Qipao and Power: An Analysis of the Sociocultural Forces that Associate Qipao and Status

Qipao and Power: An Analysis of the Sociocultural Forces that Associate Qipao and Status Carly O Connell Chinese Advanced Seminar Senior Thesis Paper 15 December 2013

O Connell 1 Scroll through any Chinese news site and you will find headlines upon headlines about China s new First Lady and how her brand-name tailored qipao are sparking fads across the country. Then go to a classy restaurant in China for dinner and get ushered in by two lovely young women in identical qipao, cheaply made and ordered off the rack. The social status of the wearer and the quality of the garment may be different in these two examples, but the garment itself is the same. What is it about the qipao that makes it the ideal uniform for both political dignitaries and service workers? This essay will explore the symbolism of the qipao and the versatility of that symbolism, which has caused it to become the sartorial staple for women at opposite ends of the social power spectrum. The qipao holds a unique and ambiguous position in the minds of the Chinese people through its association with power but also with powerlessness. For the average, middle-class Chinese person, there is pressure to wear the qipao from above, through the precedent set by elite and powerful figures such as the nation s First Lady, and pressure not to wear qipao from below, through the desire to distance oneself from the service industry and its connotations. The association of qipao with two starkly contrasting social groups seems to pose a contradiction; however, through careful analysis, one can see how the qipao s primary connotations of Chinese nationalism and hyper femininity recommend it both to high society politicians wives and to humble waitresses and hostesses. The qipao is a dress with a rich history, and which has gone through a major evolution since its origin. Qipao literally means banner gown, so called because it comes from the Manchus who were also called the banner people. The Cantonese word cheongsam which is now equivalent to qipao literally means shirt or robe. (Finnane 141) The qipao originated as the female equivalent of the male changpao worn by non-laboring men in the Qing Dynasty and into the Republic. At the time, it was cut like a loose, strait, man s robe. Women wore qipao because they wanted to look like men (Finnane 177). By the mid 1920 s it had become merely one of several fashion ensembles available to women (Finnane 149). The qipao rose in popularity in part because it was practical for cold weather; it

O Connell 2 could be padded and worn over long undergarments since it draped to the ankles. Sing-song girls in Shanghai, the most fashion-forward social group in those times, began wearing qipao to keep their legs warm and highborn ladies soon picked up the trend. (150) The fashion then spread quickly, becoming firmly established as fashion wear in the 1930 s (151). The form of the qipao was modified in steps over the years. First came the sleeveless style, then the dress became fitted to the figure in 1940s, incorporating ideas about revealing the curves of the bust, waist, and hips from the west. Then the knee-high slit was added to allow for a longer stride. This addition was allegedly started by Oei Hailan, wife of a prominent Chinese dipolat. (Finnane 151, 153) In modern times, slits have come even higher and hem lines have risen as well. Nowadays, few things are as iconically Chinese as the sleek silken dress, with coiled fastenings across the front and a high standing collar even the descriptor mandarin collar highlights the dress Chineseness. Among the primary meanings of the qipao is the representation of Chinese identity. Unlike the national dress of some other countries, the qipao has little formal government backing (Chew 147). Nonetheless, it is universally understood to be an unofficial national symbol of China. In 1928, the Republic of China took the qipao as its sartorial symbol. Thus under Socialist China, up until the 1990 s, the qipao symbolized the decadence and bourgeoisie values associated with the Republican era (149). This has made the current government reluctant to back the qipao officially. Yet their support of it can be seen by the fact that performers in official and semi-official ceremonies are often dressed in qipao (148). This is especially true of young women performing decorative roles at such events, such as in opening ceremonies for international functions and state ceremonies. For example, in the 2004 Olympics closing ceremony, fourteen women wore short qipao while playing traditional Chinese instruments such as the pipa and the erhu. In the 2008 Olympics, Chinese women involved in the ceremonies throughout the event again wore either qipao or dresses that incorporated qipao elements. (Li 149) Although utilization on such occasions causes people to categorize the qipao as a costume

