6/7 Uvod. 8/9 O tragovima {ZLATKO MILEUSNIÆ} 21 Obuæa u razdoblju od ranog srednjeg vijeka. 49 Obuæarski obrt i rukotvorstvo {VESNA ZORIÆ}

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5 6/7 Uvod 8/9 O tragovima {ZLATKO MILEUSNIÆ} 21 Obuæa u razdoblju od ranog srednjeg vijeka do poèetka 20. stoljeæa {NADJA MAGLICA} 49 Obuæarski obrt i rukotvorstvo {VESNA ZORIÆ} 73 Znaèenje obuæe u seoskim zajednicama u Hrvatskoj {AIDA BRENKO} 111 Obuæa u dvadesetom stoljeæu {AIDA BRENKO / VESNA ZORIÆ} ENGLISH TEXTS 132 Introduction 133 On Traces {ZLATKO MILEUSNIÆ} 139 Footwear in the Period From the Early Middle Ages to the Beginning of the 20th Century {NADJA MAGLICA} 148 Shoemaking Crafts and Handicrafts {VESNA ZORIÆ} 156 Footwear and its Meaning in Rural Communities in Croatia {AIDA BRENKO} 169 Footwear in {AIDA BRENKO / VESNA ZORIÆ} 177 LITERATURA 5

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7 IZLO BOM koje dobre šuze! šetnja kroz povijest obuæe, eljeli smo pokazati razlièita znaèenja koja cipela ima u èovjekovom ivotu. Štiteæi nogu od klimatskih nepogoda ili opasnog terena obuæa je tijekom povijesti postala sastavni dio èovjekova ivota pa nam njezina povijest otkriva i dio povijesti èovjeèanstva. Vrsta i naziv materijala od kojeg je obuæa napravljena, njezin oblik i ukras ili naèin izradbe, daju nam niz podataka za razumijevanje kulturnih, gospodarskih i politièkih prilika u odreðenom razdoblju. Zahvaljujuæi vanjskim znacima, obuæa postaje simbol identiteta spolnog, dobnog, vjerskog, profesionalnog ili etnièkog. Zbog toga su tijekom povijesti èesto donošeni propisi o naèinu obuvanja pojedinih kategorija stanovništva, bilo u obliku zakonskih odredbi ili nepisanih, ali od zajednice sankcioniranih pravila. Njihov je osnovni cilj bio odr avanje staleških, vjerskih i nacionalnih razlika ili pak dobnih i spolnih. Velik broj zakona koji se odnosio na obuæu imao je i ekonomsku podlogu poput onih iz skupine leges sumptuarie, dakle protiv luksuza. S prvim graðanskim revolucijama propisi koji potjeèu iz prethodnih ureðenja postaju bespredmetni, a obilje avanje razlika poprima drugaèije oblike. Društvena elita mogla je ostvariti svoju ekskluzivnost iskljuèivo robom vrhunske kvalitete i sezonskim promjenama mode. Današnji razvoj industrije i dizajna kao i razvoj trgovaèke mre e otvaraju široke moguænosti pa svatko mo e izabrati onu obuæu koja slu i zadovoljavanju njegovih potreba, a u skladu s ekonomskim moguænostima, dobi, društvenim polo ajem i osobnim estetskim mjerilima. Izlo ba prikazuje povijesni razvitak obuæe, od arheoloških nalaza preko stilskih razdoblja do suvremenog dizajna, kao i razvitak obuæe sa stanovišta izradbe. Pri tome se misli na naèin izradbe obuæe za vlastite potrebe ili potrebe u e obitelji, do pojave obrtnika i postolarskih cehova, manufakture i tvornièke proizvodnje. Takoðer je predstavljena i vrijedna graða Etnografskog muzeja koja pripada razdoblju konca 19. i poèetka 20. stoljeæa. U tom je vremenu, upravo obuæa bila jedan od glavnih pokazatelja gospodarskih, društvenih i kulturnih promjena koje su se dogaðale u seoskim zajednicama. Nastojali smo prikazati i dostupnu izvaneuropsku graðu. Valja istaæi i prvu industrijsku obuæu proizvedenu u Hrvatskoj, u "Borovu", tvornici nastaloj nacionalizacijom predratne "Bate". Ta je obuæa tijekom 20. stoljeæa bila najprepoznatljivija ne samo u Hrvatskoj veæ i na podruèju bivše Jugoslavije. Na izlo bi su predoèeni primjerci namjenjeni najširim društvenim slojevima. Zbog mnogovrsnosti obuæe ona je podijeljena u više zasebnih cjelina. Nastojali smo je predoèiti u vremenskom slijedu, ali istodobno istièuæi njezine funkcije. Uloga obuæe u uèvršæivanju društvenih odnosa i stvaranju društvenih identiteta i vrijednosti i danas je izra eno što potvrðuje i izlo ena kultna obuæa pojedinih alternativnih skupina iz druge polovice 20. stoljeæa. Dio izlo be posvetili smo obuæi u svijetu simbola. U mnogim je kulturama odnos prema cipeli i nozi povezan s fetišizmom. Imelda Marcos krije se u mnogim enama, a muškarci reagiraju gotovo uvjetnim refleksom na pojavu ene u visokim petama. Simbolièko znaèenje obuæe izvrsno oslikavaju i bajke u kojima èarobna obuæa najèešæe predstavlja medij za ulazak u drugi svijet. S obzirom na opse nost i slo enost teme, naravno da nismo iscrpili sve ono što obuæa predstavlja, ali smo pokušali ukazati na njezinu ulogu i znaèenja tijekom povijesti. Buduæi da je noga bila osobito znaèajna za èovjekov opstanak, vidimo da je tijekom povijesti i u svim kulturama upravo funkcija obuæe istaknutija od oblika. U stvari, svaki je dizajn obuæe vrlo star. 7

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9 Zlatko Mileusniæ O tragovima 1 Postolarska radionica; detalj sa oslikane vaze. Prethodna strana: 2 Model èizme, Sarvaš. AMZ O TOME KAKO SU I ÈIME LJUDI U PRAPOVJESNO DOBA štitili stopala od studeni, vlage ili nepogodna tla, nema odgovora na koji se ne bi moglo postaviti još po koje pitanje. Odgovoriti na pitanje kada se to zbilo, premda se èini jednostavnijim, jednako je zamršeno pa i danas predstavlja pravu interdisciplinarnu pustolovinu. Povjesne discipline tim pitanjima pristupaju razlièito pa su takvi i odgovori. U ovome prikazu bit æe rijeèi o obuæi, njezinim oblicima, mijenama, kao i naèinima kojima su nastajali i smjenjivali se stilovi u njezinu dugom povjesnom razdoblju. Dvije su vrste izvora koje pri tome slijedimo. Jedni sadr e obavijesti iz slikovnih prikaza i pisanih svjedoèanstava. Drugi su arheološki nalazi ostataka obuæe, izvorna svjedoèanstva što sadr e i odgovore na pitanja koja tek valja postaviti, a danas podvrgnuti analizi uz primjenu suvremenih znanstvenih postupaka, mijenjaju saznanja o njezinu mjestu u kulturnoj povijesti. U slikovnim prikazima ljudi, obuæa se razabire veæ u razdoblju paleolitika, pred pribli no godina. S obzirom na alate kojima se èovjek kamenoga doba slu io, bila je to jednostavna i praktièna obuæa naèinjena od ko a oderanih ivotinja. Za stopalo se dr i obavijena ko natim remenjem; remenèiæima provuèenim izmeðu no nih prstiju i uèvršæenim u potplat ili pak remenjem provuèenim kroz proreze uz obod njegova uzvinutoga ruba koji se potom obavijaju oko noge od gle nja naviše. Ovome posvuda raširenom tipu najjednostavnije jednodjelne obuæe, pripadaju i naši opanci, što su se u brojnim suvrsticama odr ali sve do danas. Meðutim takva obuæa se e u još dalju prošlost koju ne odreðuju njezini materijalni tragovi, veæ tragovi što ih je ona ostavila na stopalu suvremenoga èovjeka. Amerièki antropolog Erik Trinkaus, baveæi se komparativnim prouèavanjem fosilnih ostataka èovjeka i interpretirajuæi varijacije u anatomiji ljudskoga stopala, zakljuèio je da slabljenje kostiju no nih prstiju nije stupanj u evoluciji èovjeka kako se to dosada smatralo, veæ da je takvo slabljenje posljedica nošenja obuæe te da je zapoèelo veæ pred godina, a u hladnijim predjelima Euroazije i mnogo ranije. Prema tom su razdoblju materijalni ostaci najstarije obuæe relativno mladi. Do danas najstariji nalaz obuæe ranoga èovjeka potjeèe sa sjeverozapada sjeverno- 9

10 amerièkoga kontinenta, a starost joj je procjenjena u rasponu od 9000 do godina. Rijeè je o preko 70 sandala pronaðenih godine u oregonskoj spilji Fort Rock. Naèinjene su od drvenaste biljke Artemisia tridentata koja i danas u tom sušnom dijelu Sjedinjenih amerièkih dr ava obilno raste. Indijanci su njezinu savitljivu koru i u suvremeno doba koristili pri pletenju vreæa i košara. U sliènoj, jednako suhoj mikroklimi spilje Arnold Research u Missouriju uz 16 pari raznolike obuæe naèinjene od listova biljke Eryngium yuccifolium, pronaðena su i dva para ko nate obuæe za koje je ustanovljena starost u rasponu od 1070 do 8300 godina. Stalna suha klima Judejske pustinje u blizini Jerihona, jednog od najstarijih gradova na svijetu, èuvala je 6000 godina ostatke ratnika. Sahranjen je uz bogate grobne priloge i s ko natim sandalama. Sluèajan nalaz smrznutog bronèanodobnog èovjeka podno ledenjaka Similaun u ju notirolskim Alpama, rujna godine, proširio je mnoge spoznaje o ivotu èovjeka prije 5300 godina. U broj od sedamdesetak predmeta što ih je "Ledeni èovjek" imao uza se u trenutku smrti ubrojena je i njegova obuæa. Premda loše oèuvana, analizom je ustanovljeno da pripada tipu jednodjelne obuæe iako je sastavljena od medvjeðe i srneæe ko e. U unutarnjem dijelu pronaðeni su i ostaci biljnih vlati što su dodatno štitile stopalo od studeni. Na našem podruèju nema arheoloških nalaza tako stare obuæe. Meðutim, izgled obuæe u pribli no istom razdoblju eneolitika predoèuje nam fragment keramike, vjerojatno statue iz Sarvaša što se èuva u Arheološkom muzeju u Zagrebu. Na njemu je veoma jasno i s više detalja modelirana obuæa u obliku èizme što se e po prilici do pola lista. Uz rubove potplata i straga, oko njegova uspravljenoga petnog dijela, istièe se uska profilacija u obliku sitnih rombova, a sprijeda i straga po sredini te djelomice i oko grla, oblikovani su nizovi nalik na petljice èime je predoèeno spajanje dijelova. Grlo èizme obavijeno je tankom uzicom pa se mo e pretpostaviti da se njome vezivanjem uèvršæivao gornji, labaviji dio èizama naèinjen mo da preplitanjem sukna, pletiva ili omekšane ko e. Obuæa naèinjena prema ovom modelu, po svojoj bi se izvedbi posve uklopila u najranije oblike jednodjelne obuæe na podruèju Europe. Spomenuti primjeri pronaðene obuæe potvrðuju pravilo da se ona, kao i slièni predmeti organskoga podrijetla mogla oèuvati jedino pri ujednaèenim klimatskim uvjetima. Uz to idu u prilog èesto naglašavanoj pretpostavci da se èovjek za njihovu izradbu slu io materijalom s kojim je svakodnevno mogao biti u dodiru jer je obuæu zbog njezina kratka vijeka valjalo èesto obnavljati, a iznošenu odbaciti kao staru cipelu. I danas se u mnogim podruèjima Europe, Afrike, Ju ne Amerike, u zemljama Bliskog i Dalekog Istoka odr avaju nepromijenjene tehnike izradbe obuæe od raznovrsnih materijala i namjena u oblicima što se stoljeæima ne mijenjaju: sandale od drva u Indiji, od ri ine slame u Kini i Japanu, od palmina lišæa i papirusa u Egiptu, od biljke sisala u Ju noj Americi, od juke u Meksiku itd., Obuæu poznaju gotovo sve rane civilizacije. Iz slikovnih prikaza ali i iz arheoloških nalaza saznajemo o visokom stupnju njegovanja stilova obuæe u razvijenim civilizacijama što su se smjenjivale na podruèju Meðurjeèja: Sumera, Akada, Babilona ili Asirije. Obuæa je ondje oznaka visokih slojeva, polo aja i èasti dok je puk uglavnom bosonog. Osobitost stila sumerske obuæe ko nati je potplat uzvinutoga vrha, kadikad s povišenim petnim dijelom. Odatle je obuæa takvoga stila, šireæi se prema zapadu, ostavila tragove diljem Sirije te je prevo ena kasnije obalama Sredozemlja u vreæama fenièkih 3 Obuæa iz spilje Fort Rock 4 Obuæa iz spilje Arnold Research 5 Obuæa Ledenog èovjeka 10

