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Abstract: The title of this essay is: How does the intensity and purpose of Viking raids on Irish church settlements in ninth century Ireland help to explain the objectives of the Vikings during that period? The essay begins by outlining the divergence in opinion amongst scholars as to the purpose of church raids by Vikings in ninth century Ireland. This is done with a view to establishing clarity on the issue, which will be necessary if the objectives of the Vikings are to be obtained from the purpose of their raids. The conclusion reached is that the main purpose of the raids was to take captives, while a secondary purpose may have been the seizure of ecclesiastical metalwork. Secondary source material used to reach this conclusion is by such scholars as A.T. Lucas, Kathleen Hughes and Colman Etchingham. Having established this, an analysis of how patterns in captive taking changed throughout ninth century Ireland is undertaken. With the use of secondary source material from A.P. Smyth and Colman Etchingham, along with primary source material from the Annals of Ulster, this analysis reaches the conclusion that captive taking was a significant purpose of Viking raids on Irish Church settlements throughout the ninth century. These conclusions are the used to demonstrate that the taking of captives was a significant objective of Vikings in ninth century Ireland; and, furthermore, that their use as slaves and also as hostages for ransom were significant economic objectives of the Vikings. Having established these economic objectives of the Vikings, the essay then proceeds to examine how the intensity of Viking raids on Irish church settlements explain their political objectives. With the use of secondary source publications from scholars such as Colman Etchingham, Donnach O Corrain and Kathleen Hughes the scholarly opinions on changes in the intensity of Viking raids are compared. This leads to the conclusion that Viking raiding on Irish church settlements was most intense during the period 837-845 and that after 850 there is a significant decrease in the intensity of raiding. These conclusions are then compared with the evidence for the political 1

alliances that existed between the native Irish and the Vikings during the same period. This comparison results in the conclusion that after 850 at least two thirds of raids carried out by Vikings were on church settlements within the territories of native Irish Kings that were enemies of the kings with whom the Vikings were allied. The conclusion is also reached that prior to 850 there was less involvement by the Vikings in native Irish politics and that; therefore, raids were more sporadic and were not targeted on specific regions or kingdoms. Therefore, the essay establishes that the intensity of Viking raids on Irish church settlements during the ninth century help to explain the political objectives of the Vikings. Essay: This essay will argue that changes in the intensity and purpose of Viking raids on church settlements in ninth-century Ireland help to explain the economic and political objectives of 2

the Vikings in that period. It will do so in two parts. Firstly, it will examine the changes in purpose of the raids and how these explain the economic objectives of the Vikings. Owing to the divergence amongst scholars concerning the purpose of Viking raids it will be necessary to devote time to a discussion of their exact purpose, before proceeding to discuss how this purpose explains the economic objectives of the Vikings. Secondly, it will examine the changes in the intensity of raids and how these help to explain the political objectives of the Vikings. In terms of the purpose of Viking raids on church settlements in ninth-century Ireland, there is a divergence of opinion amongst scholars. A.T. Lucas has argued that the purpose of raids was to seize the property of laymen which was held in monasteries for safe keeping 1, O Corrain agrees with Lucas 2. On the other hand, Kathleen Hughes maintains that the purpose of raids was to seize basic foodstuffs and trading commodities, such as ecclesiastical metalwork, which were necessary for survival 3. In further contrast, A.P. Smyth purports that the purpose of the raids was to take captives for the purposes of slavery 4. Such a divergence of views on the issue means that it is difficult to reach a distinct conclusion on the purpose of raids. However, it is possible to reach some conclusions if the evidence used for the above hypotheses is examined. Lucas emphasised the fact that there has been a significant amount of low bullion Irish silver found in Norwegian graves as proof for his hypothesis that the purpose for raids was to seize the property of laymen, kept in churches for safe keeping 5. However, Etchingham, citing Graham Campbell s work on Irish silver hoards, comments that these hoards, of which quite a number have been dated to the ninth-century, bespeak the importation of silver into Ireland by the Scandinavians 6. Consequently, it would seem unlikely that if the Scandinavians had enough silver in their homelands to be able to export it that they would take the time and effort to plunder church settlements with the main aim of seizing Irish metalwork, either ecclesiastical or lay. Etchingham also points out that the volume and nature of the annalistic evidence in itself will not sustain the hypotheses that ecclesiastical metalwork was a major attraction, rather than a supplementary acquisition for church raiding Vikings during the ninth century 7. 1 A.T. Lucas, Irish Norse Relations: a Time for Re-appraisal?, in Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, 71 (1966), p. 63. 2 Donnach O Corrain, Ireland before the Normans (Dublin, 1972), p.89. 3 Kathleen Hughes, Early Christian Ireland: Introduction to the Sources (London, 1972), p.150. 4 A.P. Smyth, Scandinavian York and Dublin ii (Dublin, 1979), pp. 154-168. 5 A.T. Lucas, Irish Norse Relations: a Time for Re-appraisal, in Journal of the Cork Historical and Historical Society, 71 (1966), pp. 209-213. 6 Colman Etchingham, Viking Raids on Church Settlements in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996), p.37. 7 Ibid, p.37. 3

