INVESTIGATIONS AT THE CUNNINGHAM-FLENNIKEN CEMETERY, KNOXVILLE, TENNESSEE

Transcription

1 INVESTIGATIONS AT THE CUNNINGHAM-FLENNIKEN CEMETERY, KNOXVILLE, TENNESSEE Christine M. Haynak Mortuary expressions in East Tennessee, and Appalachia as a whole, have received very little attention from the academic community. They are generally assumed to follow one of two general patterns. The Southern folk mortuary tradition results from the combination of European, African-American, and Native American influences, while the popular Southern mortuary tradition represents a predominantly European influence. These traditions are not mutually exclusive between burial grounds as exemplified by two distinct mortuary expressions simultaneously practiced in a small family cemetery in Knoxville, Tennessee, during the last decade of the 19lh century. The spatial and stratigraphic patterning of burials and grave treatments in this cemetery demonstrates that a complex interplay of mortuary expressions can be found in East Tennessee. The Cunningham-Flenniken Cemetery ( 40KN82), located on the crest of a high ridge (elevation 920 MSL) 30 miles ( 48.3 km) north of the south bank of the Tennessee River and east of the South Knoxville Boulevard Bridge, is one of the oldest burial grounds in Knox County, Tennessee. A concentration of burials, organized in clusters by family, are on top of the hill, with dispersed graves on the east and south slopes. A separate group of burials is located on the north slope of the cemetery ridge. Many 19th century cemeteries, particularly in the Southeast, are located on high ground due to the need for preserving agricultural land (Jeane 1978:896). The cemetery was originally established as a family burying ground in the late 18th century by Robert Cunningham, an early Anglo-American settler of south Knox"Ville. In subsequent years other families such as the Flennikens, Simpsons, Kirkhams, Maxwells, Kings, Youngs and others were allowed to bury their dead in the cemetery, most likely as a result of marriage or community ties to the Cunninghams. The connection between these families remains uncertain, although further census and city directory research may yield definitive social ties. The focus of this report is a section containing eight children's graves on the lower north slope of the ridge, separate from the family plots (Figure 1) (C-120 Cunningham-Flenniken; McGinnis, Knox County Cemetery Records Card Index, McClung Historical Collection). ARTIFACTS In 1983, Dr. Charles H. Faulkner at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, conducted an above ground archaeological survey of the north slope of the cemetery. Each grave was plotted and photographed, and various ceramic and glass artifacts and mussel shell were collected. Additional artifact analysis and investigation of the represented families, specifically in this section, were not conducted until the Fall of The major goals of the 1998 artifact analysis were: (1) to determine the spatial and temporal associations of the assemblage for use in interpretation of human activity on the site; (2) to provide an updated artifactual inventory that can be utilized in further investigations of the Cunningham-Flenniken Cemetery; and (3) to ascertain information on the historical and archaeological significance of human activity on this site. Artifacts from the 1983 surface collection were analyzed and typed following South's (1977) functional classification of historical artifacts. The functional groups represented on this site are: (1) Kitchen Group; (2) Furniture Group; and (3) Personal Group. A total of 222 artifacts was recovered from the graves. Recovered materials were curved glass containers and glassware, milk glass, ironstone, porcelain and whiteware. The most predominant of the 29 vessel forms were tableware, utility wares and personal grooming items such as cosmetic jars and washbasins (Table 1). Grave 1 Christine M. Haynak Department of Anthropology, 252 South Stadium Hall, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN The headstone of Grave 1 reads; JoL. Woodby Ohio Valley Historical Archaeology 14(1999):

2 - 1 Meter <( N 9 Burial Marker 0 Rock r \ }Shallow Pit ~ FIGURE 1. PLAN VIEW OF THE EIGHT SEPARATE GRAVES AT CUNNINGHAM-FLENNIKEN CEMETERY. 52