11 6 Egipatski vojnici XIX. dinastije 7 Asirski vojnik 8 Hermes trgovaca, stigla i do Etrurije. Odande, zajedno s ostalim, probranim egzotiènim sadr ajima, veæ utabanim stazama sti e do podruèja na kojem æe ubrzo izniknuti Rim. Kao i sumerska, obuæa u Babilonu i Asiriji takoðer je raznovrsna kako po oblicima, boji i finoæi ko e od koje su naèinjene tako i po njihovim namjenama. Sluge su kao i drugdje ivot provodili bosonogi, dok su jednostavne ko nate sandale bile najraširenija obuæa ostaloga stanovništva. Tradicija preradbe ko e, osobito ovèje, u Babilonu se e u XIII. stoljeæe stare ere, a njezina iznimna kakvoæa i na njoj zasnovana izradba obuæe, stoljeæima æe prenositi glas o njezinoj raskošnosti (Hawkes, 1973: 115). Tako æe i poèetkom IV. stoljeæa u èuvenom Ediktu cara Dioklecijana biti spomenute babilonske sandale i raznobojne natikaèe ((Soleae) Vavulonicae, socci Babulonici)(Blümner, 1983: 28). Sandale su namijenjene obim spolovima. Obuæa kraljeva izraðena je od fino uèinjene ko e, debelih potplata s remenjem bijele, zlatne i crvene boje te s ukrasnim remenom što obavija gle anj dok je obuæa njihovih ena od ko e bijele boje i ukrašena draguljima. Uz stopalo se obuæa dr i remenèiæima ili ko natim omèama što u razlièitim kombinacijama obuhvaæaju jedan ili više no nih prstiju. Konjanièka èizma vezuje se uz Asirce koji su kao ratnièki narod brzim i silovitim konjanièkim napadajima širili svoje carstvo sve do sredozemnih obala. Ova je vrsta obuæe sezala do koljena, a naèinjena od èvrste uèinjene ko e, debelih, zakovicama potkovanih potplata i sprijeda, iznad prstiju ojaèana umetnutim eljeznim svodom, pru ala je odliènu zaštitu ne samo od studeni, kiše i snijega veæ i od sluèajnih ozljeda kopitom vlastitoga konja. Sliènu obuæu imat æe i drugi narodi koji su svoju vojnu strategiju zasnivali na konjaništvu, no u antièkom svijetu ona neæe naæi takvu primjenu. Uz bosonogu veæinu stanovništva staroga Egipta obuæa je bila oznaka viših društvenih slojeva i sveæenstva. Slikovni prikazi iz njihovih monumentalnih grobnica prikazuju ih u jednostavnoj obuæi nalik sandalama, ili natikaèama ravnih ili sprijeda uzvinutih potplata što se uz stopalo dr e remenom provuèenim izmeðu prstiju i širom vrpcom preko luka stopala. Za sveæenstvo se ka e da nije nosilo obuæu od ko e jer da ne prilièi stajati na ko i mrtve ivotinje. U VI. stoljeæu stare ere na podruèju Meðurjeèja stvara se moæno perzijsko carstvo s kojim u pohode prema europskom tlu kreæu i raznovrsni oblici i stilovi obuæe. Vojni porazi ovoga Carstva na grèkom kopnu i moru nisu bili zapreka širenju orijentalnih stilova obuæe u antièkom svijetu. Meðutim, obuæa uzdignutih vrhova, toliko omiljena u gotovo svih starih naroda Bliskoga i Srednjega Istoka, nije u Grèkoj kao ni kasnije u Rimu mogla bila ozbiljnim takmacem raširenijim i omiljenijim sandalama ili drugaèijoj obuæi otvorenoga tipa. Pod stilskom oznakom a Persika takva æe obuæa ipak biti prihvaæena u Grèkoj i to prije no što æe se granice dr ave Aleksandra Velikoga zaustaviti u porjeèju rijeke Ind. Mnogo je vrsta obuæe ostalo saèuvano jedino po nazivima mjesta ili krajeva iz kojih potjeèu kao miletske, kretske, atenske, lakonske. Mnoga antièka trgovaèka središta bila su rasadišta modnih strujanja i meðu njima je orijentalna obuæa prvorazredne kakvoæe i izradbe, zauzimala va no mjesto. Jedno od takvih središta je grèki grad Sikion u korintskom zaljevu. Osim što se roðenjem uz njega vezuju èuveni antièki kipari Poliklet i Lizip te da je ondje mitsko mjesto gdje su ljudi od Prometeja primili vatru, njegovo je ime saèuvano i u Ciceronovoj sintagmi: calcei Sicyonii i u njoj se povezuje s pomodnom, orijentalnom obuæom, namijenjenoj uglavnom enama. Zahvaljujuæi brojnijim izvorima od VII. stoljeæa stare ere, razvoj odjeæe, pa tako i obuæe u staroj Grèkoj, moguæe je sustavnije pratiti. Mnogobrojni crte i na keramici, kipovi, reljefi i mozaici prikazuju odjeæu i obuæu precizno i s bogatim detaljima. Kada se takvim izvorima pridodaju pisana vrela antièkih suvremenika, slika njihove svakodnevice pokazuje se u svoj svojoj šarolikosti. Pri tom je mnogima uzor postao 11

12 Herodot otac historije. On je u opise svojih mnogobrojnih putovanja rado uvrštavao i zanimljive opaske o naèinu odjevanja, stilu i modi, bilo prema vlastitom viðenju bilo da je o tome od drugih èuo. Za temu kojom se prikaz bavi jednako je va an i Svetonije jer ni njegovi opisi rimskih careva nisu zanemarili tu komponentu njihovih ivota. Bo anstva grèkoga panteona u najranijem razdoblju prikazuju se bosonoga, a s vremenom im se pridodaje obuæa èiji se oblici povezuju s njihovom djelatnošæu. Na primjerima vrste obuæe u kojoj su na grèkim i rimskim spomenicima predstavljeni Hermes (Merkur) i Artemida (Dijana) te su promjene veoma oèite. Tako je Hermes, hitronogi glasonoša i skoroteèa olimpskih bogova zaštitnik putnika, pastira, trgovaca i lupe a, izmjenjujuæi lik od bradata starca do golobradog mladiæa, mijenjao obuæu od èizmica (endromis) s naprijed izbaèenim jezikom, preko svakodnevnih, obiènih krepida, zadr avši jedan jedini atribut èudesne krilate gle njaèe (talaria) kojima brzinom misli dolazi svome cilju. S druge strane, slobodoljubiva, djevièanska Artemida, bo ica mjeseca i lova, zaštitnica enske mlade i okru ena s dvadeset rijeènih nimfi koje se brinu o njezinim èizmicama i psima, prikazuje se jednom bosonoga, drugi puta u sandalama (krhp j) ili jeftinoj obuæi seljaka i pastira (, emb!j), a kada je lovu tada sa srebrnim lukom, tobolcem i u kratkoj suknji u èvrsto vezanim èizmicama (endromis) kakve inaèe nose lovci ili atletièari. Obje posljednje vrste veoma su sliène, a razlika se pokazuje u završetku sara. U obuæi endromis sare su jednostavne i ravne dok su u embas one du e, na krajevima izvraæene i na tim rubovima kojekako ukrašene. Èesto nosi i käqoruoj, obuæu što tijesno prijanja uz nogu, ne prekriva no ne prste i sprijeda se vezuje na veoma dekorativan naèin. Izraðivana je od neuèinjene ko e, no u finoj izradbi i s dodatnim ukrasnim pojedinostima, postat æe oznaka visokog dostojanstva. Izrazito visok potplat na takvoj obuæi nosili su glumci u grèkim tragedijama, da bi visinom naglasili znaèaj tumaèenoga lika, pa je naziv koturna u pjesnièkom izra aju latinskoga jezika ostao i sinonim za tragediju. Jednostavne izrade i cijenom pristupaène su karp!tinon (carbatina) izraðene od neuèinjene goveðe ko e i to iz jednoga komada. U njima su èvrsto spojene samo strane petnoga dijela. Boène strane su niske i s njihovih rubova nastavlja se remenje što obavija luk stopala, a zatim se omotava oko gle nja, ponekad i do polovine lista. Jednostavnost izradbe takve obuæe u V. stoljeæu stare ere ali i njezinu neprikladnost u armenskoj studeni, opisao je Ksenofont u svojoj Anabazi, a takoðer je spominje i Aristotel. Takvu obuæu nosili su i muškarci i ene, a njihovim preoblikovanjem nastat æe rimske caligae. Iz Grèke potjeèe i obuæa tipa sandala krhp j (krepis) slo enije izradbe ali jeftine pa stoga i èeste u obiènom puku. Za njihovu izradbu korišteni su jednaki kalupi jer se lijeva od desne oblikom nije razlikovala. Po naèinu kojim se obuhvaæa stopalo kao i po spajanju potplata s gornjim dijelom mogli bismo ih smatrati preteèama suvremene dvodjelne obuæe cipela. Potplat je mogao biti sastavljen od više slojeva, a za vojnike i ojaèan zakovicama. Takvu su obuæu nosili glumci komedija. Ova se obuæa tijekom svog dugog postojanja mijenjala ali je uvijek zadr avala prepoznatljiv osnovni element: ona kao i sandala ne pokriva gornji dio stopala. U razdoblju helenizma proširit æe se antièkim svijetom uz obuæu grèkoga stila i ona nastala pod utjecajem Bliskoga Istoka. Visoko razvijena kultura grèkih kolonija na jugu Apeninskoga poluotoka, njegovanje starih tradicija, grèka naobrazba i grèki naèin ivota uopæe, privlaèila je Rim snagom kojoj on nije mogao odoljeti. Razvijajuæi umjeæa, tehnike i obrte pod utjecajem svojih sjevernih i ju nih susjeda, Rimljani su prema predaji veæ od najranijega razdoblja svojega kraljevstva meðu mnogima usavršavali i postupke štavljenja ko e i njezine preradbe. Potrebe Rima za kvalitenom ko om i to u velikim 9 Koturne, obuæa grèkoga glumca 10 Endromis, obuæa Hermesa 11 Krepis Lijevo: 12 Embas Sljedeæa strana: 13 Hermes; Napoli, Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli 12

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15 kolièinama bile su stalne, a kako su se granice širile i sve veæe. Veliki dio koristio se za opremanje vojske: štitovi, kacige, oklopi, prsluci, naprtnjaèe, vreæe, šatori, oprema konja za vuèu i jahanje, uzde, remenje itd. Plutarh govori da su obrtnici koji su se bavili ko om (coriarii) bili povezani u strukovne udruge još u razdoblju prvih kraljeva Nume Pompilija i Servija Tulija. Znamo takoðer da su djelovali i u vrijeme Cezara koji je mnoge udruge ukinuo, dok se ovoj trag nastavlja i u vremenima poslije oba Carstva. Uz njih okupljeni u udrugu atrium sutorium djeluju i obuæari koji jednom godišnje prireðuju sveèanost u èetvrti što se prema njima nazivala vicus Sandaliarius, a u kojoj je bio postavljen i Apolonov kip istoga imena. Uz obuæare se ve u preprodavaèi i trgovci na veliko s kojim je svaki obuæar vezan ugovorom. Prenošenje samo jedne od brojnih pretpostavki što ih je o rodu cara Vitelija iznio Svetonije, utvrdilo je uvjerenje da car potjeèe iz obuæarske obitelji (Svetonije, 1978: 276). Mo da i jest ali to nije va no. Va nije je to što je Svetonije te pretpostavke svrstao prema društvenoj ljestvici na èijem je vrhu stara obitelj plemièkoga stale a, na dnu je najni i sloj gradskog stale a kojemu pripadaju i postolari-krpari (sutor veteramentarius). Premda je obuæarski obrt smatran neuglednim, udruga je imala mnogobrojno èlanstvo i brojne su se obitelji njime obogatile. Rimski su obuæari izraðivali obuæu na drvenim kalupima (forma sutoris), a Dioklecijanov edikt ih razvrstava ovako: Formae calicares maximae; Forma secundae mensurae; Forma muliebres; Forma infantiles (Blümner, 1893: 28). U mnogobrojnim nazivima obuæarske djelatnosti prepoznaju se i njihovi proizvodi: sandaliarius, calceolarius, solearius, crepidarius, baxearius, gallicarius, sutor caligarius. Što se tièe izgleda, kakvoæe i obuæe što se u tim radionicama proizvodila i u njoj se ogleda poznata praktiènost i eklektiènost staroga Rima, njegova sklonost prepravljanju, doraðivanju i poboljšavanju. Iz veæ poznatih oblika ondje æe se stvoriti èuvena obuæa rimskih legionara caligae. Bez njih, bio bi doprinos Rima veæ postojeæem inventaru obuæe Staroga vijeka neznatan. Inaèe je to bila kao i u Grèkoj obuæa prostoga puka, isprva jednodjelna, izraðena kao i grèke karbatine od neuèinjene ko e i otvorenih prstiju. Stopalo, osim gle nja, obuhvaæa splet remenja izrezanoga od jednog komada ko e. Sezala je do iznad gle nja gdje se vezivala ko natim remenjem. Nesputanost gle nja, otvorenost i prozraènost osnovne su prednosti ove obuæe i ona je zbog raširenosti meðu vojnicima postala istoznaènica obiènog rimskog vojnika caligatus miles, premda su je obuvali i èasnici do centuriona. Uz praktiènost, od takve se obuæe zahtjevala i trajnost pa je dodan izmjenjljiv potplat, a uvedeno je i njegovo ojaèavanje eljeznim zakovicama clavi caligarii po èemu su i nazvane caligae clavate. Unatoè opisanim novinama, obuæa se tijekom dugih i iscrpljuæih marševa izlizala pa je novac clavarium bio vojnicima namjenjen za njezino odr avanje dok im se za produ ene marševe isplaæivala obuæarina, calciarium. Meðutim, oprema rimskoga vojnika nije bila obuhvaæena propisom o jedinstvenom izgledu odjeæe Prethodna strana: 14 Artemida versajska; Paris, Louvre 15 Rimski postolar 16 Obuæa rimskih èasnika 17 Calceus Gore desno 18 Karbatine 19 Erosi kao postolari 15

16 ili obuæe, kao što je to danas u suvremenim vojskama. Sastavljane po razlièitim kriterijima i novaèene po razlièitim provincijama Carstva, u opremi legionara ogledala su se i lokalna obilje ja, veæ prema tome gdje legija ratuje, taboruje ili zimuje. Vojnici su nosili i drugu sliènu obuæu meðu kojom se spominju carbatinae i gallicae. Meðutim, obuæa tipa caligae nije bila iskljuèivo muška ili vojna obuæa. Navodi se i u varijanti za ene (caligae muliebres), dakako bez zakovica na potplatu, a takoðer znamo da ju je u djetinjstvu najèešæe obuvao Caius Caesar Germanicus, kasnije rimski car poznatiji po nadimku Kaligula što ga je prema njoj dobio. U hladnijim predjelima vojnici su obuæu iznutra oblagali tkaninom, ko- om su zatvarali prednje, nezaštiæene dijelove stopala, a stopala umotavali u otkane povoje. Od gle nja do koljena, noge su obavijali vunenim ili platnenim povojima (tibialia). O caru Augustu poznatom po zimogroznosti Svetonije piše: Zimi se zaštiæivao sa èetiri tunike i debelom togom, zatim košuljom i vunenim prslukom i napokon povojima za stegna i listove, a i ovo: ako su mu ujutro krivo obukli cipelu, lijevu umjesto desne, vidio je u tome loš znak. (Svetonije, 1978: 104, 108). Fasciae crurales et pedules su povoji kojima je noga obavijena od koljena sve do no nih prstiju pa se na njih nazuva obuæa. Od takve obuæe što je sezala i preko koljena, do odjeæe što su je ondje od lokalnoga stanovništva legionari preuzeli, maleni je korak. Hlaèe, premda su cjelovite, i danas se broje u parovima što upuæuje na njihovu nekadašnju razdvojivost. Kao Grci i stanovnici Rima poznavali su hlaèe jer su ih nosili njima susjedni narodi. Ali sami ih nisu nosili. Hlaèe braccae smatrane su barbarskom oznakom i njihovo nošenje izazivalo bi prezir i javnu sablazan. Znamo da ih je nosio car Aleksandar Sever ali ne u Rimu. Hlaèe i njima sliènu obuæu nosili su seljaci, gladijatori i lovci, a noge preko koljena omotane spomenutim povojima prikazane su i na kipu Dijane. U gradu Rimu vrijedila su druga, veoma razraðena pravila o tome koji društveni sloj kakvu obuæu nosi i u kojim prigodama. Njihovo nepoštivanje, neprikladnost vrste, ukrasa ili boje, odstupanje od uobièajene visina potplata ili sara, oznaka je bahatosti, oholosti koja se doduše ne mo e sankcionirati ali glasine o njoj te ile su umanjenju cjelokupnoga znaèaja osobe u javnom ivotu. Takvoga glasa ni za ivota nisu se mogli riješti mnogi poznati Rimljani, a meðu njima su i carevi Cezar, August, Kaligula, Neron. Najstarija, najednostavnija i najjeftinija obuæa za muškarce i ene bile su solea/soleae, sandale s ko natim ili drvenim potplatom. Uz stopalo se dr i ko natim remenom što je prolazio izmeðu no nog palca i susjednog prsta ili pak s nekoliko ko natih remenèiæa što su se vezivali oko gle nja. U tom je obliku poznata na cijelom Sredozemlju, sa širokom lepezom moguæih materijala za izradbu i naèina vezivanja. Osnovnom tipu danas je najsliènija obuæa što je nazivamo japanke. U bogatijim slojevima rimskoga društva bila je to obuæa jedino za kuæu i obuvala se samo uz tuniku. U njima je neprilièno hodati ulicom, kao i le ati za stolom pri gozbi, a ne izuti ih (soleas demere). A izrazom: soleas poscere (zatra iti sandale) gost bi domaæinu najavio svoj skori odlazak. Slo enije izradbe bila bi ko nata obuæa èiji gornji dio èini splet remenèiæa koji obavijaju stopalo do gle nja i ondje se vezuju. Naziv crepidae, ili za enske crepidulae, upuæuje na njezino grèko podrijetlo (krhp z). Prosti je puk svakodnevno nosio jednostavnu i jeftinu obuæu od platna ili pusta (udones), impregnirane kostrijeti (impilia) ili ko natu obuæu što je sezala do iznad gle nja (perones), rijetko od uèinjene ko e (crudus pero), a ponekad s trajnijim drvenim potplatom. Klompe (sculponeae) obuæa rimske sirotinje i robova, sva je izrezana ili izdubena (sculpo) iz drva. Katon preporuèuje da se svake dvije godine robovima podijeli po par takvih klompa, a o njihovoj raširenosti meðu ratarima govori i Varon koji za Triptolema, mitskog izumitelja poljodjeljstva predla e naziv Triptolemus Gore lijevo: 20 Grèke sandale 21 Fasciae crurales 22 Gallicae 23 Campagus 24 Rimske sandale 16