O Connell 3 rather than as a fashion item of daily wear, it has endowed the simple article of clothing with deep national meaning. The fact that qipao are usually worn on transnational, multicultural, or semidiplomatic social occasions has turned the qipao into an ethnic or cultural marker for their wearers, regardless of the wearers intention (Chew 156). Cultural performers, athletes, exchange students, Chinese party hosts, and international socialites perpetuate this image by sporting qipao when interacting with other cultures (156). As Cui Lina states, fashion is a reflection of the national spirit of an era ( 服饰是一个时代民族精神的反映 ) (Cui 58). From the prominence of qipao in public events, one can see that the national spirit in today s China is very strong indeed. Those who choose to wear the qipao in modern times are often motivated by its automatic demarcation of cultural identity and indication of national pride. The second major image evoked by the qipao is that of femininity. The qipao stands for both the pure, graceful beauty of femininity and the sexual, illicit side of it. In China, it is the archetypical women s dress. Its shape and style are said to match certain characteristics of Chinese art, and admirers often wax poetic about its beauty (Cui 58). For example, as one educator described the qipao, it embodies the accumulated beauty of an ethnic tradition; elevates the aesthetic level of our society, resists those unseemly, ugly, and culturally offending foreign fashion items, purifies our horizons and hearts (qtd in Chew 161). In this quote, the impression of its image is expressed in hyperbole, such that the qipao seems to be so much more than a mere dress. Rather, it is revered as a savior of culture and a spiritual object. While most would not go so far as that, it is undeniable that the beauty of the qipao is a powerful part of its appeal. The qipao represents a specific kind of beauty associated with Asian cultures. It is elegant and dignified, soft and gentle a subtle beauty, and an expressly feminine one. (59) How ironic, then, that the qipao has come to hold a second, contradictory association that of bold sexuality.

O Connell 4 Through history and in pop culture, the qipao has come to be associated with sexiness, sex, and even prostitution. One slang term used by some foreigners to refer to the qipao is Suzie Wong dress, named for a fictional prostitute of film and literary repute. Thus when this name is used to refer to a qipao, a sleazy connotation is undeniably present. (Chew 159) The pervasiveness of this cultural association can be seen in items as common as one airline s duty free magazine, which features a section on The Wardrobe of Suzie Wong in its advertisement for the city of Hong Kong. The writers of the blurb obviously did their research on the history of the qipao, even mentioning its connection to the male garment changpao, yet they nevertheless chose to perpetuate the stereotype of the qipao as a sex object. They describe the qipao as a close fitting sheath and as Chinese as a bowl of wonton noodle soup (Shopping: Hong Kong Island). They also imply that every single woman in Hong Kong owns at least one of these dresses. Despite their shallow representation of the qipao and allusions to its connection with prostitution, they also assert the qipao s classiness, describing it as sensuous but never lewd; it reveals without showing too much (Shopping: Hong Kong Island). Matthew Chew echoes this sentiment when he describes it as fashionable but not outlandish, sexy yet subdued, making the qipao the ideal tool for socially acceptable fashionability and sexiness (158-159). This sexy yet restrained dual nature of the qipao is one of its most significant properties. The qipao s ability to combine these and other opposites such as Manchu and Han culture, Chinese and Western aesthetics, etc. have turned it into a sort of compromise dress. With a variety of associations, the qipao has become adaptable to vastly different occasions. In any context, though, the qipao is the epitome of femininity. Whether it evokes classic beauty or something less innocent depends upon how and when it is worn, and by whom. Among those who wear qipao at the low end of the power spectrum are waitresses and other service industry workers at upscale restaurants and hotels in China. This has been the most stable role of the qipao since its inception, suffering little during the anti-bourgeosie anti-qipao movement of the Cultural Revolution, especially in places outside of mainland China such as Hong Kong and Taiwan. Nor is