Moreover, Etchingham also notes that by comparison the evidence for captive taking captive taking in ninth century Viking raids on churches is fuller and clearer 8. He also points out that capture, or evasion of capture, is mentioned in just under half the annalistic references which have more than the bare notice of a raid 9. Consequently, it would appear, based on the available evidence, mainly the annalistic evidence, that the main purpose of Viking raids in ninth century Ireland was captive taking. Having established this, it is now appropriate to examine how the taking of captives changed over the course of the ninth century and how these changes help to explain Viking objectives. Once again there is divergence amongst scholars, this time about the exact purpose of this captive taking. According to Smyth, prior to 869, the main focus of Viking raids had been to take high ranking ecclesiastical personnel to ransom back to the monastic communities 10. For Smyth, 869 ushered in a new phase of Norse activity in Ireland 11. The reason for Smyth s use of this date is that it is the date on which the annals of Ulster report that a thousand captives were carried off or killed by Viking raiders 12 and from Smyth s point of view this is the first time that such a large amount of people had been captured by Viking raiders which were destined for slavery. However, Etchingham asserts that Smyth s theory is flawed on the basis that there is significant evidence that large amounts of captives were taken from the beginning of the ninth century it is inaccurate to suggest that prior to 869 only individuals were taken 13. Etchingham s assertion that there were large numbers of captives taken prior to 869 can be supported by reference to the annals of Ulster, which in 821, 831, 836 and 845 mention the taking of significant numbers of captives 14. Consequently, it is the case that captive taking on a large scale can be shown to be the purpose of Viking raids in the early part of the ninth century. However, this does not disprove Smyth s assertion that captive taking on a large scale was the primary purpose of raids after 869; or that the taking of high ranking personnel was a significant objective of raids prior to 869. It does, however, disprove Smyth s hypotheses that 869 heralded a new age in captive taking on a larger scale and that the taking of high ranking ecclesiastical personnel was a significant objective of raids prior to 8 Ibid, p.40. 9 Ibid, p.40. 10 A.P. Smyth, Scandinavian Kings in the British Isles 850-880 (Oxford, 1977), pp. 154-155. 11 Ibid, p.154. 12 Sean Mac Airt (trans.), Gearoid Mac Niocaill (trans.), The Annals of Ulster (Dublin, 1983), pp. 324-325. 13 Colman Etchingham, Viking Raids on Irish Church Settlements in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996), p. 42. 14 All information pertaining to these dates may be found in: Sean Mac Airt (trans.), Gearoid Mac Niocaill (trans.), The Annals of Ulster (Dublin, 1983). 4