17 25 Baxae 26 Obuæa Etrušæana 27 Calcei patricii Desno: 28 Calceus repandus Sculponeatus (Daremberg, 1889: IV/2, 1136). Obuæa drvenih potplata, inaèe èesta meðu rimskom sirotinjom, u sliènim se izvedbama i s više ili manje popreènih ko natih remenèiæa (solea balnearis) koristila u javnim kupalištima kao što je to uobièajeno na Istoku i danas. Takva obuæa postala je uzor prema kojem su u visoku modu razdoblja kasnoga Carstva ušle enske klompe metalnih potplata. DE SOLEIS ET GALLICIS. (PERI SANDALIWN KAI TROCADIWN.) treæi je odjeljak devetoga poglavlja (De formis calicaribus) Dioklecijanova edikta, i u njemu su navedene ove njihove vrste: (Gall)icae biriles rusticanae bisoles, (Gall)icae biriles bisoles, (Gall)icae cursuriae, (Tau)rinae muliebres bisoles i (Taurin)ae muliebres monosoles. Rijeè je o obuæi prostoga puka: sandalama u širem smislu i papuèama èija je cijena od dva do pet puta ni a od najskuplje obuæe rimskih patricija. Naziv upuæuje da je podrijetlo takve obuæe podruèje Galije. Odatle se preko Rima proširila èitavim Carstvom. Isprva se smatralo da su gallicae seljaèka, provincijska obuæa i neprilièna za rimskoga graðana njegovanog ukusa. Ipak, ulazeæi postupno u inventar gradske obuæe, poèele su zamjenjivati skuplju obuæu (calceus). Po tome što je gornji dio stopala više ili manje otvoren gallicae pripadaju tipu sandala, meðutim ono što ih od njih razlikuje, povišeni je ko nati obrub èime se bli e vrsti obuæe (campagus) koju je u kasnom Carstvu prihvatio i patricijat, a i kasnije je ostala veoma omiljena i raširena u Bizantu. Obuæu vrste baxae ili baxeae Edikt ne spominje. Na njoj se nije moglo štedjeti jer su cijenom pri samom dnu. Veæ prema mjestu gdje su izraðivane, naèinjene su preplitanjem palmina ili papirusova lišæa, rogoza, vrbovine ili konopa. Imaju oblik stopala uz koje su prièvršæene jednostavnim uzicama od istoga materijala, a u razvijenijim oblicima rub im je povišen tako da obuhvaæa cijelo stopalo osim gornjega dijela. Takva jednostavna i jeftina obuæa postala je simbolom siromaštva. Postala je èesta na nogama propovjednika, hodoèasnika i sljedbenika filozofskih pravaca koji su njima isticali prezir prema lagodnom ivotu i njegovim suvišnim i neduhovnim komponentama. Brojni nalazi obuæe u egipatskim grobnicama takoðer pripadaju ovoj vrsti. Orijentalnoga podrijetla je obuæa calceus repandus što je u Rim prodirala s Etrušæanima i u kakvoj su èesto prikazivani oslikani likovi u njihovim grobnicama (Ducati, 1967: 232). To je posve zatvorena muška i enska obuæa ravnih i sprijeda šiljatih i uzvinutih potplata. Jezik je dugaèak kao i u patricijskih ali nije u cjelosti obavijen vrpcama, veæ samo s dva para iznad gle nja i jednim pri gornjem rubu, tako da obuvena obuæa ima izgled èizme. Takav tip obuæe nije bio raširen i veæ se u Ciceronovo vrijeme mogao vidjeti jedino na nogama kipa Junone Sospite u Lanuviju blizu Rima (Daremberg, 1887: I/2, 819). Èini se da se Rim Orijentu pribli io bogatstvom boja više nego li oblicima obuæe. Bojom je naglašen sklad odjeæe i obuæe, a vrstom obuæe i njezinom bojom oznaèen je i društveni polo aj. Toga careva grimizne je boje i ukrašena zlatom, jednako tako i obuæa. Obuæa patricija i ljudi na visokim dr avnièkim polo ajima takoðer je crvene boje. Skupocjena boja grimiza i u malenim je kolièinama oznaka najviših slojeva društva, a njome su rimski carevi zaogrnuti od pete do glave. Ona je ekskluzivna, prostom puku nedostupna, daleka i neshvatljiva jednako kao i uèenost cara Konstantina VII. s èijim je roðenjem boja grimiza stopljena. Boja i oblik obuæe najviših slojeva rimskoga društva povezuje se s predajom o poèetcima Rima i o stotini rodova iz kojih su izabrani njegovi prvi senatori. Iz tih rodova svoje podrijetlo izvodi najviši razred rimskoga patricijata kojemu je bezrazlo no svojatanje njegovih simbola i povlastica bilo neprihvatljivo. Plutarh je, pišuæi o Gaju Mariju koji je 17

18 104. godine stare ere trijumfom u Rimu slavio svoju pobjedu nad Jugurtom, opisao sljedeæi dogaðaj u rimskom senatu: Poslije trijumfalnog ophoda Marije sazove senat na Kapitoliju; i bilo nepa njom bilo vulgarno se razmeæuæi svojom sretnom sudbinom, uðe na sjednicu u odjeæi trijumfatora, ali opazivši ubrzo nezadovoljstvo senata, ustane i iziðe te, preobukavši se u togu pretekstu, opet se vrati (Plutarh: 73). Naime njemu, kao plebejcu, u Senatu nije prilièila obuæa patricija. Na rimskim spomenicima u takvoj su obuæi prikazani August, Kaligula, Klaudije, Trajan, Marko Aurelije (Paulys, 1899: 1340). To su calcei patricii ili njima sliène calcei mullei. Crvene su boje, èvrstih potplata ali od od fino uèinjene i istanjene ko e što tijesno prijanja uz stopalo istièuæi mu oblik. Po obliku je ta obuæa najsliènija suvremenim polucipelama i èizmicama. Stopalo pokriva u cjelosti i se e od gle nja gotovo do pola lista. Vezuje se ili bolje reèeno zatvara se obavijanjem jezika donjim parom širih i gornjim parom u ih vrpci (quator corrigae) koje se vezuju iznad gle nja, sprijeda po sredini. Calcei patricii ekskluzivna je obuæa patricija i njihovih potomaka, a obuva se pri izlascima i to uz togu. Naziv calcei mullei oznaèava upravo crvenu boju takve vrste obuæe, a naziv boje eli se dovesti u vezu s bojom ribe mullus. Trag ovoga naziva ali i opisanoga znaèaja same boje, nalazimo i danas u nazivu mule za liturgijsku obuæu rimskoga Pape (Daremberg, 1887: I/2, 819). Sliènu, takoðer visoku i zatvorenu obuæu od ko e crne boje (nigris pelibus) nosili su senatori. Uz takvu obuæu (calcei senatorii) vezuje se Ciceronova dosjetka što je kao metafora calceus mutare, oznaèavala brz prijelaz u stale senatora. Danas bi ona, izvan njezina konteksta, mogla odgovarati poslovici: skoèiti iz opanka u cipelu. Obuæa ena u visokim slojevima društva kako ona jednostavna što je nošena po kuæi tako i ona za izlaske (calcei muliebris, calceolus) fine je izradbe, nje nije prilagoðena obliku stopala i s veæom moguænošæu izbora boje ili pridodanih skupocjenih ukrasa od zlata do biserja. Meðutim, ensku sveèanu obuæu na prikazima zastire tunika, tako da ne mo emo znati kako je izgledao njezin gornji dio. U III. stoljeæu pokušao se ogranièiti izbor boja za mušku obuæu. Meðutim domete takvih ogranièenja takoðer ne mo emo znati. Iz veæ spomenutoga Edikta cara Dioklecijana, kojim se utvrðuju najviše cijene ivotnih potrepština i u kojem se navodi dvadesetak vrsta obuæe, latinski tekst spominje ove boje: (Socci) purpurei sive foenicei; (socci albi); socci Babulonici, purp(urei sive albi); Taurinae inauratae (Blümner, 1893: 28). Dometi ovoga Edikta poznati su. Njegove odredbe bile su kratkoroène i nisu olakšale financijske terete Imperije. Dioba Carstva što ju je zapoèeo Dioklecijan i nedugo potom nastavio Konstantin Veliki premještanjem te išta politièke moæi u Konstantinopol, imat æe dugoroènije odjeke u oblikovanju europskih modnih stilova. Kraj razdoblja što je ovim prikazom dotaknuto, veæ sadr i sve one elemente koji æe obuæu odreðivati ne samo prema njezinim osnovnim namijenama, veæ prema obrascima modnih strujanja koja na tu potrošnu robu kratkoga vijeka ele utisnuti trajniji peèat. Oslanjajuæi se pri tom na poznate komponente, nastoje im pridodati nešto novo i još neviðeno. Srednji vijek koji sljedi, s novim duhom što svoju snagu crpi iz antièkoga nasljeða, dat æe starim uzorima nove oblike. 29 Calcei senatorii 30 Bizantske papuèe 31 Kasnocarske sandale špièoke Sljedeæa strana: 32 Opremanje nevjeste; detalj sa oslikane vaze 18

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21 Nadja Maglica Obuæa u razdoblju od ranog srednjeg vijeka do poèetka 20. stoljeæa 33 enske cipele, Austrija ili Francuska, godine. Svileni atlas, ko a, gumirana tkanina. MUO Prethodna strana: 34 Ploèa oltarne pregrade s prizorom kralja, dostojanstvenika i podanika. Krstionica splitske katedrale, kraj 11. stoljeæa. U OVOM SE PRIKAZU OPISUJE OBUÆA kao sastavni dio odijevanja, koja se tijekom devet stoljeæa razvijala i mijenjala pri èemu su se koristila stalno nova tvoriva, usavršavali postojeæi i pronalazili novi naèini obradbe/izradbe. Tom opisu poslu ili su arhivski zapisi, likovni prikazi te, manjim dijelom, saèuvani predmeti. U drugoj polovici 11. stoljeæa kada predromanika prerasta u romaniku (ponovno uvoðenje ljudskog lika i figuralne kompozicije), prizori na reljefima oltarnih pregrada crkve sv. Nediljice u Zadru, krstionice splitske katedrale, bilje e naèin odijevanja i pripadnu obuæu. Tako je na ploèi oltarne pregrade u krstionici splitske stolne crkve s prizorom kralja, dostojanstvenika i podanika (u odjeæi s vidnim staleškim razlikama), prikazana obuæa sa šiljato oblikovanim prstima, priljubljena uz nogu. S pomoæu vodoravnih pruga naznaèena je i pripadna suvrstica obuæe koja pokriva nogu od gle nja do polovice potkoljenice, to jest do koljena. Takva slièna obuæa od sukna ili vune, bez stopala, zatvarala se na unutarnjoj strani kopèama. Tu obuæu, pod nazivom 'grliæi', susreæemo u predajnom ruhu dinarskog podruèja (Radauš-Ribariæ, 2002). Spomenutu obuæu prikazuju pluteji iz crkve sv. Nediljice u Zadru na kojima se, uklopljeni u arkadama, ni u prizori iz evanðelja. U Navještenju, od Marijina lika saèuvano je samo obuveno stopalo, a u prizoru Pohoðenja Marija i Elizabeta odjevene su u antièku odjeæu i obuvene u netom opisane cipele. U prizorima Kristova Roðenja i Poklonstva mudraca svi su likovi obuveni, a mudraci se razlikuju izgledom lica i odjevnim pojedinostima. Unutar arkada desnog pluteja svi su likovi obuveni, osim lika Ivana Krstitelja. Kralj Herod, kao i ostali muški likovi u nastavku pluteja, obuveni su poput likova veæ opisanih na pluteju splitske krstionice. enski likovi, Marija i dvije majke nevine djeèice, obuvene su u cipele šiljatog vrha, priljubljene uz nogu (Petriciolo, 1983: 13-14). Prikazani likovi pripadaju srednjovjekovnoj ikonografiji, ivog su i plastiènog izraza s ustaljenim oblicima odjeæe i obuæe èime se pridru uju onima na pluteju splitske krstionice. Istodobno se u Europi nosila visoka cipela, brodequins, sprijeda s du im jezikom, pokatkad nazubljenim (Boucher, 1963: 172). Osim takve obuæe, nosila se i niska cipela za navlaèenje s blago zašiljenim vrhom, a pokrivala je gornji dio stopala. Cipele su 21

22 bile meke, od kozje ko e iz Cordobe (kordovana). Zašiljeni vrh cipele, kojemu su se duljina i oblik mijenjali, prevladava u drugoj polovici srednjeg vijeka (Thiel, 1963: 156). Vitezovi su nosili ko nate èizme s ostrugama, a pri odlasku u rat eljezom okovane èizme kao sastavni dio oklopa. Seljaci i kmetovi rabili su obuæu vlastite izradbe. Poèetkom 12. stoljeæa cipela se u Europi ipak razlikuje od one iz prethodnog razdoblja. Veæ poèetkom stoljeæa prete e niska mekana cipela produljena blago uzdignutim šiljkom (à pigache) (Boucher, 1965: 172). I nadalje su se nosile èizme, visine do polovice potkoljenice i polucipele na unutarnjoj strani zatvorene kopèom ili vrpcom. Cipele su izraðivane od crne ili ko e ostalih boja, èak i od brokata s manje ili više istaknutim zašiljenim prednjim dijelom. Prema ondašnjem poimanju æudoreða, eni nije dolikovalo pokazivati noge, pa su se pripadne èarape prièvršæivale ispod koljena s pomoæu vrpce. Majstorski izraðena cipela bila je na visokoj cijeni i bilo je primjereno nositi je na dvoru. Obuvanje loše ili slabo izraðene obuæe znaèilo je nedolièno ponašanje. Muška i enska obuæa razlikovala se u velièini pa su ene u skladu s tadanjim mjerilima ljepote te ile maloj i nje noj nozi (Thiel, 1963: 174). Koncem 13. stoljeæa, nosila se mekana lagana èizma priljubljena uz nogu. Nogavice ojaèane ko nim potplatom i dalje su vrsta obuæe. Klompe i galoše zaštita su laganih cipela. O obuæi iz toga vremena u Hrvatskoj svjedoèe i djela likovnih umjetnosti, ponajprije vratnice splitske katedrale, portal trogirske katedrale i zvonik splitske katedrale. Romanièki reljefi skladani po naèelu zakona zbrajanja potvrðuju relativnu samostalnost dijelova što je bitno svojstvo romanièke kompozicije (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 14, 15). Osobit su primjer takvog naèela drvene vratnice splitske katedrale 35 Ploèa oltarne pregrade iz sv. Nediljice u Zadru s prizorima Herodov pokolj djece, Bijeg u Egipat i Sv. Ivan Krstitelj, kraj 11. stoljeæa, Arheološki muzej, Zadar. 36 Èarape i cipele s insignijama negdašnjeg njemaèkog Carstva, 12. i 13. stoljeæe. Beè, Kunsthistorisches Museum. Sljedeæa strana: 37 Vladar na prijestolju sa sveæenicima i ratnicima. Minijatura iz evanðelistara Otta III iz Bamberga, kraj 10. stoljeæa. Munchen, Staatsbibliothek. 22

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24 24 38/39 Detalji vratnica splitske katedrale majstora A. Buvine iz godine. Prizori Poklonstvo triju kraljeva i Pokolj nevine djece.

