material has water passed through it in such a way as to allow material that will float to be collected, while the remainder is sieved through various sizes of mesh. This means that tiny objects such as charred or waterlogged seeds, pieces of charcoal and very small artefacts that might be missed during excavation, can be collected for study. When seeds (which preserve well if charred or wet) are found, they can be identified under microscope by macro-botanical specialists, and as a result a picture can be gained of the kind of environment present at the time in question, or of what kind of plants were being utilized by people in the past, and hence what their diet may have contained, for example what kind of bread, beer, or fruit was consumed. Special column samples were also taken in some cases, to be analysed for the pollen contained within them. This can again be used to help us understand the environment around the excavation area at certain times in the past, were there trees present, or grassland, what kind of vegetation dominated? As pollen is easily airborne however, this kind of analysis must be used with care or it can be misleading. C14 C14 AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectrometry) dating, also known as radiocarbon dating is a method for determining the age of an object containing organic (carbon based) material by measuring the amount of the radioactive carbon 14 isotope remaining in the material. This isotope decays at a known rate, meaning that the age of a given material can be ascertained, within levels of certainty described in percentages. This method can be used effectively on many substances, such as timber, grains, or bone. Care has to be taken though, as to what kind of material is chosen for C14 dating. For example, a structure made of oak wood might be C14 dated, but the result would give the age of the actual piece of timber, which might have been 500 years old when it was cut and fashioned into a plank. For this reason, a single C14 date can be very misleading, and it is generally better to obtain a number of related C14 dates, which can then be compared and thereby a more accurate date range can be established. C14 AMS dating was used for some of the older material at Rådhuspladsen, mainly the early medieval remains, including human bone from the cemetery area, and various seeds found in pits and wells. 183

188 Dendrochronology Dendrochronology is the science of dating wood based on recognized patterns of tree-ring growth. The rings vary from year to year in a particular region, depending on weather and other factors effecting the trees growth, and the resulting tree ring patterns can be examined from a given piece of timber (if it is large enough with enough rings visible), to find out when it was growing. This was particularly useful at Rådhuspladsen, for two reasons. The first was that many wooden structures were excavated, and were in good condition, so sampling for dendrochronological analysis was very possible. The second reason that this kind of dating was particularly useful at Rådhuspladsen, is due to a drawback in C14 dating, whereby material that is too young (after c. 1650) cannot be accurately dated using that method. Quite a lot of the structures from Rådhuspladsen date to around that time, making C14 an unsuitable dating method for the majority of the post-medieval material. Furthermore, dendrochronology can give more accurate results if the wood sample has sufficient rings. It can also potentially tell us precisely when a tree was felled, if we have the outermost part of the tree preserved in the sample. Structures at Rådhuspladsen such as the medieval bridge and the post-medieval mill were dated using dendrochronology, and very accurate date ranges were established. Tool mark analysis As many wooden structures survived in good condition at Rådhuspladsen, it was also possible to examine the techniques made to construct them, the types of joints shaped, and in many cases, marks on the wood revealed what kind of tools were used. The timber from Rådhuspladsen from the later period showed signs of having been sawn on a mill, while much axe work was apparent on the older timbers such as the medieval bridge. It was also apparent that quite often timbers were being reused, taken from one structure to be re-worked and used again. This suggests that timber was a fairly valuable commodity at times, and was not plentiful in the immediate surroundings. Figure 153 Planks from the mill foundation, showing evidence of both mill-sawing, and axe-shaping 184

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