University of Colorado, Boulder CU Scholar Anthropology Graduate Theses & Dissertations Anthropology Spring 1-1-21 Social Identity and Ornamentation in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest: Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV Zonna Barnes University of Colorado at Boulder, zonniebarnes@yahoo.com Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.colorado.edu/anth_gradetds Part of the Archaeological Anthropology Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Barnes, Zonna, "Social Identity and Ornamentation in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest: Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV" (21). Anthropology Graduate Theses & Dissertations. 4. https://scholar.colorado.edu/anth_gradetds/4 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Anthropology at CU Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Anthropology Graduate Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of CU Scholar. For more information, please contact cuscholaradmin@colorado.edu.
Social Identity and Ornamentation in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest: Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV by Zonna Barnes B.A., Fort Lewis College, 23 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Anthropology 21
This thesis entitled: Social Identity and Ornamentation in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest: Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV written by Zonna Barnes has been approved for the Department of Anthropology (Catherine M. Cameron, committee chair) (Stephen H. Lekson) Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline.
Barnes, Zonna (MA, Anthropology) Social Identity and Ornamentation in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest: Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV Thesis directed by Professor Catherine M. Cameron In the northern Southwest, items of personal adornment were an important component of ceremonial costuming and everyday dress that can provide a wealth of information about the past. People use items of adornment to communicate information about themselves in a non-verbal manner and as a result, these items of adornment are informative of social identity, including age, gender, occupation, social status, ethnicity, social group membership, or ceremonial affiliation. In this thesis, I explore the materialization of social identity as it is communicated or symbolized through personal adornment by examining archaeological evidence from 68 sites in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest that date between 12 B.C and 14 A.D. Multiple lines of evidence are used (ornaments, mortuary data, ethnographic data, and representational media) to attempt to understand and interpret personal adornment practices in the past, and assess how ornaments intersect with these social aspects. The results of this study demonstrate differences in the styles and types of ornaments in relation to age, gender, status and group membership. iii
Acknowledgements I would like to extend my gratitude to several people that were integral in the completion of this thesis. First, I would like to thank my advisor, Cathy Cameron for her constant support, patience, understanding and guidance. I would also like to thank my committee members, Steve Lekson and Tammy Stone for their comments and willingness to participate in this endeavor. The research conducted for this thesis at the American Museum of Natural History and the Peabody Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology was funded by grants from the Walker Van Riper grant awarded by the CU Museum of Natural History and the Alice Hamilton Scholarship Fund from the Colorado Historical Society. I would like to thank Susan Haskell at the Peabody Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology and Anibal Rodriguez at the American Museum of Natural History for helping me with my research and allowing me access to the collections. Finally, without the support and encouragement of my family and friends this thesis would not be possible. I am indebted to you all for your unconditional support and it means more to me than words can say. iv
Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction....1 The Data Set.4 Identity.....6 Sources of Interpretation....1 Ornamentation..1 Mortuary Data..12 Imagery....13 Ethnography.15 Organization of Thesis...16 Chapter 2: Context and Background.19 Culture History of the Study Area...19 Basketmaker II.2 Basketmaker III 26 Pueblo I 28 Pueblo II...3 Pueblo III A.D. 115-13...33 Pueblo IV 13-154 36 Overview of Ornament Research in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest...38 Raw Materials and Ornament Manufacture.39 Distribution and Trade.42 Ornament Styles and Types.46 Ornament Use..48 Ornaments and Dress...51 Chapter 3: Social Identity and Adornment...53 Identity.53 Identity and Performance.....55 Identity and Inscription....57 Embodiment..... 6 Dress and Identity...61 Adornment and Aesthetics.. 63 A Theoretical Approach to Personal Adornment... 64 Adornment and Identity in the Southwest.67 Group Membership, Social Role, Status, Sex/Gender and Age and Artifacts of Personal Adornment.69 Discussion..94 Chapter 4: Analytical Methods..96 Burial Data... 12 Site Data... 12 Ornament Analysis Data.. 12 v
Material Types...18 Manufacture...111 Visual Media and Ethnographic Data...113 Limitations of the Data Set.. 121 Mortuary Data: Interpretative Difficulties and Interpretive Potential...122 Ornament Analysis: Interpretive Difficulties.131 Ethnographic Analysis: Interpretive Difficulties..133 Chapter 5: Sources for Interpretation of Personal Adornment and Identity: Iconography and Ethnography...135 Imagery and Adornment... 135 Rock Art.136 Kiva Murals...139 Comparison of the Murals: Implications for Ornaments and Identity...159 Other Media...16 Adornment and Ethnography 161 Chapter 6: Results and Interpretations...172 The Burial Population. 172 Ornaments in the Northern Southwest.175 Ornaments and Status..23 Temporal Distribution of Ornaments...25 Group Membership..222 Summary..229 Chapter 7: Conclusions and Future Research...23 Adornment and Adults.231 Adornment and Subadults...234 Dress and Adornment: Future Research..237 Conclusion...239 References Cited...24 Appendix A. Ornament and Burial Data 265 vi