25 majstora Andrije Buvine iz godine. Svako krilo vratnice podijeljeno je u 14 polja odvojenih okvirima što se doimaju poput zasebnih slika. Na njima se ni u prizori iz evanðelja Kristovo Djetinjstvo i Javno djelovanje te prizori Muke i Smrti. Zamjetnim umijeæem u obilju uresa predoèeni su, uz odjeæu, i inaèice pokrivala za glavu te raznovrsna obuæa. U prizoru Poklonstva kraljeva, likovi su obuveni u nisku i zatvorenu obuæu (Beziæ- Bo aniæ, 1981: 74). U Pokolju nevine djece vojnici su obuveni u kratke, a krvnici u visoke èizme, dok su u Bièevanju Krista likovi koji bièuju obuveni u visoke èizme èime je dodatno uveæan dojam grubosti tog èina. Buvinovi su prizori "najbogatiji ikonografijski ciklus srednjovjekovne umjetnosti u Dalmaciji" (Karaman, 1942: 39). Suprotno Buvini, na portalu trogirske katedrale iz godine "Radovan je slio Kristovo roðenje, Poklon pastira i Putovanje triju kraljeva s istoka u jednu jedinstvenu sliku, slobodno grupiranu i punu ivota" (Karaman, 1938: 4). Izraðena plastika religioznog je i svjetovnog sadr aja, obilna u raznovrsnim oblicima koji su zastupljeni i plitkim reljefima i kipovima naravne velièine. Realistièno je uprizoreno mnoštvo pojedinosti iz suvremenog ivota: odjeæa i obuæa likova, oprema kraljeva i pastira, ognjište i pokuæstvo. Tako u prizorima iz Kristova ivota, prizorima lova, likovi Triju kraljeva, Josipa, te pastira, vinogradara i vojnika nose meke lagane plosnate cipele, s blago zašiljenim prednjim dijelom (Fiskoviæ, 1953: 11). Prizori godišnjih doba predstavljeni su pripadnim znakovima zodijaka i njihovim zemaljskim simbolima poslovima i dogaðajima znaèajnim za pojedini mjesec u godini. Tako je lik starca pri ognjištu, simbol mjeseca sijeènja, prikazan u cipelama s visokim drvenim potplatom i gornjim ko natim dijelom, sprijeda poluotvorenim. One su nazuvene preko mekih ko nih cipela priljubljenih uz nogu. Naposljetku, apostol Petar obuven je u skromne sandale. I dok nam Buvina "pre- 40 Starac pri ognjištu, simbol mjeseca sijeènja, Radovanov portal godine. Katedrala u Trogiru. 41 Vinogradar, simbol mjeseca o ujka, Radovanov portal, godine. Katedrala utrogiru. 25

26 26 42 Sv. Petar, Radovanov portal, godine. Katedrala u Trogiru.

27 43/44 Skulptura na ulazu u splitski zvonik, sredina 13. stoljeæa, i crte obuæe desnog telamona. doèuje onakovu umjetnost, kakovu je konzervativna provincijska sredina Dalmacije mogla dati sama od sebe" (Karaman, 1963: 43), Radovanov je portal "odraz osjeæanja i znanja onog doba, iako u reduciranom obimu i slobodnoj preradbi provincijske sredine, daleke od uèenih središta skolastiène Europe" (Karaman, 1938: 2). Skulpturama Radovanova portala bliske su skulpture sa zvonika splitske katedrale. Na ulazu u zvonik osobito se izdvaja skupna skulptura likova dvojice sna nih telamona sa enskom figurom izmeðu njih. Dobro prikazana i oèuvana odjeæa i obuæa navedenih likova, znaèajan su prilog upoznavanju odijevanja u srednjem vijeku. Središnji lik, uspravna ena, obuvena je u vrlo plosnate cipele, sprijeda malo zašiljene. Obuæa telamona istovjetna je onoj starca sijeènja, s Radovanova portala, "s visokim drvenim potplatom i gornjim ko natim dijelom sprijeda su poluotvorene, a straga slobodne; imaju naokolo i niz zrna, vjerojatno glave èavala. One se navlaèe preko laganih ko nih cipela, priljubljenih uz nogu, koje se vezuju sprijeda kopèom ili sa strane ste u vrpcom" (Keèkemet, 1955: 96-97). Gotika je stilsko razdoblje u srednjovjekovnoj umjetnosti koje se u 13. stoljeæu nastavlja na romaniku i traje do u 15. stoljeæe. To je po svemu drugaèije razdoblje, s osnovnom te njom, naèelom koje u središte zanimanja postavlja èovjeka, a sve dotadašnje teme zagrobni ivot, biblijska prošlost, prizori iz Kristove mladosti, zamjenjuje novim temama ljubav prema ovozemaljskom, suvremenost, "Kristova muka kada trpi kao Èovjek po èemu je jednak svim ljudima" (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 64). Nov naèin vrednovanja ljudskog ivota i time izmijenjeni pristup odrazio se na sveukupnu umjetnost, ali i na èovjekovu svakodnevicu odijevanje i obuvanje. Još su uvijek u uporabi prete ito visoke cipele koje se zatvaraju s pomoæu vezica ili kopèe, nogavice ojaèane ko nim potplatom te neizostavne klompe kao zaštitna obuæa. Sredinom 14. stoljeæa napušta se duga odjeæa, dotada zajednièka za oba spola i uvodi kratka odjeæa za muškarce. To je velika novina i oznaèava prvu pojavu mode (Boucher, 1965: 192). Ta promjena (kratka odjeæa koja otkriva muškarèeve noge) uvjetovala je stvaranje nove, drugaèije obuæe nogavice priljubljene poput èarapa razlièitih duljina, od gle nja pa do bedara. U posljednjoj èetvr- 27

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29 Prethodna strana: 45 Zašiljene cipele, à poulaines i drvene sandale, 14. i 15. stoljeæe. 46 Sveèanost lova na dvoru Filipa Dobrog, detalj, 15. stoljeæe, Muzej Versailles. Burgundska dvorska moda, kaljaèa i cipela à poulaines. 1 Zbog pretjerivanja i ekscentriènosti (šiljci su sve dulji, obojeni blještavim bojama i okiæeni zvonèiæima èime se izravno velièala seksualnost) tu je modu zabranjivala i crkva (proglasima, proglašavanjem 'crne kuge' Bo jom kaznom za poulaine) i vlasti (zabrane izradbe i nošenja). Vidjeti: tini 14. stoljeæa cipela mijenja oblik, prednji se dio produ uje u obliku kljuna koji završava dugaèkim šiljkom cipela à poulaine. Duljina šiljka ovisila je o statusu i polo aju nositelja što je bilo ureðeno mnoštvom propisa. Tako je kne evima i prinèevima pripadao šiljak duljine od 2,5 stope, visokom plemstvu od 2 stope, vitezovima od 1,5 stope, bogatašima od 1 stope, dok je svima ostalima pripadao šiljak duljine od svega 0,5 stope (Thiel, 1963: 202). Iako su svojim oblikom bile nalik cipelama à pigache iz 12. stoljeæa, cipele à poulaine 1 širile su se s burgundskom modom po Europi i ostale u uporabi skoro jedno stoljeæe (Boucher, 1965: 198). Istaknuti šiljak s vremenom se produljivao do 40 cm pa se pri kretanju vezivao lanèiæem za koljena. Cipelama à poulaine bile su prilagoðene i klompe, prava modna novost izraðene od drveta, s dva ojaèanja nalik peti i s uobièajenim šiljkom (Thiel, 1963: 221). Obuvale su se pod cipelu u svrhu zaštite od uliènog blata. Bila je to obuæa po svemu ru na i neugodna. Koncem razdoblja (osamdesetih godina 15. stoljeæa) šiljci na cipelama i klompama sve su manji i uskoro posve nestaju. Cipele pak sliène papuèama zatvarale su se sa strane pomoæu kopèe ili vrpce, no otmjenije je bilo koristiti nogavicu pojaèanu ko natim potplatom ili ko nate potplate remenom prièvrstiti na noge (Thiel, 1963: 203). S vremenom ta obuæa (nogavice pojaèane ko nim potplatom) polako nestaje iz uporabe, dok se sve više rabe èizme. Bilo ih je razlièitih oblika, primjerice, 'zavrnute' èizme prethodnica jahaèe èizme, visoke èizme heuses, koje su se pokatkad nosile povrh mekanih cipela nazivanih brodequins (Boucher, 1965: 198). U tom razdoblju pojavljuje se novi oblik klompe s ko natim potplatom koja se nazuvala bez cipele. Nisu slu ile kao zaštita obuæe veæ se svrstavaju u suvrsticu obuæe (Pratt, Woolley, 1999: 13). enska obuæa i dalje je slijedila mušku modu. Promjene koje su se dogodile u muškoj obuæi zahvatile su i ensku obuæu èime je ujedno naznaèen i konac cjelokupne srednjovjekovne dvorske mode koja više nije mogla razviti nešto novo (Thiel, 1963: 234). U splitskim arhivskim zapisima iz toga doba spominje se i obuæa: više pari bijelih èarapa i cipele, iz èega se mo e zakljuèiti kako se i na našim podruèjima osjeæao utjecaj europskih modnih središta (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 1981: 73). Novo stilsko razdoblje koje je smijenilo gotiku, a s ciljem obnavljanja opæeg duha klasiènoga starog svijeta renesansa, oznaèilo je velik preokret. Procvala je nova umjetnost puna zanosa za antièkim skladom, suprotno opæenitosti i potèinjenosti srednjeg vijeka. eli se vratiti ugled i povjerenje u pojedinca i ozakoniti njegovo pravo na osobne slobode. Zaèeta u Italiji, ondje se najviše i razvila te preuzela primat u umjetnosti, ali i u europskoj modi. Muškarci i ene nalazili su u odijevanju ostvarenje htijenja za lijepim oblikom koji æe zadovoljiti njihov ukus, strast za bojama i, ponajprije, osobitu razlièitost (Boucher, 1965: 181). Time se napajala talijanska moda renesanse pa u obuæu uvodi jednostavne cipele prilagoðene obliku stopala. ene su takoðer nosile udobne cipele, dobro prilagoðene nozi, ali i cokule, zocolli, cipele s vrlo debelim potplatom. Pojavile su se u 29

30 "Vaša visost je bli e nebu nego kad sam vas zadnji put vidio i to za visinu chopine". SHAKESPEARE (O Keeffe, 1996:383) Veneciji radi zaštite od èestih uliènih poplava. S vremenom su potplati sve više rasli u visinu (do pola lakta) pa su ene s takvom obuæom izgledale poput divova. Nesigurno hodanje i èesto padanje nositeljice su izbjegavale oslanjanjem na sluškinju pratiteljicu (Thiel, 1963: 256, 258). Zbog neudobnosti i nesigurnosti nisu ostale dugo u modi. Obuæa je nu no postajala sve šira što je nositeljici omoguæavalo èvršæi i sigurniji hod. Poèetkom 16. stoljeæa cipele su sprijeda poprimile èetvrtasti oblik i postale tako široke da su lièile kravljim gubicama, à guele de vache, i medvjeðim šapama, à pied d'ours 2 (Thiel, 1963: 275). Iznimno širokog potplata, plosnata vrha te gornjišta s brojnim prorezima, cipela je izgledala nezgrapno, ali unatoè tomu bila je vrlo omiljena. Ubla eni oblik te cipele s u im i zaobljenijim vrhom pojavio se u Francuskoj, pod nazivom escappin ili escafignon, sredinom prve polovice 16. stoljeæa (Boucher, 1965: 231). U drugoj polovici 16. stoljeæa prevladava raskošna španjolska moda. Španjolske cipele vrlo su brzo izgubile širinu, postale su u e i manje izrezane. Pokrivale su cijelo stopalo s blago zašiljenim vrhom. Materijali i boja cipela prilagoðavali su se odjeæi, a po prvi se puta pojavljuju i pletene èarape koje potiskuju duge šivene èarape. Osim cipela za navlaèenje, vrlo su raširene bile èizme, visoke do koljena ili èak i preko koljena, usko priljubljene poput èarapa, izraðene od fine kozje ko e, kordovana (Thiel, 1963:320). Buduæi da je španjolska etiketa zabranjivala enama pokazivanje stopala, španjolske su koèije bile opremljene mimokretnim vratima s ciljem pokrivanja nogu dame pri ulazu ili izlazu iz koèije. ene su osobito cijenile obuæu èiji je oblik istovjetan muškoj, uz pridavanje velike pozornosti cipeli uvijek izraðenoj od baršuna, satena ili svile. U izradbi obuæe namijenjene svim društvenim slojevima od godine ko a je zamijenila saten (Boucher, 1965: 228). Jednako su se cijenile i èarape, dovoljno tijesne i bijele. Španjolkama je omiljena i najotmjenija bila bijela boja (Thiel, 1963: 328). Konac 16. stoljeæa obilje avaju još dvije znaèajne novine u modi cipela. Prva je uvoðenje pete, podjednako visoke za ene i muškarce, a koja se "vjerojatno razvila od klinaste cipele i zakošene cipele nazvane chopine" 3 (Swann, 1982: 7). Druga je novina uvoðenje 'jednakih' cipela, nema više podjele na lijevu i desnu cipelu 4 èemu je razlog 47/48 Chopine, venecijanska moda godine. 2 Prema francuskoj legendi povezuje se s osobom Charlesa VIII ( ), koji je zbog uroðene deformacije svojih šest no nih prstiju, uveo u modu široke cipele èije je gornjište ukrašeno uzdu nim i poprjeènim prorezima (Pratt, Woolley, 1999: 16). 3 Osobit oblik papuèa, s iznimno visokim potplatom od 18 inèa (50 cm), venecijanskog podrijetla. Prvotno obuæa prostituki, ubrzo su postale omiljene meðu venecijanskim plemstvom (Pratt, Woolley, 1999: 19). 4 Suvremenici su to popratili skromnim komentarom "par visokih cipela koje nose gospoda sad na jednu, sad na drugu nogu" (Swann, 1986: 7). 30