this date. Therefore, it can be said that the taking of captives can be seen as the main purpose of Viking raids of church settlements continuously throughout the ninth century, along with the lesser incentives of metalwork and the taking of captives for ransom. It can also be said that these captives were most likely taken with a view to using or selling them as salves, as there would seem to be no other logical reason for taking captives in such large amounts. Consequently, due to the fact that the taking of large amounts of captives was a consistent purpose of Viking raids it can be said that a significant economic objective of the Vikings in Ireland throughout the ninth century was the capture of Slaves, either for export, or for use in Irish Viking settlements. There is insufficient evidence to say where these slaves were destined for. However, it is still possible to say that there capture was a significant objective. It can also be said that that the capture of individuals for the purposes of ransoming them back to their communities was also a significant objective of the Viking raids on church settlements, and by extension the gaining of ransom was an objective of Viking raids. As has been demonstrated above, it cannot be said to the same extent that the seizure of Irish metalwork was a significant purpose of Irish raids on church settlements at any point during the ninth century. Therefore, it is not possible to infer from these raids that the seizure of Irish metalwork was an objective of Vikings in ninth century Ireland; it may, however, have been a by product of raids. Having examined how the purpose of Viking raids help explain the economic objectives of the Vikings; it is now appropriate to progress to examining how changes in the intensity of Viking raids on church settlements throughout the ninth century help to explain the political objectives of the Vikings. The first recorded Viking raid in Ireland took place in 795 15. Accounts of raids in the annals for the period from 795 to 820 is at quite a low but steady pace, with less than five recorded between 801 and 810, and a similar number recorded between 810 and 820 16. Scholars agree that from 830 on the intensity of Viking raids increased substantially, O Corrain holds that this is the case 17, Hughes holds that raids get heavier in the 830s 18. Likewise, Etchingham agrees stating there can be little doubt that the advent of frequent raiding in the 820s, 830s and 840s is real enough 19. These opinions are backed up by the annalistic evidence which record seventy per-cent of all raids by 15 Donnach O Corrain, Ireland before the Normans (Dublin, 1972), p. 81. 16 Colman Etchingham, Viking Raids on Irish Church Settlements in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996), p.8. 17 Donnach O Corrain, Ireland before the Normans (Dublin, 1972), p.87. 18 Kathleen Hughes, Early Christian Ireland: Introduction to Sources (London, 1972), p.157. 19 Colman Etchingham, Viking Raids on Irish Church Settlements in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996), p.14. 5

Vikings on church settlements in the ninth century as taking place in the period between 821 and 850 20, this is in contrast to the low amounts of raids recorded in the previous decades. It can, therefore, be assumed with a substantial degree of certainty that there was a marked increase in Viking raids from 821 on. This increase in the intensity of Viking raids on church settlements help to explain Viking objectives by demonstrating that the Vikings became more interested in the raiding of churches from 821 on. However, it must now be considered how intense this increase was and how long the intensity lasted for if it is to be established how significant an objective raiding was at different points throughout the century. Ethchingham asserts that Viking raiding reached such intensity in the period between 837 to 845 that it threatened to overwhelm the country 21 ; O Corrain is inclined to agree with this assertion 22. Ethchinham s assertion is corroborated by annalistic evidence which documents a dramatic increase in raids on Church settlements between 837 and 845 23. Consequently, it can be argued with certainty that from the period between 821 and 845 that the raiding of church settlements was a significant objective of Vikings in Ireland, with it being an even greater objective between 837 and 845. However, it would appear that the raiding of church settlements became less of an objective after the 840s. O Corrain contends that by 853 the period of the great raids was over 24. Etchingham notes that it is clear that the annals report a dramatic decline in Viking raiding of churches after the 840s 25, while also emphasising that this may not be as clear cut as it seems. He points out that the decrease in the reporting of Viking raids after the 840s coincides with an overall decrease in the reporting of ecclesiastical events, excluding obits, after 850 26.However, while still emphasising that this is a caveat for any person studying the reporting of raids in the ninth century, he concludes that the mid-century downturn is perceptibly greater in the case of Viking raiding activity than in the case of other ecclesiastical events 27. Therefore, by comparing the more profound annalistic evidence that there was a decrease in raids with the less dramatic reduction in the overall reporting of ecclesiastical events it can be concluded that was an overall decrease in the number and 20 Ibid, pp. 8-9. 21 Ibid, p.48. 22 Donnach O Corrain, Ireland before the Normans (Dublin, 1972), pp. 89-91. 23 Colman Etchingham, Viking Raids on Irish Church Settlement in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996), p.48. 24 Donnach O Corrain, Ireland before the Normans (Dublin, 1972), p.94. 25 Colman Etchingham, Viking Raids on Church Settlements in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996), p.10. 26 Ibid, p.12. 27 Ibid, p.15. 6