List of Tables Table 2.1. Pecos Classification System Phases (adapted from Lipe 23:Table 1.1)...2 Table 2.2. Jernigan s (1978) Bead Types by Period..47 Table 2.3. Jernigan s (1978) Pendant Types by Period.47 Table 2.4. Jernigan s (1978) Other Ornament Types by Period 48 Table 5.1. Kuaua Layer H-31..144 Table 5.2. Kuaua Layer G-26..145 Table 5.3. Kuaua - Other Layers.. 146 Table 5.4. Pottery Mound Murals 15 Table 5.5. Awatovi and Kawaika-a..157 Table 6.1: Distribution of Age and Sex for Single and Multiple Burials with Ornaments..173 Table 6.2. Ornament Material Types... 178 Table 6.3. Distribution of Ornament Types by Age and Sex...179 Table 6.4. Bead Styles.18 Table 6.5. Pendant Styles.....181 Table 6.6. Distribution of hair ornaments and combs..183 Table 6.7. Distribution of rings 184 Table 6.8. Distribution of buttons....184 Table 6.9. Distribution of shell bilobed beads.185 Table 6.1. Distribution of stone bilobed beads..186 Table 6.11. Flat Stone Disc Beads...187 Table 6.12. Shell Disc Beads... 188 Table 6.13. Distribution of Glycymeris shell bracelets 189 Table 6.14. Glycymeris Shell Pendants...191 Table 6.15. Distribution of shaped shell pendants...192 Table 6.16. Distribution of shell tinklers.194 Table 6.17. Distribution of Olivella shell beads...195 Table 6.18. Ornament locations on the body...198 Table 6.19. Distribution of Olivella shell bead bracelets worn on left wrist...21 Table 6.2. Distribution of Olivella shell bead bracelets worn on right wrist.22 Table 6.21. Distribution of earrings.22 Table 6.22. Earrings located near the ear.23 Table 6.23. Number of Ornaments by Gender and Age..24 Table 6.24. Ornament Types by Time period.. 27 Table 6.25. Distribution of Ornaments Basketmaker II 29 Table 6.26. Distribution of Basketmaker II Ornaments by Region...21 Table 6.27. Distribution of Basketmaker III Ornaments.211 Table 6.28. Distribution of Basketmaker III Ornaments by Region...211 Table 6.29. Distribution of Ornament Types...212 Table 6.3. Distribution of Ornaments Pueblo II. 214 Table 6.31 Distribution of Ornament Types Pueblo III....215 Table 6.32. Distribution of Ornaments Pueblo IV 216 vii
Table 6.33. Distribution of Pueblo IV Ornaments by Region 217 Table 6.34. Frog Effigy Ornaments 224 Table 6.35. Distribution of Ornaments at Pueblo Bonito...226 Table 6.36. Distribution of Ornaments at Aztec Ruin....226 Table 6.37. Distribution of Ornaments at Hawikku....227 Table 6.38. Distribution of Perforated Glycymeris shell pendants.228 viii
List of Figures 1.1 Map of the Study Area...5 ix
Chapter 1 Introduction In the northern Southwest, items of personal adornment were an important component of ceremonial costuming and everyday dress that can provide a wealth of information about the past. People use items of adornment to communicate information about themselves in a non-verbal manner. As a result, items of adornment are informative of social identity, including age, gender, occupation, social status, ethnicity, social group membership, or ceremonial affiliation. They also provide insight into personal aesthetics. As items that may communicate social group membership, objects of personal adornment can also aid in the reconstruction of social group boundaries as well as continuities or changes in those boundaries. Items of adornment are a temporary form of body modification that can be easily adjusted or discontinued during changing social conditions, thus by examining personal adornment practices over time, these shifts may have correlations with other cultural upheavals or changes. Although ornaments have been featured in numerous archaeological reports in the Southwest, they are often discussed in relation to trade, manufacture or as symbols of status. Little research has been focused on how people actually wore these sought after items, why they were meaningful, the culturally appropriate expectations for their use and how social identity was materialized by the adornment of the body. The research presented in this thesis hopes to fill this gap in knowledge. In this thesis I explore the materialization of social identity as it is communicated or symbolized through personal adornment by examining archaeological evidence from 68 sites in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest that date between 12 B.C and 14 A.D. 1
Social identity is multifaceted and determining which aspect of an individual s identity is being communicated in different contexts is a difficult, but not impossible task. Therefore, it is necessary to use multiple lines of evidence to attempt to understand personal adornment practices in the past, and assess how ornaments intersect with these social aspects. For the purposes of this research, the most useful lines of evidence involve the ornaments themselves and associated mortuary data. The accoutrements that people are buried with provide the best evidence archaeologists have of the identity of these individuals while they were alive. My linking of ornaments with burials is a unique and important aspect of my thesis. In order to interpret the ornaments found with burials, I also used ethnographic data and visual (representational) media such as rock art and kiva murals that describe or depict people wearing ornaments. These lines of evidence are employed to understand how articles of adornment were used in the past by people to embody and materialize themselves as individuals or members of a various social groups. This investigation focuses primarily on gender and age-based uses of adornment, however ethnic and status distinctions are also discussed. In addition, these lines of evidence are used to reconstruct how adornment was worn in order to illuminate the differences among the kinds of ornaments worn by various groups and interpret how personal adornment represented and physically served to constitute group affiliations. The data collected for this project are used not only to examine the ways in which social identity was materialized, communicated and embodied in prehistoric groups in the northern Southwest but also how material expressions of group membership changed through time and were expressed regionally. Social identity is found to be materialized in 2