31 49 Henry VIII, Devonshire coll., Chatsworth, Engleska, oko1539. godine. Cipele "medvjeða šapa", pied d' ours. 50 Muška cipela, vjerojatno Italija, 16. stoljeæe. Ko a. MUO Velika dostignuæa Kopernika, Keplera, Galilea, Descartesa, Newtona odredila su nov pogled na svijet, bitno razlièit od dotadašnjega pa je i u umjetnosti poèelo drugaèije gledanje na stvarnost (Janson, 1997: 549). nemoguænost stvaranja obratnog odraza para kalupa radi visoke pete (Swann, 1986: 7). Iz arhivskih podataka razvidno je da su neki dijelovi Hrvatske i dalje na europskome modnom pravcu. Na Hvaru su zabilje ene èarape raznih boja te dva para zocolla, obuæa s drvenim potplatima i gornjištem od baršuna odnosno èohe. U Orebiæu cipele su nabavljali u Genovi i Livornu, a one najskuplje, zlatom ukrašene, u Carigradu (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 66, ). I u Šibeniku se u to doba nosila europska obuæa: èizme i cipele. ene su imale poluvisoke cipele i otvorene cipele nalik sandali. Za izradbu navedene obuæe koristila se goveða, teleæa i jareæa ko a (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 53). U Dubrovniku su toliko cijenili raskošnu odjeæu i obuæu najnovije europske mode da je Republika radi zaštite ugro enih domaæih obrtnika (sve su se manje kupovali domaæi proizvodi, a sve je veæi bio odljev novca iz Republike) donijela zakon protiv luksuza (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 63). Stilsko razdoblje u europskoj umjetnosti povezano sa znanosti, 5 koje je naslijedilo renesansu i trajalo kroz cijelo 17. stoljeæe pod nazivom barok, obilje eno je ponovnim uèvršæenjem katolicizma, apsolutistièkim dr avama i novom ulogom znanosti (Janson, 1997: 549). Barok se pojavljuje u raznim zamislima zbog èega je iznimno raznovrstan. Takva raznovrsnost savršeno se uklopila u širenje novog pogleda na svijet, potaknuta je ponovna prosudba èovjeèanstva uz istaknutu ulogu ljudske strasti. Gradi se raskošno i ukrašava kiæeno. Ljudsko tijelo prikazuje se u smionim stavovima i razigranim pokretima. Te nja za ukrašavanjem svenazoèna je što nije mimoišlo ni modu. Obuæa 17. stoljeæa bila je podlo na mijenama, posebice u razdoblju tridesetogodišnjeg rata ( ) te u vrijeme vladavine Louisa XIV ( ). Pod utjecajem flamanske graðanske mode, u prvim je desetljeæima stoljeæa èizma bila glavna muška obuæa. Èizma s osrednje visokom petom, mekanih i visokih sara proširenih (u gornjem dijelu) i presavijenih ispod koljena poput zdjelice ili pehara, bila je zamijeæena modna pojedinost veæ s poèetka godine (Swann, 1986: 14). Skladnom i ljupkom obliku èizme pridonijela je prednja uglato krojena kapica (nije više zaobljena), a svakako i dodatni ures u obliku manšete ukrašene resama ili èipkom (Thiel, 1963: 348). 31

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33 51 Henri II, godine, Muzej Louvre. Ko ne cipele, escappin ili escafignon. 52 Henry Rich, prvi grof Holland, godine. Nat. Portrait Gall., London. Èizme ukrašene èipkom i kaljaèe s ravnim potplatom. 53 Muška èizma, godine. Ko a, našiveno gornjište u drugoj boji. Prethodna strana: 54 Muške cipele (nisu par) s prorezima na gornjištu, Engleska, izmeðu Naðeno u grobištu stradalnika od kuge, London. 6 James I ( ) rekao je: "U tu je svrhu slu io jard (oko 1m) vrpce, po cijeni od 6 penija." (Swann, 1986: 12). 7 Siromašni su imali crvene vrpce, dok Massingerova Gradska gospoða ima sljedeæi komentar: "Ljudi srednjeg imovnog stanja nose podvezice i i ru e po cijeni višoj od 5." (Swann, 1986: 12). Inaèica opisane èizme s našivenim gornjim zdjelièastim dijelom bila je u širokoj uporabi u razdoblju godine. Obvezatno je èizma na no nom zglobu bila opremljena i ostrugama (èesto pozlaæenima), no uvijek preširokima što je stvaralo slikovit, "arogantan i mu evan dojam, shodno vojnièkom duhu vremena" (Swann, 1986: 14). Èarape su postale va an dio obuæe s novom ulogom ukrasnom. Skupocjene svilene èarape raznovrsne po namjeni i gotovo svih boja nosile su se s cipelama i s èizmama. Kada su se obuvale u èizmu, štitile su se dugim èarapama od batista ili lanena platna, a dodatni ures bila je veæ spomenuta manšeta. Manšeta je pri vrhu bila ukrašena volanima od èipke, a stavljala se izmeðu èarape i èizme (Boucher, 1965: 255). Manje imuæni, kojima su svilene èarape i ukrasni dodaci bili nedostupni, morali su se zadovoljiti lanenim èarapama krojenim i šivanim u sklopu narodne nošnje (Thiel, 1963: 348). U otmjenoj salonskoj odjeæi èarapa se, zajedno s èizmom, dr ala luksuznim predmetom. Široka uporaba èizme (utjecaj rata) ipak nije posve istisnula cipele. Prvotno zaobljeni vrh cipele ubrzo se mijenja u uglato gornjište iz kojeg je izrastao široki jezik, stra nji se dio povisio tako da je cipela obuhvaæala cijelo stopalo i postajala sve viša (Thiel, 1963: 348). Cipele su izraðivane prete ito od ko e (kordovana), svijetlih boja (omiljena bijela) uz raznobojne konce u doradi ili pak ukrašene rupicama uz primjenu raznovrsnih vezica, "sve s ciljem stvaranja dojma napadne raskošnosti" (Swann, 1986: 12). Cipele s ko natim jezikom, s veæim ili manjim otvorima sa strane, zatvarale su se s pomoæu ko nih remenèiæa, ali su se rabile i vrpce, 6 od jednostavno slo enih do raskošno oblikovanih ru a s pridodanim biserima ili šljokicama (Swann, 1986: 12). Vrpce su bile pokazatelj imovnih moguænosti nositelja. 7 Kao zaštitna obuæa èesto su se nosile kaljaèe s ravnim potplatom. Izmeðu muške i enske obuæe, moda i nadalje ne pravi razliku. enska cipela takoðer dobiva uglati vrh, visoku koso rezanu petu, a spone su bile ukrašene 33

34 mašnom ili rozetom (Thiel, 1963: 354). S poèetkom druge polovice 17. stoljeæa Francuska preuzima vodstvo u stvaranju mode, a Pariz postaje modno središte Europe. U arište mode sve više dolaze èarape i cipele, a noga, po uzoru na Španjolsku (stoljeæe ranije), postaje mjerilo dvorske otmjenosti i elegancije. Najelegantnije su bile svilene èarape gdje su èak i šav i umetak bili ukras. Umjesto èizama, koje su nestale iz salona i ostale u uporabi samo u vojsci i za lov, u modu ulaze cipele. Na vrhu s dugaèkom, ravno odsjeèenom kapicom, sve du e i sa sve višim petama, 8 cipele postaju pravo malo umjetnièko djelo (Thiel, 1963: 384). Uobièajene boje muških cipela bile su crna i smeða, a ukrašavale su se kao i prije vrpcama, kovnim ploèicama i rozetama. Godine u Engleskoj ulazi u modu kopèa 9 koja uskoro postaje glavni ukras cipele. Kopèe su bile raznolikih oblika i velièine ukrašene dragim kamenjem ili staklenom masom za umjetne dragulje. Od samog poèetka smatrale su se nakitom te su se mogle prenositi s jedne cipele na drugu ili èak koristiti i na ostalim odjevnim predmetima (Swann, 1986: 20). U drugoj polovici 17. stoljeæa cipela je zašiljena vrha i nadalje visoke ravne, a kasnije skošene 'francuske' 10 pete. Koncem stoljeæa, vrh cipele ponovno je postao èetvrtast. Posebna znaèajka enskih cipela bila je vrpca od jareæe ko e bijele boje koja se umetala izmeðu slojeva pete i slu ila za prièvršæivanje za potplat (Swann, 1986: 15). Rabe se i dalje kaljaèe u svrhu zaštite od blata. Ni u tom razdoblju primorski dijelovi Hrvatske nisu u modi odjeæe i obuæe zaostajali za ostalom Europom. U Korèuli se iz popisa odjeæe korèulanskih knezova saznaje za muške èizme, jedne alla turca, ute papuèe i cipele, raznobojne pamuène èarape, èarape od vune i svilene 'bordazine', kupljene u Veneciji (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 243). enske cipele prete ito su od svile ili pana (sukna), s višom ili ni om petom te sprijeda s vrpcom vezanom u petlju. Nosile su se i cipele otvorenih peta, nalik sandalama, a raskošnije cipele bile su ukrašene vezom i metalnim kopèama (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 244). Na udaljenom Visu spominju se èarape i cipele, a sve su dio djevojaèkog miraza (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 236), dok se na Hvaru dosljedno odijevalo i obuvalo po modi onoga vremena. Spominju se cipele, èizme, zocolli, papuèe, èarape raznih boja, pamuène i od 55 enska cipela, djevojaèka, Engleska, oko godine. Antilop. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 56 enska cipela, Engleska, godine. Ko a i našivene svilene vrpce. Sljedeæa strana: 57 Muške cipele, Hrvatska, 2. polovica 17. stoljeæa. Rips i atlas, pozamenterijska vrpca, ko a. MUO Zbog svojega niskog rasta, Louis XIV dao je podlo iti potplate i pete svojih cipela plutom i presvuæi crvenom ko om. Takva je crvena peta bila sve do francuske revolucije povlastica plemstva (Thiel, 1963: 364). 9 Pepys u svom Dnevniku za dan 22. sijeènja obznanjuje sljedeæu novost: "Danas sam poèeo stavljati kopèe na svoje cipele " (Swann, 1986: 20). 10 Peta sa straga jasno uvijenim i zaobljenim oblikom (Zander-Seidel, 2002: 231). 34

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36 svile te osobito sotto calzo, vrsta donjih èarapa koje su se obuvale ispod gornjih èarapa (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 200). Rokoko je stil u umjetnosti proizašao iz francuskog baroka i prote e se kroz 18. stoljeæe do francuske revolucije godine. Silno velike i pretjerano kiæene oblike preinaèio je u lakše, prisnije i nje nije. Maštovitošæu doèarava zaèarani svijet i tako omoguæuje povremeni bijeg od stvarnog ivota. Proširio je raspon ljudskih osjeæaja (otkrio svijet ljubavi) te uveo obitelj kao jednu od glavnih tema umjetnosti (Janson, 1977: 610). Maštovitost kao obilje je epohe odrazila se u velikoj mjeri i na modu. Koriste se razlièiti stilovi oblikovanja pa se obuæa poèinje razlikovati prema spolovima. Cipela je i nadalje prete ita muška obuæa. Vrh cipele dobiva šiljasti oblik, peta se sni ava na 2,5-3 cm visine, još uvijek presvuèena, a rjeðe od ko e u slojevima crvene boje, 11 no sada i uz svakodnevnu odjeæu. Kopèa je jedini ukras (poznata Artois kopèa), 12 najprije postavljena na vrh rista, kasnije spuštena ni e prema prstima (Swann, 1986: 25-26, 28). Za izradbu cipela rabila se ko a, a najèešæe boje su crna i tamno smeða. Pri koncu 18. stoljeæa ko a je postajala laganija (tanja i mekša). U drugoj polovici 18. stoljeæa, èizma ulazi ponovno u modu, sada kao obuæa za šetnju. Razvijaju se novi oblici: d okejska èizma kod koje je gornji dio presavijen ispod koljena s vidljivom postavom u drugoj boji kao ukrasom, husarska èizma s kratkom sarom ukrašenom resama (Thiel, 1963: 349). Papuèe su i nadalje u obliku natikaèa, dublje izrezane; prvotno su izraðivane od brokata, kasnije od lagane ko e u odabranim bojama. enska cipela postaje svojim oblikom i izradbom vrhunac majstorskog umijeæa. Èim je moda dopustila da se vidi stopalo (po prvi puta u doba kasne renesanse s prevlasti španjolske mode), mala ljupka noga postala je znak ljepote. Takva je morala biti i cipela. Cipele su izraðivane od tkanine (lana, svile, vune), prete ito podstavljene jareæom ko om, uz pripadne vrpce, kopèe, vez pa i dragulje. 58 enske cipele za vjenèanje, Engleska, godine. Saten, vez s raznobojnim koncem, ko a, srebrna kopèa, brušeno staklo. 11 "Crvene pete su se i dalje nosile, ali više nisu bile ogranièene na sveèanu odjeæu ili samo na muškarce." (Swann, 1986: 26). 12 General Evening Post ustvrdio je 31. svibnja da je kopèa Artois prepustila mjesto vezicama za cipele " Revolucija je ubila modu s kopèama" (Swann, 1986: 29). 36

37 59 enska cipela, Engleska, godine. Ko a, vrpca od jareæe ko e bijele boje i svilena vrpca. 60 enska cipela s kaljaèom, Francuska, oko godine. Tkanina i ko a. Kako ništa nije bilo preskupo, stra nja strana skošene visoke pete ukrašavala se èak i smaragdima, koketno poruèujuæi 'pogledaj me' (Thiel, 1963: 418). Promjenu su do ivjele i kaljaèe, zaštitna obuæa s ko natim potplatom i oblikom koji je "toèno odgovarao cipeli s visokom petom" (Zander-Seidel, 2002: 232). Sredinom druge polovice 18. stoljeæa ene nose èizme, ali samo za jahanje. Èizme su bile naèinjene od jareæe ko e, zaobljena vrha, srednje visoke pete, a vezivale su se sprijeda (Swann, 1986: 30). Veliko znaèenje modne pojedinosti dobiva i èarapa, kako za muškarce tako i za ene. 37