3 TABLE 1. GLASS AND CERAMIC VESSELS IN THE ARTIFACT ASSEMBLAGE. Grave Object Vessel Form Sherds 1 curved glass bottle 20 1 curved glass bowl 4 1 curved glass bowl(?) 2 1 curved glass compote 1 1 curved glass hollowware 7 1 curved glass indeterminate 26 1 curved glass jar 29 1 glass indeterminate 1 1 ironstone bowl 16 1 ironstone hollowware 3 1 ironstone indeterminate 1 1 ironstone plate 11 1 ironstone washbasin 10 1 milk glass cosmetic jar 1 1 milk glass vase(?) 17 1 porcelain saucer 4 1 porcelain shaving mug 5 1 whiteware bowl(?) 11 1 whiteware dish 22 1 whiteware hollowware 1 1 whiteware tea cup 17 2 curved glass bottle 1 3 curved glass glassware 2 3 curved glass indeterminate 1 3 curved glass jar 1 3 curved glass kerosene lamp 1 4 curved glass bowl 1 Russell curved glass glassware 1 Russell ironstone bowl ~ TOTAL 29 items 222 bornd August dade July This grave has a footstone as well as a headstone, artifacts and shells on the ground surface, and stones encircling its' entirety. No birth and death records were recovered for this individual, although Knoxville City Directories ( McClung Historical Collection) and Knoxville City Directory Microfilm ( McClung Historical Collection) contained the names of potential parents, William C. andmary Woodby. A total of 209 historic artifacts was recovered. Artifacts from the Kitchen Group (n=l76) comprise the majority of the material recovered from Grave 1. Refer to Table 2 for a catalog of temporally significant artifacts. Kitchen Group. The Kitchen Group contains four classes of artifacts: ceramics consisting of ironstone (n=31), whiteware (n=51) and porcelain (n=4); container glass (n=83); and glassware (n=7). Personal Group. The Personal Group contains only one class of artifacts: Grooming/Personal items (n=l6). Furniture Group. The Furniture Group contains only one class of artifacts: Hardware/Furnishings(n= 17). Graves This grave bears a headstone that reads: Mary A. Wells born October died January This grave also has a footstone inscribed "M. W." and produced some shell, but no artifacts or encircling stone. Knox County Birth Records (November 1885-December 1891, McClung Historical Collection) lists the birth of a daughter to Asa and Florence Wells of South Knoxville on October 8, It is assumed that they are the parents of Mary Wells. Graves 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, and 8 The remaining six graves do not have headstones with inscriptions, but are thought to be of children as well because grave length measurements between tombstones - approximately 1. 5 m ( 4 ft. 11 in.) - are almost identical with known children's graves, 1and5. Grave 2. Grave 2 does not have a headstone or footstone, but is encircled with stones like Grave 1. It produced few artifacts and no shell. Only one historic artifact was recovered from Grave 2, one body sherd of container glass from a 2 piece mold/ separate base bottle dating from This piece was made of light green glass. This sherd can be refitted to part of a similar bottle from Grave 1. Either intentional separation or unintentional post-depositional movement may account for this finding. Grave 3. Grave 3 displays only a footstone and some artifacts. No shell or surrounding stone is evident. A total of five historic artifacts was recovered. Kitchen Group. Glassware: two goblet sherds (1 body-rim and 1 body) that are possibly part of a set, with grapevine pressed decoration; solarized; (n=2). Container Glass: a single jar - solarized; complete; Furniture Group. Hardware/Furnishings: 1 glass kerosene lamp base; solarized; complete; press molded; Grave 4. Grave 4 has a headstone and footstone. It 53

4 TABLE 2. TEMPORALLY SIGNIFICANT ARTIFACTS FROM GRAVE 1. Vessel form Decoration and manufacturer's mark Date Source Irom:tone footed bowl Embossed; blue transferprinted; Mercer mark s Lehner (1988) Ironstone plate Scalloped edge; red Japanesque transferprint; Godden (1966) Wedgewood mark Ironstone footed washbasin Red Japanesque transferprint Whiteware tea cup Brown leaf design Porcelain saucer Scalloped edge; floral decoration; Kovel and Haviland Limoges mark Kovel (1953) Glass bowl Solarized; press molded floral Munsey (1970) Glass bowl Solarized; press molded sun Munsey (1970) Glass footed bowl Solarized; press decoration Munsey (1970) Mason jar Green; blow back mold; embossed lettering; Toulouse (1969) patented 1858 Medicine bottle Solarized; 2 piece mold with separate base; Munsey (1970) applied finish; "WW' impression Bottle Light green; 2 piece mold with separate base; applied finish; H.J. Heinz, patented 1891 produced one historic artifact, but no shell or encircling stone was evident. The single recovered artifact was a basal sherd of a press molded bowl displaying a geometric-floral pattern. This solarized fragment dated Graves 6 and 8. Graves 6 and 8 are shallow oval shaped depressions that have no markers and revealed no material remains. Grave 7. Grave 7 is of smaller size, perhaps of a still born or infant, and displays only a headstone and footstone. Knox County Death Records (McGinnis, McClung Historical Collection) lists a stillborn birth under the names Asa and Florence Wells on June 7, This may be the unmarked grave of this child. Russell Grave This grave is included in the research sample, although it lies uphill with the remainder of the cemetery population. It bears a less crudely inscribed headstone than Graves 1 and 5 and is more similar in size and inscription to gravestones in the main concentration. The headstone reads: Annie E. Daughter off.a. [&] N.J. Russell