intensity of raids after 850. This begs the question of what this reduction says about the military objectives of the Vikings in Ireland, after 850? In order to answer this question it is first worth mentioning that the Vikings established their first overwintering base in 841 28. Secondly it is worth noting that the annals report a significant downturn in Viking Military power from 845 on. As Etchingham notes eight battles against the Irish are recorded in the annals between 845 and 848, in seven of which Vikings were defeated 29. This indicates that the position of the Vikings, as a significant Military force, had decreased by 848. This must also be placed in the context of the increased absorption of the Vikings into Irish dynastic politics after 850 this absorption in dynastic politics after 850 is something upon which scholars who differ on much else agree 30. After 850, raids on Church settlements become more in line with the political allegiances of the Vikings. Smyth argues this point, stating that raids became scarcer after 850 as they were more focused on ecclesiastical settlements that lay within the jurisdiction of the enemies of the Irish political leaders, with whom the Vikings were allied 31. He also points out that prior to 850 raids were much less selective, and often without a set pattern. This is backed up with annalistic evidence which provides evidence that two thirds of Viking raids on churches can be linked, with at least a high probability, to the Scandinavians documented relations with the Irish dynasts 32. One such example of this is the attack on the principle Church of the Northern Ui Neill at Armagh in 882, the Northern Ui Neill being an enemy of the Southern Ui Neill, with whom the Vikings had made an alliance 33. Moreover, in the latter decades of the ninth century the Vikings began to concentrate their raiding activity in the central east of the country, which was where they had made most of their political alliances 34. Consequently, it should be concluded that the fall in the intensity of Viking raids in the latter half of the ninth century were influenced by the Vikings becoming more integrated with the Irish political system. This integration resulted in the Vikings becoming more systematic in their approach to raids by mainly attacking church settlements within the 28 Donnach O Corrain, Ireland before the Normans (Dublin, 1972), p.90. 29 Colman Etchingham, Viking Raids on Irish Church Settlements in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996), p.49. 30 Ibid, p.50. 31 A.P., Smyth, Scandinavian York and Dublin ii (Dublin, 1979), pp. 136-151. 32 Colman Etchingham, Viking Raids on Irish Church Settlements in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996), p.54. 33 Sean Mac Airt (trans), Gearoid Mac Niocaill (trans.), The Annals of Ulster, pp.336-338. 34 Colman Etchingham, Viking raids on Irish Church Settlements in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996), pp. 18-21. 7

territories of the foes of the Irish chiefs, with whom they had made alliances. Therefore, the changes over time in the intensity of Viking raids explain the political objectives of the Vikings. During the early part of the century the Vikings were less involved with Irish politics and this resulted in a greater intensity, and less co-ordinated nature, of raids. However, as Vikings became more integrated in Irish politics raiding became less intense but more systematic as raiding was focused on the territories of the enemies of the Irish political leaders, with whom by then Vikings had become allied. In conclusion, the changes over time in the purpose of Viking raids in ninth century help to explain the economic objectives of the Vikings by demonstrating that the Vikings had a consistent interest in the seizing of captives, both for slavery and ransom, throughout the century. Similarly, the changes over time in the intensity of Viking raids help to demonstrate the change in the political objectives of the Vikings. At the beginning of the ninth century the Vikings did not play and active role in Irish politics and, consequently, were less systematic in the monasteries they attacked. However, as the century progressed the intensity of raiding decreased as the Vikings began to target church settlements within the territories of the enemies of the Irish political leaders, with whom the Vikings made alliances. Consequently, the more systematic targeting of church settlements explains the political objectives of the Vikings in the latter half of the ninth century. Bibliography: 8

Primary Sources: Mac Airt, Sean (trans.), The Annals of Inisfallen (Dublin 1951). Mac Airt, Sean, Mac Niocaill, Gearoid, The Annals of Ulster (Dublin, 1983). Secondary Sources: Etchingham, Colman, Viking Raids on Irish Church Settlements in the Ninth Century (Maynooth, 1996). Etchingham, Colman, Early Medieval Irish History in Progress, in Kim McCone (ed.),katherine Simms (ed.), Medieval Irish Studies (Maynooth, 1996). Hughes, Kathleen, Early Christian Ireland: Introduction to the Sources (London, 1972). O Corrain, Donnach, Ireland before the Normans (Dublin, 1972). Lucas, A.T., Irish Norse relations: a Time for Re-appraisal, in Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, 71 (1966). Lucas, A.T., The Plundering and Burning of Churches in Ireland, seventh to sixteenth century, in Etienne Rynne (ed.), North Munster Studies (Limerick, 1967). Smyth, A.P., Scandinavian Kings in the British Isles, 850-880 (Oxford, 1977). Smyth A.P., Scandinavian York and Dublin ii (Dublin, 1979). 9