38 S francuskom revolucijom godine dotadašnji modni stil do ivljava znaèajne promjene. To je vrijeme ratova, istaknuto doba muške mode, ponovno s èizmom glavnom muškom obuæom. Èizme su se pojavljivale u raznim oblicima i pod razlièitim nazivima èime su svjedoèile o svojem vremenu. Hesenska èizma, visoka do koljena, sprijeda s V-izrezom i kiticom bila je u prvi mah najraširenija (Swann, 1986: 35). Poèetkom 19. stoljeæa potisnula ju je iz mode visoka èizma do koljena nazivana Welligton koja je mogla biti i poluèizma (visoka èizma povuèena prema gle nju). Osnovni oblici bili su brojni, vrh u poèetku šiljat da bi uskoro prevladali tupi ovalni oblici. Prvotno su èizme bile bez peta da bi se kasnije pete ustalile na visini 1,5-2,5 cm. Osim ko e, rabila se i lakirana ko a (od godine) te metalni dodaci (èelièni vršci peta, zakovice, razni èavli, ugraðene metalne ostruge) (Swann, 1986: 32). Velika tehnièka novina bila je (1800. godine) ponovno uvoðenje podjele obuæe za lijevu i desnu nogu, omoguæeno izumom pantografa (Swann, 1986: 7). Èizme su se nosile i u salonu i kazalištu, no nisu mogle posve protjerati cipelu. Cipela je mijenjala oblik, od šiljata do tupo ovalna te naposljetku èetvrtasta vrha, krojena sve ni e s kratkim jezikom i niskom petom, prete ito crne boje. Kopèa je ustupila mjesto vezicama, s jednim ili dva para rupica za vezice. Novina je došla iz Amerike gdje se otkrilo kako Indijanci rade vrlo atraktivnu obuæu koja se dijelom uopæe ne razlikuje od suvremene (Swann, 1986: 33). enska obuæa bila je dobro zastupljena, najviše poluèizmom s talijanskom petom. 13 Visoke cipele još su se nosile, no moda je godine uvela sandalu cipelu, suvrsticu nisko krojenih salonki, bez pete, a vezale su se vrpcom oko gle nja (Swann, 1986: 38). To æe još dugo biti najva nija enska obuæa. Moda tog razdoblja odrazila se i u Hrvatskoj, primjerice u Makarskoj. S poveæanom trgovinom i ojaèanim vezama sa svijetom, raste uvoz raznih roba, pri èemu ni obuæa nije zaobiðena. U mirazima (dotama) udavaèa obvezno se nalaze razni primjerci 61 enske papuèe s rozetama u boji francuske trobojnice, Francuska, godine. 13 'Talijanska' peta, vrlo tanka peta uèvršæena klinom koji podupire luk stopala (Swan, 1986: 30). 38

39 62 enske cipele, Hrvatska, kraj 18. stoljeæa. Svila, ko a, peta "Madame Pompadour". HPM 953. obuæe: cipele od crnog baršuna, zatim od svile, dublje izrezane, nazivane gondoline te razne vrste pamuènih i svilenih èarapa (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 78, 82). U Splitu, najveæemu gradu Dalmacije, modna strujanja europskih kulturnih središta pratila su se koliko je to bilo moguæe (plemiæki i bogati graðanski slojevi društva). S poèetka stoljeæa nosile su se cipele i pantofole (zatvorena cipela osobito omiljena u Veneciji) izraðene od vrlo meke kozje ko e ili baršuna, obrubljene zlatnom i srebrnom vrpcom (Bo iæ-bu anèiæ, 1982: 74, 82). Cipele je pratio velik izbor raznovrsnih èarapa od svile, pamuka, platna i konca, pokatkad i vezene. Sredinom 18. stoljeæa nezgrapne niske cipele potisnule su lagane i mekane, pianella ili mulette, cipele podignuta vrha. Nosile su se i po kuæi i na ulici. Moderne su bile i cipele s visokom petom, od svile, antilopa, baršuna u bijeloj, ru ièastoj, sivkastoj i bisernoj boji (Bo iæ-bu anèiæ, 1982: 78). 39

40 63 Muške èizme, oko godine. Ko a, platno, mjedene ostruge. HPM Muške èizme, Hrvatska, sredina 19. stoljeæa. Dio instalacijske odore bana J. Jelaèiæa. Ko a, srebrne rese, vrpca za vezivanje i srebrne ostruge. HPM U prvoj polovici 19. stoljeæa, bidermajer je, nasuprot raskošnim oblicima empira, stil skromnoga graðanskog okru enja kojeg odlikuje jednostavnost, praktiènost i udobnost. To je stoljeæe kada se u proizvodnji obuæe poèinju koristiti nova tvoriva guma (1830.) 14 i ko a gmazova (1860.); novi postupci primjena klinova za uèvršæivanje potplata (1842.), štavljenje ko e ekstraktom hrastove kore kao poèetak modernog antilopa (1873.); nove boje smeða boja (1864.) i novi dijelovi tj. pribor elastiène petlje (1840.), kukice za vezice (1865.). Poluèizma je još uvijek najèešæa muška obuæa koja se naizmjenièno (ovisno o namjeni i prigodi) nosi s laganom, salonskom cipelom. Obje su imale uglati vrh, petu visine 2,5-3,5 cm, zatvorene elastiènom uzicom ili vezicama s tri do èetiri para rupica na cipelama (tip Blucher) 15, odnosno petnaest pari rupica na èizmama (tip Derby) 16. Modna novina bile su èizme s elastiènim umetcima koje je J. Sparkes Hall darovao kraljici Viktoriji, a poboljšanu inaèicu predstavio javnosti godine (Swann, 1986: 44; Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 71). Moderne su bile i èizme na vezanje, odnosno kopèanje s pucadi sa strane koje su muškarci prihvatili veæ godine, a ene znatno kasnije 17 (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 71). U istom razdoblju, enska se obuæa nije mnogo mijenjala. I dalje se nosi cipela bez pete, no sada s otupljenim vrhom (poput muških) i vezanjem ukri oko gle nja. Cipele su se izraðivale prete no od tkanina, najèešæe crne boje, dok su se u iz- 14 Veæ godine bile su u uporabi gumene kaljaèe. O njihovoj uporabi piše i Charles Dickens u Pickwick Papers: "jako fini gospodin jedan od onih koji su vrlo precizni i uredni, koji stavljaju svoje noge u mala gumena vjedra za gašenje po ara kada je kišno vrijeme" (Swann, 1986: 41). 15 Blucher, visoka cipela (poluèizma), sprijeda vezana s otvorenim jezikom i ravnim šavom sa strane. Prvotno su strane bile izraðene od jednog komada ko e bez stra njeg šava (Swann, 1986:89). 16 Derby èizma ili cipela s otvorenim rupièastim jezikom koji je našiven na kapicu (Swann, 1986:89). 17 enska èizmica od jareæe ko e koja se kopèala s pucadi sa strane spominje se godine (Pratt,Woolley, 2000:71). 65 Muška cipela, Blucher, Engleska, godine. Ko a. 40

41 66 enske cipele (s lijeva na desno) a) London, godine. Svileni saten i vrpce za vezivanje oko gle nja, ko a. b) i c) London, Francuska godine. Svileni saten i rozeta, ko a. nimnim prigodama nosile cipele naèinjene od atlasa, satena, svile ili pletene slame. Ko a se koristila samo za tanki potplat i kapicu gornjišta. Zbog osjetljivosti gornjišta te stoga kratkotrajne uporabe, kupovalo se nekoliko pari cipela istog modela (Zander-Seidel, 2002: 235). Modni predmet i dalje su èarape u bijeloj, be ili naravnoj boji ko e s ukrasnim vezom (Thiel, 1963: 534). Tijekom tridesetih i èetrdesetih godina 19. stoljeæa, èizmice od tkanine postaju toliko obljubljene da je cipela s vezanjem oko gle nja, nakon pola stoljeæa vladavine u modi, nestala (Thiel, 1963: 543). Tako su se godine pojavile èizmice s gornjištem od svile svijetlih boja s vezanjem na unutarnjoj strani, tankih potplata i plitke pete. Pretpostavlja se da su bile namijenjene za vjenèanja jer je upravo u to vrijeme bijela boja prihvaæena kao vjenèana (Zander-Seidel, 2002: 236). Da je hrvatska javnost bila brzo i dobro obavještavana o europskim modnim kretanjima koja su se, jednako tako, i brzo usvajala, svjedoèi i prijekor Ivana Kukuljeviæa-Sakcinskog sugraðanima, objavljen u Danici 12. veljaèe 1842., gdje se prezrivo osvræe na njihovo kozmopolitsko odijevanje: "A vi i vaši sinovi u finih cernih frakih s uzkimi rukavi, u tesnih hlaèah, u belih nogavicah i tesnih cipeljah izgledate kao da ste uprav sada iz Pariza pobegli."(ivoš, 1997: 155). 67 enske èizmice, godine. Atlas, svila, svilene vezice, ko a. Germanisches National Museum, Nürnberg. 68 enske èizmice, Hrvatska, 1. polovica 19. stoljeæa. Platno i elastièni umetak u sari, ko a. MGS

42 Tijekom druge polovice 19. stoljeæa, u razdoblju historicizma, oponašaju se dotadašnji stilovi. Velik preokret u proizvodnji obuæe donio je pronalazak nekoliko strojeva namijenjenih razlièitim postupcima izradbe strojnom prièvršæivanju zakovica (1853.), strojnom šivanju ko e (1856.), strojnom šivanju cipele s unutarnje strane (1860.). Uvoðenjem strojeva, poèinje i serijska proizvodnja cipela koja je utjecala na modu. Istodobno, gotovo nestaju visoke èizme, a u modu ulaze poluèizme s kopèanjem sa strane. Ujedno se mijenja i oblik obuæe pa uglati vrh postaje zaobljen. Poluèizma od lakirane ko e 69 Muška cipela, Northampton, 1864.godine. Ko a. 70 Muška èizma, Derby, Engleska, godine. Krokodilska ko a, vezice i kukice. 71 enske èizmice, Hrvatska, oko godine. Platno, ko a. MUO Sljedeæa strana: 72/73 enska Barrette èizmica, Engleska, i Barrette cipela, Švicarska,1874. godine. Ko a, ukrasni izrezi s pucetima i kopèama. 42

43 nosila se kao otmjena obuæa uz frak ili smoking. Sredinom osamdesetih godina 19. st. dogodile su se promjene u korištenju boja i materijala. Upotrebljava se i smeða boja (1864.), a od novih materijala koriste se teleæi boks (u poèetku samo u crnoj boji), a peau de suede (1873.) oznaèava poèetak modernog antilopa. Guma je veæ u širokoj uporabi, ili kao vrsta obuæe (gumene kaljaèe), ili kao materijal za izradbu dijelova obuæe (potplati, pete, razne uzice i petlje). Tih su godina standardizirane i velièine cipela (Swann, 1986: 54, 56). U muškoj obuæi modno prete u cipele s vezanjem sprijeda, ko natim uzicama kroz tri-èetiri rupice (polucipela Oxford, u Francuskoj poznata po nazivu Richelieu) ili uzicama kroz pet pari rupica i èetiri para kukica te s metalnim vrškom na jednoj uzici (visoka cipela poluèizma Derby nazivana i Lorne, u Francuskoj Molière) (Swann: 1986: 46). Sveopæom uporabom gle njaèa, èizma Wellington posve je nestala, a od èizama nosile su se one s vezanjem sprijeda (Derby) ili kopèanjem (Balmoral). Uza svakodnevnu ensku odjeæu, uglavnom su se nosile èizmice Balmoral od satena ili èvrste ko e koje su se umjesto sa strane zatvarale sprijeda, a uz sveèanu odjeæu polucipele. Potonje su se ubrzano mijenjale: zaobljeni vrhovi 1880-ih postaju šiljatiji, pete ni e i zaobljenije da bi 1890-ih prevladala peta Louis XV. U nadmetanju cipela i èizmi, kao kompromisno rješenje ponuðena je Barrette, i kao cipela (izraðena od glacé ko e s ukrasnim pucetima, èetvrtastog vrha, 5,5 cm visokom slojevitom petom i gornjištem djelomice izvedenom u uskim prugama) i kao èizma (Swann, 1986: 49). Izvedba je istovjetna cipeli, a ukras gornjišta izveden je du inom prednje strane sare. Opisana èizma zahtijevala je svilenu obojenu èarapu. Obuæa i èarape birale su se, u pravilu, u opreènoj boji. Koliko je u modi odjeæe bilo velikih promjena s kratkim trajanjima, toliko je to u modi obuæe bilo obrnuto (Thiel, 1963: 598, 580). Modna kretanja u Europi brzo su prihvaæana u Hrvatskoj zahvaljujuæi stranim modnim èasopisima (prvi hrvatski modni èasopis "Pari ka moda" izlazi u Zagrebu), katalozima robnih kuæa, fotografijama, sve brojnijim putovanjima graðana u inozemstvo, u mondena ljetovališta, u popularna ljeèilišta (Ivoš, 2000: 356, 362). U èasopisu "Dom i sviet" iz godine, zabilje eno je kako je iste godine došla iz Pariza modna novost nošenja obuæe razlièite boje: plava cipela na lijevoj nozi, crvena cipela na desnoj (Ivoš, 2000: 360). Ne èudi stoga da se i u manjim mjestima, kao Starigrad na Hvaru, moderna obuæa, uglavnom cipele i èarape, spominje u svakoj doti. Tako udavaèa najèešæe ima tri do pet pari cipela od teleæe ko e, te svilene i suknene èarape raznih boja, posebice u bijeloj, crvenoj i naranèastoj boji. Rjeðe se spominju enske èizmice (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 213). 43

44 74 enske cipele, Split, oko godine. Platno, svila, ko a. MGS enske plesne cipele, Hrvatska ili Austrija, kraj 19. stoljeæa. Svileni atlas, ko a, svilena vrpca, brušeno staklo. MUO

45 "Pogledat æu vaše papuèe. Drage su mi koliko su drage i Vama Udišem njihov miris, one mirišu po verbeni". GUSTAVE FLAUBERT (O'Keeffe, 1996:151). Posljednje godine 19. stoljeæa obilje ava secesija novi umjetnièki stil što se proširio u sve europske zemlje i povezao dva stoljeæa. U opreci s dotadašnjim akademizmom, pojavljuje se pod razlièitim nazivljem (Jugendstil, Secession, Art Nouveau, Liberty style itd.) te, ovisno o tome je li poèeo ranije ili trajao dulje, obuhvaæa razdoblje od 1890-ih pa do godine. No, neosporno je da je izmeðu i godine vladao u svim podruèjima oblikovanja pa tako i u modi (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 263, 267). Borba ena za socijalna prava (osobito sna na u Britaniji), bavljenje ena omiljenim sportovima (tenis, biciklizam, vo nja automobilom) te promjena stila, razlozi su novih modnih pomaka u odjeæi i obuæi zapoèetih godine na Svjetskoj izlo bi u Parizu. Posljednjeg desetljeæa 19. stoljeæa oblici vrhova muške i enske obuæe izmjenjivali su se od "dra esnih do okrutno zašiljenih prstiju za koje se pretpostavlja da ih obo avaju pariške ljepotice i ljepotani" (Swann, 1986: 51). Na prijelazu stoljeæa prete u produljeni vrhovi obuæe (osobito u Britaniji), dok su cipele s proširenim vrhom u obliku 'lopate', prete ito zastupljene u kontinentalnoj Europi (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 80). 76 enske svilene èarape i papuèe (cipele) s vezenim ukrasom, Europa, tih godina. "Pogledat æu vaše papuèe. Drage su mi koliko su drage i Vama Udišem njihov miris, one mirišu po verbeni". Gustave Flaubert (O'Keeffe, 1996:151). 77 enske cipele za tenis, oko godine. Brušena ko a, svilene vezice, metalne kukice, nategaèe od drveta. Germanisches National Museum, Nürnberg. 78 enske èizmice, Austrija, oko godine. Lak i chevreau ko a, antilop. MUO