several ways within the burial context. Ornament practices also change through time in terms of age and sex. For example, during the Basketmaker II period, all members of the group (adults/subadults, male/female) were interred wearing ornaments. In contrast, during the Pueblo periods, ornaments were more restricted to certain individuals. Regional differences are noted but are largely attributed to the nature of the sample. The results of this study demonstrate differences in the styles and types of ornaments in relation to age, gender, status and group membership. Although there appear to be similar numbers of ornaments with male and female individuals, far fewer female burials have significant numbers of ornaments. There are also marked differences in the types of ornaments with males, females and subadults. Male burials are often associated with rare objects and items that have been interpreted as status symbols in other regions (i.e. Hohokam). In terms of age, children and infants were sometimes buried with objects that are considered symbols of status based on the presence of these objects with other high status individuals. In the following sections of this chapter, I introduce my approach to the analysis of ornaments. First, I briefly describe the data that I collected for the analysis. Secondly, I introduce the concept of identity the ways in which people occupy and express the social roles they fill in the societies in which they existed. I then provide an overview of my lines of evidence: ornaments, mortuary data, imagery and ethnography. Finally, I provide an outline of the remainder of the thesis. 3
The Data Set Data collected for this study consisted of a total of 23,619 ornaments which were associated with 448 burials. These data were derived from two sources: 1) my own analysis of collections housed in the American Museum of Natural History and the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology (5 sites with 42 burials and 64,66 ornaments); and 2) my review of site reports and other literature that reported ornaments associated with burials (63 sites with 46 burials and 166,424 ornaments). Although the total number of ornaments is very large, the vast majority were multiple beads from necklaces or bracelets (226,8 beads). Still, the remaining 4,5 ornaments provides a significant sample of objects used to understand practices of adornment in the prehistoric northern Southwest. Burials with their associated ornaments were derived from 68 sites located throughout northern Southwest. The study area was delineated by considering Ancestral Puebloan sites north of Little Colorado River and south of the northern boundary of the Northern San Juan region. These sites were further divided into five broad regions: northeastern Arizona (north of the Little Colorado River and south of the Colorado River), San Juan Basin (San Juan Basin and adjacent sites in the nearby Chuska Mountains), Northern San Juan (southwest Colorado, northwest New Mexico, southeastern ), Western Pueblo (Hopi and Zuni regions) and Rio Grande (Rio Grande and Pecos River sites) (Figure 1.1). 4
5 Figure 1.1. Map of the Study Area
All sites within these regions dating from Basketmaker II to Pueblo IV were considered if published descriptions or museum collections contained data on burials and associated ornaments. Not all regions contained all time periods. This is an expected result for two reasons: 1) based on the areas where the most work has occurred as well as the general patterns of prehistoric population movement across the landscape in the past. For example, the majority of the sites located in northeastern Arizona date to the Basketmaker II period. This is largely due to the expeditions of Alfred V. Kidder and Samuel Guernsey in the early 2 th century that were focused on finding evidence of the pre-pueblo Basketmakers. In addition, all of the sites dating to the Pueblo IV period are located in two regions: the Rio Grande and Western Pueblo due to the prehistoric migrations into southern areas in the preceding time periods. The San Juan Basin region is also primarily represented by sites dating to Pueblo II because this is the time period when Chaco Canyon was prominent. Although sites dating from other time periods may exist in these regions, the data required for this thesis was either not present (i.e. no burials with ornaments) or the data was not adequately published in a useable format (see Chapter 4). The analysis reported here was restricted to only the associated burial items, the human remains themselves were not analyzed. Osteological records and published data were used to determine the age and sex of the individuals. Data on burials with which ornaments were associated were variable. The age and sex of burials was not always available or sometimes were incomplete. Furthermore, a large number of individuals were not interred as single burials, but groups of individuals were interred together (referred to in this thesis as multiple burials ), which limited my ability to associate 6
ornaments with individual aged and sexed burials. The best data involved descriptions of accurately aged and sexed burials, accompanied by information on the locations of where ornaments were placed on the body. However, even if the burial data was not complete, important information about the use of ornaments in the northern Southwest could still be obtained. In order to interpret the ornament data I collected, I examined the depiction of ornaments in rock art, kiva murals, and ethnographic accounts. My goal was to determine if there were correlations between the types and placement of ornaments in burials and the depiction of the use of ornaments in these other media. Through this use of multiple lines of evidence I was able to strengthen interpretations of how ornaments were worn and how they may have materialized social identity through time. For example, whole Glycymeris shell pendants were located in several Pueblo IV burials and are also depicted as part of necklaces in kiva murals. Identity As my goal is to learn about prehistoric social identities in the northern Southwest, it is important to understand the concept of social identity. Identities can be both personal and communal, ascribed and achieved, manipulated and feigned. Gender, age, status, ethnic affiliation, and religion all represent forms of social identities with associated behavioral expectations and roles. Identity involves self-perception and selfpromotion as well as constraints imposed by others. It is the process of social interaction or daily performance within a matrix of intangible social identities that makes the human social world so complex (Díaz-Andreu and Lucy 25). Identities are the process by 7