born January died July [.] The golden gates were opened, A gentle voice said come, And with farewells unspoken she calmly entered home [.) Knox County Death Records (January Microfilm, McClung Historical Collection) list an Annie E. Russell as dying on July 22, 1892 without parents names listed. Knoxville City Directory ( McClung Historical Collection) and Knoxville City Directory Microfilm ( McClung Historical Collection) list a Franklin A and Nancy J. Russell. A total of six historic artifacts was recovered, but no shell or encircling stone was present. These items included a complete colorless tumbler, press molded with a rectangular-diamond pattern. This piece dates from the late 19th into the 20th century. Also recovered were five sherds from a flat ironstone bowl. Grey-burned in color, there were four body sherds, one sherd showing the footring, and one rim sherd with an embossed edge. These pieces generally date from DISCUSSION The original analysis of recovered bivalves from Grave 1 was conducted by Dr. Paul Parmelee at the University of Tennessee at Knoxville in A brief was prepared for this report in 1998 by Sean Coughlin, University of Tennessee, Knoxville. All four of the species represented could have been found in the local Tennessee River system, with the highest frequency being Elliptio crassidens or Elephants Ear (Table 3). These mussel shells were carefully placed interior up over the entire grave, with all other artifacts resting above 54

5 TABLE 3. RECOVERED BIVALVES FROM GRAVE 1. Taxon Elliptio crassidens (Elephants Ear) Elliptio dilatatus (Spike) Pleurobema cordatum Actinonaias carinata (Mucket) TOTAL Valves Right Left l! Note: All examples likely derived from local Tennessee River system. them. Soil observed between the shells and artifacts implies that these were different depositional events. The mussel shells, therefore, represent a distinct mortuary expression from the artifact assemblage. The use of marine and fresh water shells (e.g. mussel, clam, cowrie, cockle, and conch) as decorative items on graves can be traced to African-American, as well as Upland South mortuary traditions, as far south as Florida and as far inland as northern Texas and Kentucky (Jeane 1989; Jordan 1980; 1982; Vlach 1977). Enclosures around graves, either of shell, stone, or artifacts, occur in both traditions. McKoy (1985 :31) suggests that among African-Americans, this is viewed as a protective measure for both the spirit of the dead and for the living. There is also an African-American belief that the dead are located under river or lake bottoms, and the placement of shells (particularly white ones) on graves, gives the illusion of a river bottom on the grave surface. This illusion can also be accomplished by the placement of white artifacts on graves, such as whiteware and porcelain vessels associated with water (e.g. cups, bowls, bottles, vases, jars, etc.) (Vlach 1977:163). Reviewing the assemblage from the graves at Cunningham-Flenniken Cemetery, it is evident that most, if not all, of the artifacts fit this category. Immediately following deposition, mortuary remains may be found in their most organized and representational state. Post depositional activity and subsequent recovery generally filter the organization present in the original assemblage (O'Shea 1984). In this case, however, minimal sharing of artifact fragments of similar types occurred between adjacent graves, and artifacts were found to be broken in large sherds, implying limited post-depositional disturbance. Despite the potential for some postdepositional breakage, the artifacts collected from the graves appear to have been intentionally broken upon deposition, as evident in their pattern of breakage and tendency to be nearly complete. Graves 1 and 5, and the Russell grave, have inscribed dates on their associated headstones that range from the first birth in 1887 to the last death in Recovered artifacts from these graves revealed dates from the late 19th to early 20th centuries, coinciding with the dates on the headstones. Periodic cleaning and redecoration of the graves may have left behind some artifacts from a later time period, however, such artifacts were not recovered. This suggests that the artifacts were placed on the graves close to the time that the individuals were interred. Stratigraphically, these temporal estimates reveal an important sequence of events. After the Woodby child was interred, mussel shells were placed on the surface of the grave. While the exact social message communicated by this practice has been lost, the association with only a few children in a separate section implies a very specific meaning. Since shells underlie the artifacts, these materials cannot be treated as part of the same mortuary expression. The placement of artifacts on the grave occurred as a separate event. Artifacts were more widely applied to the graves of children, implying