46 Istodobno, svjetska se proizvodnja jako poveæala, prete ito udjelom Sjedinjenih Amerièkih Dr ava, što je obuæu pojeftinilo pa ona postaje pristupaèna svakome. Prodiruæi svojom obuæom u Europu, Amerikanci su nametnuli i svoje stilove. Tako veæ godine nude modno rješenje, mušku cipelu Buldog ili Boston. Zaobljena i uzdignuta vrha s kapicom, antilop podstavom, èetiri rupice, srednje visoke (2,6 cm) slojevite pete, ta je cipela bila odraz secesijskih krivulja (Swann, 1986: 55). Brzo je uslijedila još jedna amerièka novost, s novim materijalom i u novom stilu, elegantni enski model Gibson od tamnozelene krokodilske ko e, ojaèana potplata i sa širokim vezicama (izlo en u muzeju u Northamptonu) (Swann, 1986: 56). Iste godine (1914.), ponuðen je amerièki patent vodonepropusne dvostruke konstrukcije veldtschoen (šivanje gornjišta na potplat s obodom okrenutim prema vani uzdu donjega ruba). Upotrebljava se sve više smeða boja 18 u raznim prijelazima (od svijetlosmeðe 'ruske' do tamnosmeðe), a antilop se pojavljuje u mutnoj zelenoj, sivoj, svijetloljubièastoj i kaki boji. Antilop je bio vrlo popularan u godinama pred Prvi svjetski rat (Swann, 1986: 40). Od muških èizama i dalje se nose one s vezanjem sprijeda ili na kopèanje. Meðutim, novost je kod èizama na kopèanje to što se sada izraðuju u dvije boje. Pripadna je galoša od lakirane ili glacé ko e, a sara se izraðuje od tkanine ili zagasite ko e opreène boje. Cipele su prete ito na vezanje s otvorenim (Derby) ili zatvorenim (Oxford) jezikom. Novost je u ukrašavanju. Koristi se lohanje 19 (površinsko bušenje rupica), dvobojno gornjište te jezik rašèupana ruba 20 koji pokriva vezice. Muške cipele s elastiènim umetcima (Chelsea) ostaju u uporabi samo kao veèernja obuæa. Prava novost bile su sandale (potplat s remenjem za pridr avanje) koje su godine bile vrlo popularne u odreðenim krugovima (boemskim). enska obuæa do ivjela je, ovaj puta, više i veæe promjene. Najviše se to odrazilo na petama koje su mijenjale visinu od 16 cm do 5,2 cm, a napravljene su bile od slojevite ko e. Godine pojavila se kubanska peta, prosjeène visine 6,5 cm, napravljena od slojevite ko e. Bila je èvrsta i jaèa od Louis pete, a ukrašava se la nim dragim kamenjem (Swann, 1986: 58). Iste godine, ponovo se pojavio vez na kapici. Za zaštitu peta koristile su se ploèice od mjedi koje su se prièvršæivale vijcima izmeðu dna i prikrivenog dijela. Ploèice su se stalno tanjile da bi se do 30-ih godina 20. st. svele na skoro nevidljiv tanki list bijelog metala. Iako su prevladavale cipele, izbor èizama bio je još uvijek solidan. Uz razne inaèice tipa Derby i Balmoral, bilo ih je od crnog glacéa s devet do jedanaest puceta, od satena prekrivenog crnom èipkom i s Louis petom do glacéa s lakiranom galošom. Cipele su do poèetka 20. stoljeæa bile zastupljene uglavnom tipovima Derby i Oxford, uz dodatno ukrašavanje lohanjem i izvedbom gornjišta u dvije boje. Cipela Derby naziva se poèetkom 20. stoljeæa Gibson prema 'Gibson djevojkama', idealiziranim mladim Amerikankama iz stripa Charlesa Gibsona (Pedersen, 2005: 31). Novi model cipele bio je straga visoko krojen, s remenom za kopèanje ili vezanje oko gle nja. Ova cipela primijeæena je u javnosti tek godine kada su se haljine nešto skratile, te je pod nazivom Tango bila u najveæoj modi godine, a nosila se do godine. Nastavljao se stil Barrette, a osobito omiljen bio je model Langtry (nazvan prema glumici Lily Langtry). To je cipela s dva remena i kopèanjem preko jezika èiji je 'prethodnik' cipela Cromwell iz kasnih 90-ih godina 19. stoljeæa od koje se razlikuje visinom pete, potonja je zamjetno viša (Swann, 1986: 59, 60). Veæina navedene obuæe, nepromijenjena ili uz izmijenjene pojedi- 18 Smeða boja proturjeèila je postojeæim pravilima ponašanja. Još godine smeðe cipele nisu se smjele nositi sa salonskim kaputom i svilenim šeširom. Meðutim, nakon što se Randolf Churchill javno pokazao u takvoj 'zabranjenoj kombinaciji', pravila su promijenjena veæ (Swann, 1986: 54). 19 Niska lohana cipela postala je popularna oko godine (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 88). 20 Prvi puta viðeno na fotografiji Georgea V godine (Swann, 1986: 57). 79 Muška cipela, Buldog ili Boston, Northampton, oko godine. Krokodilska ko a, svilene vezice. 80 Muške polucipele, Nürnberg, godine. Lak i glacé ko a, svilene vezice. Germanisches National Museum, Nürnberg. 81 Èizmice, Engleska, godine. Ko a u omiljenim bojama sufra etkinja pobornica pokreta za ravnopravnost ena. 46

47 82 enska cipela, Gibson, Engleska, godine. Lak i antilop ko a, svilene vezice. 83 enska Tango cipela, Pariz,oko godine. Glacé i antilop ko a, brušeno staklo. 84/85 enska cipela, Cromwell, Engleska,1890. godine i njezina "nasljednica" Langtry s kopèanjem preko jezika, Engleska godine. Ko a, saten, vez i zrnje. nosti, zadr ala se u uporabi i du e vrijeme što potvrðuje ranije spomenutu èinjenicu o rjeðim promjenama obuæe u odnosu na odjeæu. Uslijedit æe godina poèetak Prvoga svjetskog rata koji æe oblikovati proizvodnju cipela, spojiti udobno i praktièno, ali i posve umanjiti razlike izmeðu enske i muške obuæe. Sve novine vrste tvoriva, tehnike izradbe i uresa, vrlo su brzo bile primijenjene u izradbi obuæe. Stilske promjene u odjeæi odrazile su se i na vrste, oblike i namjenu obuæe. To potvrðuju promjene obuæe koje su se dogodile tijekom stilskih razdoblja. Promjene vrha cipele, oblika pete, tvoriva gornjišta i primijenjenih ukrasa bile su pokazatelji društvenog polo aja pojedinca, njegova imovnog stanja, sklonosti poštivanju moralnih i društvenih propisa (uporaba ovisno o prigodi). No, naposljetku, nije izostalo ni odašiljanje erotskih poruka. Tako je duljina vrha cipele ili boja pete oznaèivala pripadnost stale u, primjerice, crvena je peta sve do francuske revolucije bila oznaka plemstva. Povišena peta presvuèena crvenom ko om Louisa XIV bila je znak presti a i moæi; gornjište od svile ili baršuna s pridodanim vezom potvrðivalo je imovno stanje pojedinca. Iz pravila ponašanja iz godine doznajemo da "gospodi u èizmama i poluèizmama neæe biti dozvoljen pristup" na plesovima u Bathu (Engleska) (Swann, 1986: 35). Društveni polo aj pojedinca potvrðuju i raznovrsne vezice (vrpce, kopèe). Cipele s osobito istaknutim dijelovima (poulaine šiljak, enska cipela 'francuska' peta, ukrašena èak i smaragdima) koje su nositelji posebice isticali hodom ili drugim pokretima, odašiljale su i svojevrsnu erotsku poruku. Ujedno se uoèava i razvitak zaštitne obuæe kaljaèe, od ko natog potplata do kaljaèe prilagoðene cipeli, kada se presvuèene baršunom ili svilom skoro i ne doimaju zaštitnom obuæom. Premda udaljenija od modnih središta Europe, Hrvatska je (na temelju navedenih zapisa) br e ili sporije slijedila modne pravce i tako bila u tijeku dogaðanja. Iako je cipela prvotno bila sakrivena ispod duge odjeæe, kroz svoje mijene potvrðuje nadahnuæe njezina tvorca. Njezina mnogoznaènost s pravom zaslu uje uvijek pridavanu joj pozornost.

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49 Vesna Zoriæ Obuæarski obrt i rukotvorstvo P OD POJMOM OBRTA obièno podrazumijevamo proizvodnu, preraðivaèku ili uslu nu djelatnost koju obavlja obrtnik samostalno ili uz pomoænike. Njegov proizvod izraðen je ruèno uz pomoæ alata i namijenjen je prodaji. Obrtnik ivi od svoje profesije za koju se morao obuèavati i školovati. Za razliku od obrta, domaæa radinost ili rukotvorstvo je djelatnost koju su vješti pojedinci obavljali za podmirenje vlastitih, te potreba u e ili šire zajednice. Ova djelatnost je dopunsko zanimanje, a vještina je ovisila o talentu i tradicijom ustaljenom radu. Vrlo èesto, iz tradicijskog rukotvorstva razvili su se pojedini obrti. Jedan je od takvih obrta i opanèarstvo, o èemu æe ovdje biti rijeèi. BRATOVŠTINE I CEHOVI 86 Opanci kišni opanci oputaši s kalupom, Topolo (Dubr. primorje), 1974, EMZ 24656ab. Prethodna strana: 87 Stari postolarski alat iz ostavštine obitelji Divjak, Vara din, izmeðu dva svjetska rata, GMV (lasciger, cirkl, mustre, holcrašpa, knaj, ampus, radl, štufer, glenštik, lohajzl, mustre za pete). Obrt kao gospodarska kategorija i razlièite obrtnièke udruge poznate su od antièkih vremena, no u smislu kakvoga ga danas poznajemo svoje korjene ima u srednjovjekovnim gradovima. U Hrvatskoj se taj razvoj odvijao dvojako, ovisno o tome pod èijom su dominacijom i kakvim povijesnim prilikama bila pojedina podruèja. S jedne strane su srednjovjekovni gradovi koji su saèuvali kontinuitet iz kasne antike u rani srednji vijek, u kojima je zadr ana i nastavljena obrtnièka djelatnost i kasnije. Ovoj skupini pripadaju antièki Zadar i Trogir, te Split i Dubrovnik koji su se razvili iz rimske Salone, odnosno Epidauruma. S druge strane u Zapadnoj i Srednjoj Europi, krajem 10. i poèetkom 11. stoljeæa pojavljuju se novi gradovi kao središta obrta i trgovine u kojima robno-novèana privreda zamijenjuje feudalnu, naturalnu proizvodnju (Luèiæ, 1979:15). S ovih podruèja stizali su utjecaji u gradove sjeverne Hrvatske Vara din, Zagreb, Koprivnica, Osijek itd. Razvoj pojedinog obrta u znatnoj je mjeri zavisio od vrste sirovina koje su na odreðenom podruèju bile dostupne pa je stoga kamen, drvo, ko a, vuna i dr. odredilo glavnu vrstu ili premoænu zastupljenost pojedine obrtnièke djelatnosti. S obzirom da je potreba za obuæom raširena u svim povijesnim razdobljima i geografskim podruèjima nije neobièno da su ko ari, te s njima povezani obuæari bili najbrojniji obrtnici u svim podruèji- 49

50 ma Hrvatske. Razumljivo da su upravo oni meðu prvim obrtnicima pristupili svom staleškom organiziranju u obliku bratovštine fraternitas calegariorum. Prva je obrtnièka bratovština postolara nastala godine u Dubrovniku, kao što stoji u oporuci postolara Bratoslava. Prvi zapis o bratovštini postolara, crevljara fratalea calegariourum, spominje se u Zadru (Luèiæ, 1979:220), dok je u Zagrebu na podruèju Gradeca, osnovana godine (Šercer, 1991:15). Srednjovjekovne bratovštine imale su prvotno vjerski i etnièki karakter s karitativnim i humanitarnim zadaæama. Kasnije se iz njih razvijaju strukovne bratovštine i cehovi kojima je svrha bila struèna povezanost te unapreðivanje i zaštita vlastitog zanata. Za razliku od sjeverne Hrvatske u kojoj su cehovi kao privilegirane organizacije stjecali svoja monopolska prava na proizvodnju i prodaju obrtnièkih proizvoda na temelju vladarskih privilegija, u obalnim i otoèkim gradovima, komunama pod mletaèkom vlašæu, obavljanje zanata bilo je slobodno. Tako npr. na Hvaru obrt i obrtne usluge u 15. stoljeæu nisu bile gotovo nièim ogranièene. Jedini pravni okvir društvenih i gospodarskih odnosa u komuni Hvarski statut, sadr avao je samo odredbu mletaèke vlade kojom se razgranièavao prostor rada i prodaje izmeðu hvarskih i viških ko ara kad je izmeðu njih izbio spor. Dr avne i opæinske vlasti nisu se miješale u slobodni razvoj obrta na svom podruèju. To je dijelom rezultat okolnosti što su obrti na podruèju hvarske komune kao i ostalih dalmatinskih komuna bili uglavnom lokalnog dosega i nisu mogli biti konkurencija Veneciji, a s druge strane što se hvarsko plemstvo vladajuæi sloj društva nije bavilo obrtom tako da ta djelatnost nije zadirala u podruèje njihova gospodarskog interesa (Petriæ, 1996:226). Sjedište splitske bratovštine postolara i papuèara bilo je u crkvici sv. Filipa na èijem je proèelju bila ploèa s urezanim simbolima ovog zanata. U vezi s ovom bratovštinom poznat je pokušaj uspostave cehovskog monopolizma kada su njezini pripadnici pokušali uvesti pravilo po kojem bi se postolarskim zanatom smjeli baviti samo èlanovi bratovštine. No Vijeæe umoljenih u Veneciji ne da ovo nije odobrilo veæ je godine ukinulo i samu bratovštinu s obrazlo enjem da je bavljenje obrtom slobodno, i da se njime smije svatko baviti (Bo iæ-bu anèiæ, 1996:131). 88 Ploèa s urezanim simbolima postolara na proèelju crkvice sv. Filipa u Splitu, 18. stoljeæe. 50