which the person seeks to integrate the various statuses and roles, as well as the diverse experiences, into a coherent image of self (Epstein 1978:11). This process is not static and it is widely recognized that individuals adopt a number of social, religious, and political identities that may coexist or change over time (Diaz-Andreu et al. 25; Meskell 21). The construction of social identities is a universal practice that is integral to the negotiation of a person s place within a group. However, because identities are complex, shifting identities are difficult to examine archaeologically. Social identities have been evaluated through mortuary artifact assemblages (Joyce 1999), clothing (DiPaolo Loren 23; Pollard 1994) and dental and cranial modification (Blom et al. 1998; Geller 26; Hoshower et al. 1995; Torres-Rouff 22, 23). For the purposes of this research, age, gender, social status and group affiliation are the focus. Ethnicity, religion, and social role/occupation are better suited to be evaluated with multiple lines of evidence using a different scale of analysis that was beyond the scope of this thesis. According to Diaz Andreu (25:14) gender can be defined as an individual s selfidentification and the acknowledgement by others of that individual s membership in a specific gender category based on their culturally perceived sexual difference. She states that the concept of gender is related but not equivalent to that of sex. Sex refers to the physical and genetic elements of the body related to reproduction. Recent research has focused on the relationships between gender and sex and the importance of studying gender as an identity (Arnold and Wicker 21; Brumfiel 1992; Butler 1999; Conkey and Spector 1984; Diaz-Andreu 25; Hays-Gilpin and Whitley 1998; Joyce 2; Meskell 21; Sweely 1999; Wright 1996). 8
The examination of age as an important category of social identity has only recently become a topic of interest in archaeology (Baxter 25; Gowland 26; Kamp 21; Lucy 25a; Sofaer Derevenski 1994, 2). Although age is now a topic that is explored by archaeologists, this research has also uncovered the multitude of age related categories used by researchers. Gowland (26:143) outlines three types of age definitions that illustrate how age can be conceived differently: 1) Physiological/biological age (representing the physical aging of the body). 2) Chronological age (amount of time that has passed since birth) 3) Social age (socially constructed norms concerning appropriate behavior and attitudes for an age group). It is important to identify and deconstruct age categories so bias and imposition of our perceptions of important age transitions either developmental or social upon the past can be prevented (Baxter 25a, 26; Gowland 26). Age and gender identities are interconnected and cannot be easily separated. However archaeological analyses that focus on only one attribute of social identity, for instance gender, end up excluding subadults because they cannot be sexed and this hinders analyses of gender roles in past societies (Sofaer Derevenski 1997a). Sofaer Derevenski (1997a:876) asserts that gender and gendered behaviors are age related, the cultural construction of social age is cross-cut by gender ideology. Thus the agegender relationship is seen as a continuum, while biological sex is a dichotomous variable. In exploring gender in the archaeological record, we should look for continuous, rather than discrete variables, displaying different age-related changes in distribution between men and women. Conversely, looking at sex we should identify 9
discrete, rather than continuous variables, on the basis of presence or absence. (Sofaer Derevenski 1997a:877). One of the primary theoretical frameworks used in this thesis to explore social identity is the concept of embodiment. Embodiment is viewed as the manner in which the body is shaped individually and socially during ontogeny (Joyce 2; Meskell 1999). This concept has developed in the context of feminist theory. It explicitly opposes the Cartesian mind/body duality and instead considers the body as a product of lived experience. Joyce (25:152) states that embodiment is the analysis of the production and experience of lived bodies, in which surface and interior are no longer separated. Meskell (1998:148) argues that the body is not merely constrained by or invested with social relations, but also forms a basis for and contributes towards these relations She also states that an embodied body represents, and is, a lived experience where the interplay of irreducible natural, social, cultural, and psychical phenomena are brought to fruition through each individual s resolution of external structures, embodied experience and choice. Archaeologists have used embodiment as a way to conceptualize identity construction. Through clothing, ornamentation, body modification, gestures, and posture, individuals constantly construct and manipulate their identities to self-identify themselves as members of new or different groups (Fisher and DiPaolo Loren 23). Much of the pioneering work in embodiment in archaeology has utilized iconographic and historical data (Bachand et al. 23; DiPaolo Loren 23; Fisher and DiPaolo Loren 23; Joyce 2, 23, 25; Meskell 1999). 1