less specific age based social meaning. This may be an issue of social investment within the community. It is possible that both surface treatments conveyed the same message, albeit as different events, by the same presentation team. Likewise, the stratigraphic separation indicates that separate presentation teams are also possible, or that different messages are being communicated. Multiple mortuary expressions among some of these graves are clearly evident and imply a dynamic social relationship between the dead and the living. While the grave decoration in the study san1ple diverges from the remainder of the graves in the cemetery, gravestone inscription and grave orientation are similar. Though the headstones are more modest in size and have misspelled, uneven words and reversed lettering, Graves 1 and 5 are inscribed on the opposite side of the stone from the body, similar to the other headstones in the graveyard. Jeane (1989:166) suggests that the former is characteristic of rural folk headstones in the South. Additionally, all of the burials in the cemetery, including the eight graves on the northern slope, are aligned on an east-west axis with feet to the east. Traditionally, an eastwardly direction of graves is employed, either based on the religious premise that the body may rise and face the rising sun or Jesus on Judgment Day (Bettisl978; Crissman 1994:62; Jordan 1980:246), or that the orientation of the earth following the sun from east to west must be symbolized (Vlach 1977;165). Social affiliation and status, as they are defined by a culture, are detennining factors in burial patterning, and 55

6 are often evident in the archaeological record. Spatial patterning within a graveyard can distinguish socially distinctive groups and their respective burial practices (Matternes 1993; O ' Shea 1984). The Anglo-American families in Cunningham-Flenniken Cemetery defined their social affiliation and status through hilltop location of family segregated burial plots and grave treatments; the latter, restricted to large, ornate, uniform headstones. McGuire (1988:444) suggests that spatial patterning of the deceased and the symbolic communication through grave treatment reflects the communities idealistic social arrangement. The uniform treatment and distinct spatial patterning of graves in the main concentration conveys a sense of equality among them, but at the same time, the known social affiliation and status of the families represented suggests inclusion based on achieved membership in that community. The social position of the eight interred children and their families then comes into question. References to the parents of the interred children (Asa and Florence Wells, Franklin and Nancy Russell, William and Mary Woodby) in the Knoxville City Directories ( Knoxville City Directory Microfilm; Knoxville City Directory, McClung Historical Collection) revealed their financial and social status to be similar to the remainder of the cemetery's population. Therefore, although the segregated spatial location of the eight graves and their distinctive grave treatment is suggestive of a different, and perhaps inferior, social position, the documentary evidence does not support it. It is possible, then, that variations in the use of mortuary features as a form of social communication are present within the same social group. Jeane (1989), Jordan (1980; 1982), Vlach (1977) and others have documented rural Southern mortuary features that display similar above ground burial treatments to those recorded at the Cunningham-Flenniken Cemetery. Upon initial discovery of the four stone enclosed, artifact and shell covered graves with crude headstone inscriptions, it was believed that the interred children were of African American descent. At that time, the names of the children's parents were unknown so their ethnicity was speculative. Although the Russell grave had a similar surface treatment, it was not thought to be of the same ethnicity as the cluster of eight graves because of its location within the main portion of the cemetery. Research of birth and death records, censuses, and city directories confirmed that the children were almost certainly not socially classified as African-American. It is possible that these graves are simply expressing aspects of the Upland South Folk Cemetery Tradition. Defining the Upland South as a unique cultural geographic region, Jeane (1989) notes a tendency for certain mortuary practices to be present. These include hilltop location on private family property, use of locally available resources (such as the field stone grave markers), artifact and shell decoration of graves, grave enclosure with stone or shell, and east-west orientation of burials. All of these are evident at the Cunningham-Flenniken Cemetery. While Jeane believes that these features originated among Anglo-American Judea-Christian mortuary traditions, their