O Connell 5 this aspect of qipao consumption much influenced by changing fashion trends. (Chew 146) The qipao worn by service workers are usually cheaply made and of poor quality, as opposed to the brand-name versions worn by high society public figures. They also tend to be more sexualized by having the traditional side slit extend all the way up to mid-thigh, so that much bare or stocking-covered leg is exposed whenever the wearer sits or strides (Otis 24). Here, the qipao relies on baring of flesh that caters to tourist and male gazes to use the workers sexuality to promote their services (Chew 159). This trifold connection between qipao, femininity, and service has deeply impacted the reputation of the qipao. Eileen Otis performed a case study on two high-profile Chinese hotels, which sheds light on why the qipao fits the service industry and what the prominent cultural ideologies towards qipao-clad service workers are. Beijing Transluxury is a hotel that caters to foreign businessmen and trains its staff to focus on personalized attention. Kunming Transluxury caters to Chinese businessmen and has an altogether different atmosphere. Both hotels utilize qipaos as uniforms for some of their staff. (Otis 24) One notion that this case studied revealed is that femininity is built into the service industry. According to Otis report, workers at both hotels were predominantly young women between the ages of seventeen and twenty-eight. Young women are preferred for this type of work because, as one manager explains, When girls make a mistake, they can just smile [and] the customer will be halfway to forgetting about any mishap (Otis 27). Service is associated with feminine mores of attentiveness, modesty, and putting others before the self (Otis 24). Thus, the qipao as the ultimate feminine costume is the obvious choice of uniform. Just like the qipao itself, the service industry is also readily associated with prostitution in the minds of many Chinese people. In urban areas of the country, it is common for service outlets to double as brothels (Otis 20). Other venues, such as Kunming Transluxury, toe the line of legality by merely

O Connell 6 providing escort services at their karaoke rooms, bars, and saunas (Otis 27). Even the term by which one customarily addresses a waitress xiaojie has also come to be a euphemism for prostitute (Otis 26). Thus it comes as no surprise that the rest of society views service workers as particularly low class. One restaurant supervisor at Kunming Transluxury stated in an interview that guests look down on the workers because they imagine that all of the workers are involved in illicit sexual services. Some guests even go so far as to proposition workers and touch them inappropriately. Regular workers at this hotel therefore take great pains to differentiate themselves from the escorts who also work there. (Otis 30) Yet no matter what they do, they cannot escape the connotations of social powerlessness that come with working in the service industry, and by extension, attaching these connotations to the qipao that they wear. The use of qipao by hotels and restaurants also appeals to the qipao s role as a symbol of Chinese identity. Many high class service establishments are spaces of interaction between foreign visitors and the Chinese. By dressing their servers in the national uniform, such establishments communicate to visitors that they are receiving an authentic Chinese experience, and the ultimate Chinese hospitality treatment. It can clearly be seen then, that the two primary cultural meanings of the qipao, femininity and Chinese essence, are intimately tied to the service industry as well. This industry, however, is not one highly valued by society. Its workers are often migrant laborers who receive very low pay and even less esteem. Dragging the industry s reputation down even lower in the eyes of the people is its connection to prostitution; an industry considered one of the roots of all evil in Chinese traditional thought (Cui 59). The qipao, consequently, is the costume of the subservient and powerless. How is it then, that it can also be seen on the very high-society women that these waitresses as hostesses may be serving?