Sources of Interpretation As stated above, using multiple lines of evidence is paramount when examining the materialization of social identity in the past. For this thesis, these lines of evidence include mortuary data (burials and associated ornaments), representational media of people wearing ornaments and ethnographic accounts of ornament use. Each of these categories are discussed below. Ornamentation Ornaments are considered nonutilitarian items of material culture that were used primarily for decoration or adornment purposes. Types of ornaments found in the Southwest include: pendants, bracelets, beads, necklaces, earrings, armlets, tinklers, rings, hair ornaments and buttons. Styles of ornaments varied and included geometric, zoomorphic effigy, mosaic and natural items that were only modified for suspension. Material types included stone, shell, bone, metal and other organic items (wood and seeds/nuts). At archaeological sites throughout the Southwest, ornaments are located in caches, skin bags, baskets, middens, burials, in the general fill, as well as attached to objects (i.e. dice, pahos, and clothing). In burial contexts, ornaments were often worn by the deceased as part of their mortuary costume, however many items were also placed in other containers among the mortuary furniture/offerings. Outside of the burial context, ornaments also appear to have served a ritual function. Dedicatory caches of ornaments have been located underneath walls, in kivas, niches and in the corners of rooms (Pepper 199; Renfrew 21; Mathien 21). These caches have been interpreted as ritual offerings or offerings prior to building construction (Renfrew 21; Mathien 21). Another alternative use of ornaments is for architectural decoration. For example, at the 11
site of Tijeras, pendants were embedded in a kiva floor to form a mosaic pattern (Judge 1975). Ornaments were also attached to ritual items such as pahos that were used as offerings at shrines or other sacred places (Figure 1.2). The presence of ornaments in mortuary and ritual contexts indicates that these objects were imbued with symbolic importance and significant meaning. Exotic ornament materials are often the focus of interest for Southwest archaeologists due to interest in long distance exchange and hierarchy. Exotic items include ornaments manufactured from turquoise, shell and copper. Color also seems to have been a significant factor in selecting raw materials for ornament manufacture. Red, orange, blue, green, black and white were popular colors that most likely also had symbolic significance (Plog 23; Lewis 22). Items of ornamentation were worn as part of the daily costume as well as during ceremonies. Ethnographic accounts note that not all of the Pueblos manufactured their own beads, and often these items were obtained through trade (Wright 1979). With the exception of silver, many of the materials used by the Ancestral Puebloans continued to be sought and valued for ornaments. Necklaces dating to prehistoric times were also highly valued by the Pueblos and these items were passed down from generation to generation and only worn on special occasions (Stevenson 1987:289). Mortuary Data Mortuary data provides the most direct association between individuals and adornment practices in the past and are the most widely used source of data for investigating age and gender. Crass (21:15) states that burials have been described as containing more information per cubic meter than any other archaeological feature. 12
Mortuary data is used to explore social/sex roles, status, identity, symbolism, ritual, heath, diet and prestige. Mortuary data has primarily been used by archaeologists to deduce the social structure and organization of prehistoric groups (Binford 1971; Brown 1981; Goldstein 1976; Saxe 197; Tainter 1978). It is important to stress that mortuary ritual is a task performed by the living. Decisions regarding burial offerings and body preparation are made by the living to adhere to culturally appropriate standards. These standards may change over time, and thus it is important to evaluate mortuary practices chronologically and determine if changes in the objects chosen for inclusion are based on availability or choice (Pearson 2). Ideally the evaluation of identity should include all aspects of mortuary treatment as well as general health, cause of death, age, gender and the larger social conditions of the site (i.e. social upheaval, migration, immigration etc.). Imagery Images of people in the past provide an important avenue for examining how ornaments were worn and to some extent, their importance to the people who wore them. Imagery refers to pictures that are intended to represent something in the physical or nonphysical world. Iconography is the composition of images with shared meanings and the presumption of their power in particular cultural contexts (Hays-Gilpin 24). Researchers examining representations of human figures have a variety of types of media to evaluate (Nelson 24). These items range from portable objects to stationary art panels. Portable objects include decorated pottery, figurines, baskets, storage containers and many other items. The overall design or decoration on these objects can be analyzed and interpreted based on who may have made, decorated or used the item as well as what the specific design or symbols may be represented. These and other artistic elements 13
provide archaeologists with a window of insight into prehistoric ideology and the physical environment that shaped people s social relationships (Hays-Gilpin 24). These social relationships include gender, seniority, kinship, class, and ethnicity. Gender imagery research usually concentrates on the human form and known material correlates relating to each gender. In this study, I used two types of images to determine how ornaments were worn by ancient people of the Southwest: rock art and kiva murals. Within these two media, I focused on human figures that had indications of gender (type of dress or sex characteristics) as well as depictions of ornaments. Although the data set for these two variables occurring in the same medium is limited to two time periods, Basketmaker II (rock art) and Pueblo IV (rock art and kiva murals), the information regarding prehistoric use of ornaments in the northern Southwest could be extrapolated to other periods if supported by the archaeological record (see Chapters 6 and 7). Rock Art: Kelly Hays- Gilpin (24:2) states rock art provides one particularly important line of evidence for ancient beliefs because it is embedded in the landscape; it comprises pictures of things experienced in the physical world and in the spiritual worlds of trance, ritual and myth Rock art, then, can help us understand the ritual practices, ideological constructs and social identities of prehistoric peoples. Rock art may be the pictorial representation of initiation rituals, signaling ethnic and territorial identities, and communicating with a gendered spirit world (Cole 199; Hays-Gilpin 24). It is within these interpretive, ritual, ideological and social context parameters that rock art and visual media in general are used in this study. However, differing opinions of the significance of rock art exist among researchers and it has been interpreted as the product of idle 14