origin in the Upland South has not been clearly demonstrated. More realistically, as Winchell, Rose and Moir (1992:25) suggest, diffusion and admixture of Euro-American, African-American, and Native-American practices with Judea-Christian influences, have resulted in the Southern mortuary expression. Jordan's (1980) presentation of the possible cultural conglomeration of mortuary traditions (African, Amerindian, and European) in the Southern folk cemeteries of Texas supports such a conclusion. Racial distinctions may be present within the Upland South Folk Cemetery Tradition, but it is unlikely that the tradition has a unique socio-cultural affiliation. Jeane (1989:168) observes that children's graves in the Upland South Folk Cemetery Tradition are more likely to be decorated than adult's graves. Rose (1985), however, argues that Southern African-Americans tend towards a decoration of adult's graves. Both researchers recognize that surface decorations emphasize the social investment placed within community members, albeit different age groups. If age distinctions in surface treatment are ethnically distinct variations, then the children's graves in the Cunningham-Flenniken Cemetery probably do not follow a strictly African-American pattern. Thus far, this mortuary behavior appears unique in Knoxville. Only when the dynamic social system of all of the families in the cemetery is revealed, will the reasons behind these expressions become apparent. Unfortunately, this was beyond the current scope of this project. CONCLUSIONS Southern mortuary expressions appear to be composed of many distinct cultural ingredients and underlying sociological implications, whether they are born of popular or folk origin. The material expression of different mortuary traditions was one way in which the people of the past could communicate with each another, as well as with people of the present. The coexistence of such diverse mortuary expressions within a single cemetery community makes the Cunningham-Flenniken Cemetery an unprecedented and unique discovery in Eastern Tennessee. The question remains as to why the families of the eight interred children chose this cemetery as a final resting place if their mortuary expressions varied so profoundly 56

7 from the popular Southern burial practices of the remainder of the cemetery population. Moreover, it is still unclear how the families were interrelated, and how that may have detennined who was allowed to be buried within the cemetery. Only further ethnographic and genealogical research will provide answers to these questions_ REFERENCES CITED Bettis, Myra 1978 The Care of the East Tennessee Dead. In: Glimpses of Southern Appalachian Folk Culture (Charles H. Faulkner and Carol K. Buckles, editors), Miscellaneous Paper No. 3, pp , Tennessee Anthropological Association, Knoxville. Crissman, James K Death and Dying in Central Appalachia. University of Illinois Press, Urbana. Godden, Geoffrey A 1966 An Illustrated Encyclopedia of British Pottery and Porcelain. Bonanza Book, New York, New York. Jeane, Gregory D The Upland South Cemetery: An American Type. Journal of Popular Culture 11(4): Folk Art in Rural Southern Cemeteries. Southern Folklore 46(2): Jordan, Terry G The Roses So Red and the Lilies So Fair. Southwestern Historical Quarterly 83(3): Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy. University of Texas Press, Austin, Texas. Kovel, Ralph M. and Terry H. Kovel 1953 Dictionary of Marks: Pottery and Porcelain. Crown Publishers, Inc. New York. Lehner, Lois 1988 Lehner 's Encyclopedia of U.S. Marks on Pottery, Porcelain and Clay. Collector Books, Paducah. Mattemes, Hugh B Social Differentiation in a Modem Tennessee Cemetery. Tennessee Anthropologist 18(1): McGuire, Randall, H Dialogues with the Dead: Ideology and the Cemetery. In: The Recovery of Meaning (Mark P. Leone and Parker B. Potter, editors), pp Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington. McKoy, Kathy 1985 African American Cemeteries in St. Louis. Gateway Heritage 6(3): Munsey, Cecil 1970 Illustrated Guide to Collecting Bottles. Hawthorn Books Inc. Publishers, New York, New York. O'Shea, JohnM Mortuary Variability: An Archaeological Investigation. Academic Press, Orlando. Rose, Jerome C Gone To a Better Land: A Biohistory of a Rural Black Cemetery in the Post-Reconstruction South. Research Series No. 25, Arkansas Archaeological Survey. South, Stanley 1977 Method and Theory in Historical Archeology. Academic Press, New York, New York. Toulouse J.H Fruit Jars. Thomas Nelson Inc., Nashville Tennessee. Vlach, John 1977 Graveyards and Afro-American Art. Southern Exposure 5: Winchell, Frank, Jerome C. Rose and Randall W. Moir 1992 Bioanthropological Investigations of 19th. Century Burials at Site 41DT105. Archaeology Research Program, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, and U.S. Army Corp of Engineers, Ft. Worth District, Ft. Worth. 57