O Connell 7 Contrary to its association with the lower class, the qipao also has a longstanding tradition of connection with some of the most powerful women in China the wives of the country s leaders. In fact, Song Qingling, the wife of Sun Yatsen, was the one to first popularize the qipao. As one of the most photographed women of the Republican Era, her capacity to influence fashion was great (Finnane 143). She was the first woman of note to be photographed wearing a qipao. Starting around her husband s death in 1925, she began to wear qipao almost whenever she appeared in public. The qipao became her standard form of dress until well after liberation (Finnane 143). Song Qingling continued to wear the qipao on occasion up into the 50 s, especially when representing China to foreigners, but otherwise often wore a Lenin suit instead. Figure 1 in the appendix depicts a photograph of Song Qingling wearing a dark, A-line qipao with wide-sleeves like a jacket-blouse, taken in Hankou in 1927. She presents a dignified and reserved figure in this early-style qipao, not yet influenced by the modifications that would come later to make the qipao more fitted and revealing. Thus, from its earliest moments, the qipao was a favorite of women in power. Following in the footsteps of Song Qingling, Wang Guangmei, the wife of President Liu Shaoqi, also wore the qipao on state occasions. She was infamously punished for it by the Red Guard during the Cultural Revolution. In 1963 she wore a qipao while accompanying her husband on a trip to Indonesia. Three years later, in 1966, she was confronted by the Red Guard and accused of being a member of the reactionary bourgeoisie (Finnane 227). They humiliated her by forcing her to put on the now too-small qipao along with stockings and heels, and adorned her with a necklace made of ping-pong balls (228). (See Figure 2 in appendix for image.) As Song Qingling and Wang Guangmei s examples illustrate, up until the Cultural Revolution, the qipao was the customary outfit for First Ladies to wear to represent their country. Given its ability to signify Chinese identity and national pride, it was seen as an appropriate way to dress to present China in its best light at international and other public functions.

O Connell 8 The Cultural Revolution, however, attached new meanings of excessive luxury, anti-modernism, and oppression to the qipao, causing it to fall out of favor until very recent times. Peng Liyuan, China s current First Lady, is leading a renewed interest in the qipao, just as Song Qingling sparked the initial interest in it decades ago. Her revival of the seemingly dying fashion has caused a great sensation within Chinese media. Like Wang Guangmei, Peng Liyuan primarily wears her qipao when accompanying her husband, President Xi Jinping, on diplomatic trips abroad. Unlike the unfortunate Wang Guangmei, however, peoples reactions to her fashion choice have been overwhelmingly positive. To understand the significance of Peng Liyuan s choice to promote the qipao, it is first important to understand the role she plays in Chinese society as the First Lady. Leaders of any country become representatives of that country s image, so it is important for them to design their personal image carefully. The First Lady in particular is perceived as representing all of the women of her country, in addition to setting an example for them. This is true not only of the Chinese First Lady, but of those in other countries as well. America s Michelle Obama, the French President Nicolas Sarkozy s wife, former Soviet leader Mikhail Gobachev s wife, and current Russian President Vladimir Putin s wife were all instrumental in contributing to their husband s and country s images. (Wu 40) Furthermore, to a First Lady, appearance is everything. Unlike their male counterparts, when First Ladies are evaluated by the press and their people, it is not usually their political ability that is assessed, but rather their ability to present the image of a perfect woman. They are praised for their outfits, grace, poise, and demonstration of support for their husbands more often than for their own political efforts. For example, the most common modifiers for Peng Liyuan in foreign media are 优雅, 漂亮, and 大气 (elegant, pretty, and atmosphere) (Wu 40). Thus, a beautiful and fashionable First Lady will be favored by the media and an ugly or plain one will be ignored. A First Lady s daily schedule, dress,