doodling to the production of art for art s sake (Hays-Gilpin 24:2). Although rock art is an important area of research, it is a difficult field of study due to the limited number of interpretation that can be deduced without using other types of data including southwest Native American oral traditions and material correlates from the archaeological record. Rock art is also difficult to date, especially using the accepted techniques like radiocarbon and dendrochronology (Cole 199; Hays-Gilpin 24; Schaafsma 198). For the purposes of this research, human images in rock art that represent/depict sexed figures are the most informative. The association of decorative styles of rock art with items made and used by men and women as well as evidence for gender roles in ritual activities can also help reconstruct past gender ideologies (Hays-Gilpin 24). During certain periods of Southwestern prehistory, rock art portrayals of human figures have been depicted with items of adornment and textiles. Rock art depicting items of ornamentation occurs early (Basketmaker II-III) in Ancestral Puebloan history and then do not appear again as a prominent stylistic attribute until Pueblo IV. Therefore, the iconographic data for this thesis was largely derived from these two time periods. Kiva Murals: Kiva murals, which in this study are limited to the Pueblo IV period, are ritual depictions that often include prominent human images. Although the images are not portrayed with clear sex distinctions, the hairstyles and clothing can provide the data necessary to determine gender. Many of the figures (both zoomorph and anthropomorph) depicted in the murals are wearing several types of ornaments including bracelets, necklaces, pendants and earrings. Thus, this media provides unparalleled evidence of how these items were worn. 15
Ethnography For the purposes of this research, ethnographic accounts and historical information regarding dress from the Southwest were consulted to examine ornamentation practices from the modern Pueblos and determine continuity of adornment practices (Bunzel 1932; Ellis 1968; Parsons 1996; Stevenson 1987; Voth; 195). Ethnographers may witness the behaviors similar to those that created the archaeological record, and therefore ethnographic data can provide information about past behavior that would otherwise remain unknown. Ethnographies of the Southwestern Pueblos have been widely used by archaeologists (Crown 23). Although ethnographic accounts provide a wealth of information, dress and adornment were largely ignored as topics of study beyond merely recording what people wore (if this was even attempted). Thompson (1996) states that early ethnographers (mostly men) viewed dress and adornment within the female realm and very little time was spent recording and observing female activities beyond food preparation and childcare. Thus, the ethnographic record may not represent the activities of women or children accurately, if at all. However, it is not surprising that some of the best accounts of dress in the Southwest are the result of female ethnographers (Bunzel 1932; Parsons 1996; Stevenson 1987). Examples from the ethnographic record and material cultural studies are presented throughout this thesis in order to support the interpretations regarding the construction and communication of social identity through adornment and dress in the Southwest. All of the sources of data discussed above are incorporated into this thesis to elucidate and interpret the construction, negotiation and communication of social identity in the past through adorning the body. These results demonstrate that using multiple lines 16
of evidence can provide the additional support necessary to put forth solid interpretations even within the parameters of the limitations of each data set. Organization of Thesis Chapter 2 will provide an overview of the chronological scheme (Pecos Classification) that will be used throughout the thesis. In conjunction with the basic chronological traits of the sequence, this chapter will focus on the types of ornaments, rock art, dress and socio-cultural shifts that took place during each stage in the sequence. These traits will be used throughout the thesis to extrapolate the embodied experience that is constructed through the materialization of identity through representative art, dress and adornment. This chapter also provides background information regarding the different avenues that previous researchers in the Southwest have used to investigate ornaments. Chapter 3 describes the theoretical approach applied in this study. I use the work of archaeologists, fashion historians, and material cultural specialists in a discussion of personal adornment and the construction of identity. These scholars explore the ways in which the identities of gender, class and age are constructed through ritualized performances of mundane acts and the central role the body has in relating to and perceiving the self and others. I review studies of the function of dress in communicating identities. Since dress and adornment have yet to be included as a focus of research for the Ancestral Puebloan area, the section following introduces adornment/ornamentation as a means of identity construction and negotiation in my study area. Here I explore the work of those few scholars who have examined how social identity is communicated 17
through adornment of the body, including ethnicity, gender, age, status, social role, occupation, religion, and group affiliation and each of these aspects are discussed in the context of their construction and materialization in Southwest archaeology. The multiple lines of evidence and sources for interpretation used in this study are presented in the following chapter. Chapter 4 presents the analytical methods used for the examination of the museum collections and published reports in this study. This includes sample selection, data collection procedures, ornament and material types, and the limitations that were encountered. Multiple lines of evidence are necessary to investigate social identity in the past and Chapter 5 provides information regarding visual media and ethnography. In this section, data regarding representational media including rock art panels and kiva murals are used in conjunction with ethnographic sources and data regarding prehistoric and historic dress to construct how items of adornment were worn in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest. The data from this chapter is later used in Chapter 6 as supporting evidence for the larger trends observed in the material analysis. The results of the ornament analysis and literature search are presented and interpreted in Chapter 6. First, I examine the distribution of the entire assemblage of ornaments by type, material, age, sex, and location on the body. With a general understanding of types ornaments present in the ancient northern Southwest and how they were used, the second part of this chapter examines the materialization of social identity within the frameworks of time period, region, and ornament type. I assess the ways in which personal adornment is a means for elucidating the construction of individual 18
identity and group affiliation in the past. These results are supplemented with the iconographic and ethnographic data and mortuary data from sites outside of the study area to further investigate and support conclusions regarding the types of ornaments that were worn in the study area, and how these items were used in the construction of identity on differing scales of time and space. The results of this study demonstrate cultural shifts in adornment practices, and mortuary practices, however there are continuities in the styles of dress over time as well as the materialization and construction of individual and group identities within the Southwest as communicated through the practice of adorning the body. In Chapter 7, I summarize the results of this thesis and discuss and reflect on the limitations of the data set used and the potential data that is missing from collections. Future research goals are also outlined for ornamentation as a class of material culture and the steps required to move forward to a better understanding of social identity in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest. 19
Chapter 2 Context and Background This chapter presents a brief overview of Southwest culture history to place research on ornamentation in context and introduces the previous research that has been conducted regarding items of adornment in the Southwest. The culture history section focuses on the areas inhabited by the Ancestral Puebloan people and the modern Pueblos and highlights the sites that are used in this thesis. Secondly, I discuss the previous research that has been conducted on ornaments in the Ancestral Puebloan Southwest, which has included studies using ornaments to explore social status, raw material and manufacture, trade and exchange as well as the styles and types of ornaments that have been used over time (Basketmaker II- Pueblo IV). The majority of these studies have viewed objects of ornamentation as vehicles to explain the levels of hierarchy or aspects of social organization, as well as explore the nature and extent of trade and exchange networks. My study, instead, focuses on the use of ornaments as indicators of social identity. Culture History of the Study Area This brief overview of culture history of the study area includes five broad regions of Ancestral Puebloan and modern Pueblo occupation discussed in Chapter 1 (Figure 1.1). Since the research presented in this paper evaluates continuity and change over time, it is important to highlight the social changes that occurred in the Southwest throughout the sequence. This discussion focuses on the primary attributes of the cultural sequence that have bearing on the present study, including social change and the potential 19
implications of these changes to visual media, elements of dress and social roles. Understanding the role of ornamentation in the materialization/construction of identity during times of social stress/change is significant. People may have wanted to visually communicate affiliation to avoid being mistaken for an enemy or minimize their affiliation in hopes of blending in as a refugee joining other groups. In addition to highlighting the elements of social change occurring in each period, the types of visual media, ornamentation and dress that are characteristic of each period are also discussed in detail. The primary cultural traits that distinguish each phase of the Pecos classification for this region of the Southwest are presented in Table 2.1. Table 2.1, Pecos Classification System Phases (adapted from Lipe 23: Table 1.1) Basketmaker II 15 B.C. A.D. 5 Cultivation of maize and squash; small low density settlements in some areas; habitation in shallow pithouses; use of caves for storage, burial and rock art; atlatl and dart; Basketmaker III A.D. 5-75 Habitation is deep pithouse plus surface storage pits, cists, or rooms; dispersed settlement with occasional small villages and occasional great kivas; plain gray pottery, small frequencies of B/W pottery; bow and arrow replaces atlatl; beans added to cultigens. Pueblo I A.D. 75-9 Large villages in some areas; unit Pueblos of proto-kiva plus surface roomblock of jacal or crude masonry; great kivas; plain and neckbanded gray pottery with low frequencies of B/W and decorated red ware. Pueblo II A.D. 9-115 Chacoan florescence; Great Houses; great kivas, roads etc. In many but not all regions; strong differences between great houses and surrounding unit pueblos composed of a kiva and small surface masonry roomblock; corrugated gray and elaborate B/W pottery, plus decorated red or orange types in some areas. Pueblo III A.D. 115-13 Large pueblos and/or revisionist great houses in some areas, dispersed pattern in others; high kiva to room ratios; cliff dwellings; towers; triwalls; corrugated gray and elaborate b/w pottery, plus red or orange pottery in some areas. Abandonment of the Four corners by 13. Pueblo IV A.D. 13-16 Large plaza oriented pueblos in the Rio Grande and Western Pueblo areas; low kiva to room ratio; kachina cult widespread, corrugated replaced by plain utility types; B/W pottery declines relative to red, orange or yellow types. Basketmaker II (5 B.C- A.D. 5) The dates of the Basketmaker II period are variable and are subject to debate. Generally accepted dates are approximately 5 B.C to A.D. 5, however some scholars push the date of Basketmaker II to as early as 2 B.C. (Smiley 1994; Hays-Gilpin 2