O Connell 9 appearance, and demeanor are all under close scrutiny by the media, which will devote much time and space to minute details of her life (40). A Korean newspaper 东亚日报 (East Asian Daily) even said that Peng Liyuan s charm and fashionable appearance attracts more attention than her husband s political actions do (42). The attention the First Lady gains from media exposure can then be used to benefit the country. As Wu Fei states, the First Lady embodies the soft power of a country. She has the power to enhance the effectiveness of public diplomacy if she performs well on well-publicized occasions. Even if she does not participate directly in policy-making or negotiations, she is still involved in cultural activities, tourism, social services, and public exchanges with other countries. Her goal on such occasions is to showcase her own country s culture while also promoting the understanding of other cultures. (Wu 40) This is a very delicate and often under-appreciated task. For the Chinese First Lady, not only must she exemplify soft power, but also exhibit soft beauty ( 柔美 ) she is expected to fit the image of a gentle, feminine, dignified, affable and attractive woman (40). For example, Peng Liyuan made a good impression on a trip to Russia with her husband by sitting serenely in an auditorium, 很安静, 很有瑰丽, 风度很好 (very quiet, very charming, with a good demeanor) as the media reported (41). A skillful First Lady will use various means at her disposal to promote this image of subtle diplomacy and soft beauty, especially through her selection of clothes, since that is what the media loves to focus on. Peng Liyuan often chooses to wear a qipao in order to portray a certain image, as can be seen in photos and news articles from two recent tours with her husband. Although she also wore Western suits on these tours, indeed more frequently than she wore qipao, it was the traditional Chinese dress that the media seized on. Her visit to Southeast Asia in October 2012 as part of Xi Jinping s inaugural tour was the source of the first major qipao sensation. Although she had, of course, worn qipao in the past as part of her singing career as entertainers often do, the outfit took on new significance in her role as wife

O Connell 10 of the president. She broke out the qipao and made headlines again on a diplomatic visit to Trinidad and Tobogo in Latin America in early summer of 2013. To understand the impact that her fashion made on the country, it is helpful to look at some of the qipaos that Peng Liyuan wore on tour individually, and consider what messages her clothing choices seem to broadcast. First there was the neutral-tone qipao that she donned to attend an APEC (Asia- Pacific Economic Cooperation) meeting during the inaugural tour. The qipao has a rough, rustic-looking texture and only a single button. ( Liyuan Style ) (See Figure 3 in Appendix for image) According to popular belief about color symbolism, a grey or neutral color means simple and clean (Li 148). It is likely that Peng Liyuan chose this particularly unassuming ensemble in order to represent honesty and forthrightness at the international conference. On the same tour, in Malaysia, she was seen in a bluegrey dress described in the news as a chef dress ( 厨师服 ) ( Liyuan Style ). This dress is not quite a traditional qipao, but obviously incorporates qipao elements. It has a stiff collar, but with a unique turnout, and has no side-slit at all. Furthermore, it has no coil buttons, but features a white band that runs from the collar to under her arm to suggest where these buttons would be on a traditional qipao. (See Figure 4 in Appendix for image) According to popular color associations, blue means delicacy (Li 148). By wearing this dress, Peng Liyuan is demonstrating her femininity with the delicate color as well as her modernity and fashion-forwardness through the unique style. When she met with the Malaysian Supreme Head of State, Abdul Halim of Kedah, she was dressed in a black velvet ankle-length dress with a Mandarin collar and Chinese fastenings, but that was not fitted to the body like a modern qipao. (See Figure 5 in Appendix for image) This dress displays her elegance while still being appropriately modest for the occasion. Lastly, on her trip to Trinidad and Tobago, she is pictured exiting the plane in an olive green qipao with a white jacket. The jacket also has a Mandarin collar. The side slit on the qipao is very short, extending perhaps no more than four inches above the knee. Unlike the qipaos of the nightclub hostesses and waitresses, the purpose of her dress is not to emphasize sexiness. Rather, she aims for