2). The majority of the archaeological data pertaining to Basketmaker II in the northern Southwest is derived from dry cave/rockshelter sites where preservation is optimal. The Basketmaker II time period is characterized by the increasing reliance on corn and squash as additions to the subsistence base. The diagnostic material culture attributes vary depending on location and environment during this time, prompting researchers to propose an east-west division of Basketmaker II in the Northern San Juan region (Berry 1982, 1985; Berry and Berry 1986; Charles 2; Matson 1991, 1994, 1999; Morris and Burgh 1954). The division boundary is drawn at approximately the /Colorado, Arizona/New Mexico borders. The distinct differences in material culture have led researchers to suggest two different ethnicities inhabited each region (Matson 1991, 26; Mowrer 23, 26). The rock art in these two regions is one component of material culture that illustrates the division and has important implications for understanding ornament use (Cole 199; Robins 1997; Morris 198). The rock art style in the western region is known as the San Juan Anthropomorphic style (Schaafsma 198). It is composed of large broad shouldered anthropomorphic figures. These figures are important for the present study because often the torsos are decorated and elements of adornment can be identified (Cole 1993; Grant 1978; Robins 1997; Schaafsma 198). Animals and geometrics are also design elements in this style, however the human figures dominate the panels and are the obvious focal points (Cole 1993; Robins 1997; Schaafsma 198). In addition to torso adornment, many of the figures are also depicted with headdresses of various styles and Robins (1997) has identified certain styles that are restricted to specific areas of the western region. Headdresses are represented as rows of dots or crescents and 21
lines (tabular), left ear devices (also known as bifurcate) and plumed. Figures with prominent headdresses are often found within Canyon de Chelly (northeastern Arizona) and the Butler Wash (southestern ) regions (Robins 1997). Stylistically the figures are very similar and the unique headdresses in the two regions may signify an emblematic display of social boundaries (Robins 1997). Figures are also depicted with hairstyles, the most common of these is shown as two bobs hanging down on each side of the head, which may be a representation of hair bobs (two on each side and one in the back). This type of hairstyle has been observed in preserved Basketmaker II burials from White Dog Cave (Amsden 1949:61; Cole 199). The gender of the Basketmaker large human figures is not always obvious, however females and phallic males are depicted. Cole (26:194) asserts that the rock art in the San Juan region was intended for public viewing and communication based on locations in open unobstructed areas and the association with sites. Rock art in the eastern Basketmaker II region is noticeably different. The human figures are smaller and have stick figured bodies. They are usually brightly colored, but lack torso embellishments (Charles and Cole 26; Daniels 1954). These divisions based on material culture are directly correlated with the origins of the Basketmaker II culture and therefore also would ultimately affect discussions of the identity of the proposed distinct populations. Matson argues that data from the plateau indicates: an east/west ethnic division among the Basketmaker II; the similarity of Eastern Basketmaker II with earlier Colorado Plateau Archaic; and of the Western Basketmaker II with the San Pedro Cochise (Matson 22:347; see also LeBlanc 22). In other words, Western Basketmaker II people may be immigrants from the south. Much 22
of this discussion has focused on the spread of agriculture, however the relationship between immigrants and locals would have had important consequences for identity construction and maintenance. Matson and Cole (22:26) posit that evidence for conflict exists from burial data, rock art (scalps), artifacts and defensive Basketmaker II sites. They argue that the evidence for the violence is particularly pronounced in the western area, but it is unclear at this point whether the conflict is external or internal (see also LeBlanc 1999). The visibility of rock art during this time may also have served to communicate territorial boundaries due to the increasing social tension (Robins and Hays-Gilpin 22:235). The postulated division between eastern and western Basketmaker II from the view of ornamentation is much less clear. Morris and Burgh (1954) noted only two differences in their comparative list of culture traits; the lack of deer mandible bangles in Classic (western) Basketmaker sites and the absence of compound beads in Durango (eastern) Basketmaker sites. These categorical differences are not substantial enough to include as a basis for varying ethnicities. However, examining the ornaments within the framework of style and social identity, the overall goal of this thesis, there are no major difference in the ornaments interred in burials for Eastern and Western Basketmaker II that would support the proposed division. Basketmaker II ornaments collected from burials include beads and pendants of stone, shell, and seeds. Stone ornaments were often manufactured from lignite or other local stones. Whole seed beads selected for ornaments included acorns, onion shaped seeds and juniper berries. Other seed types were used in the manufacture of beads, however these were often shaped into tubular beads eliminating the possibility of species 23