O Connell 11 the image of tasteful fashionableness and dignified elegance. Her husband standing beside her is wearing a matching olive tie to indicate their solidarity and mutual support (Gao and Han). (See Figure 6 in Appendix for image) Beyond the superficial and perhaps contrived meaning of each individual article of clothing that gossip columns love so much, however, is the big-picture impact of what it means that the First Lady chose to wear qipao at all. When Peng Liyuan wears a qipao, she uses the garment s association with female beauty and values to enhance her own femininity. She also uses its connection to Chinese identity to foster pride in her country. Probably aware of how society values First Ladies more on their beauty than political savviness, Peng Liyuan makes an effort to dress in the feminine and dignified style expected of her, which allows her to make a good impression and thereby gain more soft power. As a result, news articles tend to use the same positive feminine adjectives to describe Peng Liyuan as they use to describe qipao: 柔美, 优雅, (soft beauty, elegant) etc. (Wu 40, Li 148). By wearing a qipao, Peng Liyuan reinforces and draws attention to these qualities in herself. It even extends to enhance other traditional Chinese feminine values such as frugality. In the article Liyuan Style, the First Lady was admired for her thriftiness in being able to mix and match the same few pieces on her tour in different combinations. She also dresses the way she does in order to contrast with her husband. Their matching dress and tie on the South American tour shows that they coordinate their outfits intentionally. Thus Peng Liyuan may be drawing on a concept often used in advertisements in Shanghai back in the 1930 s that depict a woman in a qipao next to her Western-suit-clad husband. The femininity, domesticity, and traditional vibe suggested by her qipao set off her husband s worldliness, progress, action, and financial success (Finnane 180). Furthermore, the Chinese people are taking their First Lady s adoption of the old national costume as a validation of their country s value. As the expert Zhou Jiali reported to Chinese media in response to the South American tour, by choosing to wear clothing with traditional Chinese design or elements, Peng Liyuan is showing national confidence (Gao and Han).

O Connell 12 Peng Liyuan s influence as a fashion icon is huge. Not only does she use this to bolster her own country s image but also to support buying local brands. Newspapers report on the trend that people wear what she wears ( 她穿什么, 老百姓就追随 ) (Gao and Han). In March, she created a craze by carrying a Chinese brand handbag on one of her international visits. Chinese viewers back home seized on the trend and similar bags on taobao.com sold out within a short amount of time. Buying local brands is important not only for the economy, but also for the Chinese s sense of self-worth. It is difficult to have pride in one s country while valuing only imported clothes. Thus, Peng Liyuan supports the cause of Chinese brands by wearing locally made qipao on her tours, in contrast to the prestigious foreign-brand suits people expect her to wear. (Gao and Han) The fashionableness of their female leaders gives the Chinese people an important area of national pride that they have been lacking in for several generations. In fact, the title of one news article, Liyuan Style is a play on Gangnam Style, implying that Peng Liyuan s fashion style has become as much of a viral sensation as the hit Korean song. Now that is something for the Chinese to be proud of. Peng Liyuan s appropriation of the qipao is very different from that of the service industry. Rather than creating an image of objectified feminine servitude, she creates the opposite effect by using her femininity to increase her power, as well as using her wardrobe to enhance national pride. By wearing qipao, she demonstrates her standing as a high-status woman with fashion influence and political power. Waitresses and hotel workers, however, allow themselves to be dressed in qipao to advertise their business services. They are devalued and looked down upon by their social superiors for their perceived connection with less kosher types of service. That the qipao is the fundamental uniform for women from these two different worlds seems like a complete contradiction. However, it actually does make sense because just like the service workers, Peng Liyuan is drawing on the same symbolic roots of the qipao whenever she wears it nationalism and femininity. The qipao has had a complex history, utilized in different ways by different people and transcending social class through its versatility.

O Connell 13 In recent times, before the advent of Peng Liyuan s revitalization of it at least, the popularity of the qipao has waned. This is in part because of its bad reputation during the socialist regime, in part because of its association with the service industry, and also because of its classification as a costume only. It has survived for almost a century so far, but can it continue to outlast the negative pressures and associations it has today? With the help of influential figures like Peng Liyuan, it just might.

O Connell 14 Appendix Figure 1 Figure 2 Source: Finnane 144 Source: Finnane 228 Figure 3 Figure 4 Source: Liyuan Style Source: Liyuan Style

O Connell 15 Appendix (Continued) Figure 5 Source: Liyuan Style Figure 6 Source: Gao and Han

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