51 U Dubrovniku sve gradske i izvangradske bratovštine bile su pod èvrstim nadzorom dr ave i jedina dopuštena javna udru enja graðana i seljaka. No, Dubrovnik je bio grad otvoren za svakoga tko je htio doæi, uèiti i baviti se obrtom. Nauènik discipulus smio je doæi iz bilo kojeg kraja, grada ili sela. Obrtnièko znanje, struèna, radna sprema stjecala se boravkom, radom kod nekog majstora magister, gledajuæi ga i prateæi kako radi, usvajajuæi njegova iskustva i svakodnevnu praksu. Nakon dogovora s majstorom, potpisivao se ugovor u notarskoj kancelariji uz supotpise svjedoka i sudaca (Luèiæ, 1979:223). Naukovanje za postolara trajalo je razlièno, prete no od 7 do 12 godina. Na kraju naukovanja, mladi kalfa, kako se kasnije nazivao, dobio je od majstora 6 kalupa, te sav ostali drveni i eljezni pribor potreban za rad. Uobièajeno je bilo da su djeca nasljeðivala oèev obrt èime se uštedjelo troškove obuke, nabave alata i prostorija za rad (Luèiæ, 1979:99). Prema Statutu splitske komune iz godine postolarski zanat uèio se 5 godina, uèenik se obavezao da æe vjerno slu iti majstora, a on je bio du an ga hraniti i odijevati (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 1981). O prisutnosti te privredne grane u Trogiru saznajemo iz matiènih knjiga. Veæi se broj osoba spominje kao magister, maistro, što znaèi da se bave nekim obrtom. U razdoblju od godine saznajemo da na podruèju grada Trogira djeluju 28 postolara i 6 opanèara koji su nesumljivo mogli zadovoljavati potrebe seljaèkog stanovništva (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 1993:123). Na zakljuèak da su dubrovaèki crevljari izraðivali obuæu i za seosko puèanstvo upuæuje zapis da su dr ali na svom skladištu i mekane ovnujske ko e iz koje su zacijelo pravili i opanke a ne samo crevlje (Luèiæ, 1979:98). Stari spisi spominju da tijekom 16. stoljeæa u Hvaru rade 24 postolara koji su domaæi ljudi. Zadovoljavali su potrebe graðana, a svoje proizvode su radili ili prodavali po otoènim mjestima i na susjednom Visu (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001:34). Spominju se postolari cerdones i krpaèi cipela sutores, koji su bili najbrojniji, te èizmari caligarii (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001:168). 89 Krpaè cipela u radionici s kalfama, David Ryckaert, 1684., ulje na platnu (Museum der bildenden Künste, Leipzig). 51

52 U sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, koja je dugo podijeljena na civilnu i vojnu Hrvatsku i Slavoniju, najveæi utjecaj na razvoj obrta i njegove oblike udru ivanja imali su njemaèki cehovi (Horvat, 1936:198). U podruèjima gdje je bila uspostavljena Vojna krajina pod posebnom upravom vojnih vlasti obrt se nije mogao razviti u onoj mjeri kao u civilnim dijelovima Hrvatske. Cehovska pravila ili statute u slobodnim gradovima propisivalo je gradsko vijeæe, a u gradovima koji su bili u zavisnom polo aju èinio je to feudalni gospodar. Najstariji hrvatski ceh osnovali su zagrebaèki krojaèi (1447), a potom zagrebaèki postolari kojima je potvrdu privilegija dodijelio kralj Matija Korvin godine. Zagreb se do godine dijelio na tri samostalna dijela Gradec, slobodni kraljevski grad, stolni Kaptol i Vlašku ulicu koja je pripadala pod biskupsku jurisdikciju. U svakom od ova tri podruèja obrt i cehovi su se razvijali neovisno, tako da su najstariji postolarski ceh osnovali, veæ spomenuti zagrebaèki, odnosno gradeèki, a potom, godine i kaptolski postolari kojima je privilegije potvrdio Ferdinand III. Godine biskup Maksimilijan Vrhovec udru enim postolarima, krojaèima, èi marima i gumbarima iz Vlaške ulice izdaje dozvolu da stupe u kaptolske cehove. Od obuæarskih cehova najmlaði je opanèarski èiji su èlanovi godine stupili u zajednièki Veliki ceh. Poveæanjem èlanstva godine 1844., poveljom Ferdinanda I osnovali su samostalni opanèarski ceh (Horvat, 1936:87). U ostalim gradovima i trgovištima, posebice slabljenjem turske opasnosti cehovske su udruge takoðer nicale. Meðu prvima se godine organiziraju koprivnièki obuæari, kada je potvrðen zajednièki ceh ko ara, opanèara i postolara (Fluksi, 1983:221). Godine su pak u Legradu potvrðena pravila šoštarskog i kušnjarskog ceha (Feletar, 1975). Kri evaèki postolari i ko ari samostalni ceh osnivaju godine, a od su sa krojaèima, kovaèima, oru arima i zlatarima èinili zajednièki ceh (Biæaniæ, 90 Škrinja zagrebaèkog opanèarskog ceha, Zagreb, Hrastovina, intarzija, mjed. MGZ Tablica zagrebaèkog opanèarskog ceha, Zagreb, Mjed, iskucana. MGZ Pozitiv peèatnjaka èizmarskog ceha, Samobor eljezo. SM Peèatnjak èizmarskog ceha, Samobor eljezo. SM 422. Tablica samoborskog postolarskog i èizmarskog ceha, Samobor Mjed. SM

53 53

54 1951:71). Carskim "Privilegiumom" Ferdinanda I, godine sisaèki ceh dobiva povlastice za 24 obrta meðu kojima se i postolari, opanèari i èizmari. (Matovina, 1987:53) Kontinuitet obrtništva u Slavoniji prekinut upadom Turaka, nastavljen je tek poèetkom 18. stoljeæa. U svim podruèjima koja su bila u sastavu Vojne Krajine, pa tako i u Brodu, nadzor nad svim poslovima imale su vojne vlasti sa sjedištem u Beèu, tako da brodski obrtnici privilegije dobivaju od Marije Terezije 1768/9. godine (Toldi, 1972 ). Gotovi su svi cehovski privilegiji sastavljani u gotovo identiènim okvirima pa se bez obzira na grad ili zemlju u kojoj je ceh postojao nisu bitno razlikovali jedni od drugih. Posuðivali su ih jedni od drugih i prilagoðavali svojim potrebama. Jednako je tako i organizacija cehova u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji bila gotovo ista kao i cehovska organizacija u ostalim zemljama srednje Evrope (Kosanoviæ, :260). Poznato je npr. da je godine vara dinski postolarski ceh preuzeo pravila zagrebaèkog kao i da je zagrebaèki èizmarski ceh s Kaptola posudio pravila od èizmarskog ceha iz Vara dina godine (Horvat, 1936:55). Privilegije koje su dodijeljivane cehovima sadr avale su opæe odredbe o organizaciji ceha kojima se regulirala proizvodnja, odreðivala i kontrolirala kvaliteta proizvoda, cijena, radni uvjeti, radno vrijeme, nadnice, hijerarhijski odnosi majstora, kalfi i šegrta. Humanitarni znaèaj oèitovao se u pomoæi nemoænim obrtnicima, udovicama, siroèadi, te podmirivanju troškova ukopa, a religiozni u zajednièkim sudjelovanjima na misama, crkvenim sveèanostima i sl. Na èelu ceha bili su cehmeštar (njem. Ceh- Meister), koji je rješavao sve sporove cehovskih majstora, njegov zamjenik otacmeštar (mað.-atyamester), bijarmeštar (mað. bejárni-obilaziti) birani na godinu dana uz odreðeni ceremonijal Zastava zagrebaèkog opanèarskog ceha, Zagreb, Svileni damast, ulje/platno. MGZ Gradska uprava nije smjela pozvati ili optu iti majstore pogotovo ne u poslovima obrta dok o tome nije raspravio ceh. Takoðer se zabranjivao rad majstorima na podruèju grada koji nisu bili uèlanjeni u ceh, a robu i sredstva za rad mogli su im zaplijeniti. Nijedan strani trgovac ili postolar nije smio prodavati cipele ili druge obrtnièke proizvode u gradu osim u vrijeme sajmova, a ako se to dogodilo, cehmeštar im je mogao zaplijeniti robu. 54

55 95 Èizmica majstorsko djelo èizmarskog djetiæa, Zagreb, Ko a, drvo. PMH Vanderbuh šoštarskog kalfe putna knjiga postolarskog kalfe Juraja Kosana, Samobor, SM arh.omot CEHOVI 19. stoljeæe. 97 Èizmice majstorsko djelo èizmarskog djetiæa, Zagreb, 19. stoljeæe. Crvena i crna ko a. MGZ Osnivanje ceha simbolizirano je i pravom na posjedovanje škrinje ili ladice. Prvotno jednostavnog oblika, tijekom 18. stoljeæa postaje ukrasna škrinja s poklopcem ispod kojeg je brava s tri kljuèa koja su dr ali èelnici ceha. Škrinja se nije mogla otkljuèati bez jednog od njih, a otvaranje je uvijek bilo sveèano i to za vrijeme odr avanja sastanaka. U njoj su se èuvale najznaèajnije vrijednosti privilegije, dokumenti i zapisnici sastanaka, blagajna, zatim peèatnjaci izraðeni od eljeza ili mjedi s ugraviranim simbolima ceha kojima su se ovjeravali dokumenti, te dva svijeænjaka kao dekor prigodom sastanaka. Èuvala se i tablica kojom je bijarmeštar pozivao na skupove. Obièno je bila izraðena od mjedi u obliku srca ili knjige. Cehovi su imali i svoje zastave pod kojim su nastupali na tijelovskim procesijama. S jedne su strane obièno bile slike svetaca zaštitnika, a sa druge alati pripadajuæeg ceha. Na uliènim cimerima obrtnièkih radionica i trgovina nazivi nisu bili ispisani, veæ su zbog raširene nepismenosti u srednjem vijeku obrti bili predstavljani odgovarajuæim likovnim simbolima. Unutar cehova odnosi su bili strogo odreðeni. Prema pravilima postolarskog, iz šegrt, navuèalnik, inaš, sluga, do svoje 20. godine primao se na nauk na tri godine, a stariji od ove dobi na dvije i pol godine. Majstor je bio obvezan šegrta hraniti i odijevati, a po završetku naukovanja morao mu je dati odijelo i èizme. Tada on postaje djetiæ, kalfa, mladenec, upisuje se u protokol i izdaje mu se naukovni list (Lehr-brief). Iako to nije bilo obvezno u svim cehovima, neki su djetiæi morali obaviti trogodišnje putovanje vandranje, fremtovanje tijekom kojeg su radili i skupljali iskustva u nizu radionica, u raznim vrlo èesto udaljenim gradovima. Majstori kod kojih je boravio upi- 55

56 98 Drveni potplat muške cipele cipele, Tvornica Bata, Borovo, 99 Tvornica Bata, Borovo, Izlazak radnika iz tvornice Borovo,

57 2 Statistika iz kazuje da je u cijeloj Vojnoj Krajini bilo 4536 "rukotvoraca" u koje se ubrajaju i pomoænici (Horvat, 1994:257). 3 Tvornica obuæe Bata nastala je u Zlinu, Èehoslovaèka. Osnovali su je braæa Tomas, Antonin i sestra Ana. Prva cipela batovka proizvedena je 1897.godine, a veæ proizvodnja dose e pari dnevno tih Bata je najveæi svjetski izvoznik cipela ( 4 Obrtnici su protiv Batine obuæe na ulicama hrvatskih gradova organizirano prosvjedovali. Tra ili su ogranièenje rada Bate koji se od poèeo baviti popravljanjem cipela, a gumene su èizme ozbiljno ugrozile èizmare, nekoæ cijenjenu obrtnièku struku. 5 Poslije Drugog svj. rata obrtnièke komore su postojale do 1948., ukidane su jer su smatrane nepo eljnim ustanovama u socijalistièkom sistemu. Vlasti poma u stvaranje obrtnièkih radionica u društvenom sektoru. 6 U svijetu se proizvede više od 11 milijardi pari obuæe....u Europu stigne godišnje oko 900 milijuna pari obuæe s drugih kontinenata, od èega iz Kine 300 milijuna pari...prosjeèna cijena obuæe iz Kine je 9,2 njemaèke marke, a iz Amerike oko 20 maraka. ( ) ( spodarstvo.htm). sivali su napredovanje u radu i ponašanje u putnu knjigu vanderbuh. Iz saèuvanih putnih knji ica samoborskih djetiæa saznajemo da su boravili u Celju, Mariboru, Grazu, Beèu, Pragu, Budimpešti, Milanu, Salzburgu itd. (Sudnik, 1989:12). Kako se u tim krajevima opanci nisu nosili, pa nije ni bilo opanèarskih majstora, djetiæ ovog zanata svoje tri godine usavršavanja redovito je provodio u hrvatskim i srpskim krajevima gdje su se nosili opanci (Horvat, 1936:88). Djetiæ koji je obavio svoje putovanje i elio postati majstor morao je izraditi majstorski rad majstorštuk (Meister-Stück), te ako bi zadovoljio dobio bi majstorski list (Šercer, 1989:16). Svi zagrebaèki cehovi imali su svoju djetiæku organizaciju, tzv. mali ceh, a imali su i svoju škrinju, vrè koji je slu io za ispijanje bratimstva i pravila koja su izdavali majstori. Saèuvane su Regule šoštarskeh detiæev pisane hrvatskim jezikom, kao svojevrstan etièki kodeks bonton namijenjen kalfama 17. stoljeæa (Šercer, 1991:28). Osim cehovski udru enih obrtnika bilo je i onih koji su radili na šteru (Stöhrabeiter). Obilazili su plemiæke dvorce i kuæe kmetova, prodavajuæi svoje usluge gospodaru, od njegovog materijala (ko e, sukna), te od toga, izmeðu ostalog, za potrebe svih ukuæana izraðivali opanke i èizme. Drugu kategoriju "necehovskih" obrtnika èinili su tzv. fušari (njem. Pfhuscher krpar, petljanac) koji su bili prisiljeni potajno raditi po selima i gradovima jer su majstori zbog bojazni od konkurencije titule majstora nerado dodijeljivali kalfama. 2 Njihovo djelovanje, iako od cehova osporavano, prema Opæem cehovskom redu ipak je bilo dopušteno (Biæaniæ, ). Praksa tzv. putujuæih majstora zadr ala se iza Drugog svjetskog rata. U podruèjugrobnika postolari su obilazili sela prete no nedjeljom i radili samo po narud bi. (Luke iæ, 1994:222). U nizinskim selima zagrebaèke okolice majstori bi iznajmljivali prostoriju u kojoj su popravljali i tamo izraðivali novu obuæu dok je bilo posla, nakon èega bi odlazili u druga sela (Šestan, 1987:171). U drugoj polovici 19. stoljeæa, zbog sve sna nijeg razvoja manufakture i industrijalizacije koja je zahvatila Habsburšku monarhiju, pa tako i Hrvatsku, cehovi su kao specifiène, zatvorene staleške organizacije postale zapreka razvoju obrta. Carskim patentom iz godine cehovi su ukinuti. Cehovski je duh meðutim vladao i u obrtnim zadrugama koje su osnivane nakon toga, i u njima su još dugi niz godina èuvane cehovske tradicije, obièaji i predmeti. No, Obrtni zakon iz godine svojim je odrednicama i gotovo neogranièenom slobodom obrta, autonomiju cehova, njihove statute i pravice potpuno stavio ad acta (Matovina, 1987:60). Tako se na industrijalizaciju obuæarske proizvodnje moglo pomišljati tek nakon ukinuæa cehova. U Zagrebu je osnovana privatna tvornica koja je na veliko izraðivala cipele i èizme, u Karlovcu je umnogostruèena proizvodnja opanaka, vara dinski èizmari su svoje tr ište proširili na Podravinu, Zagorje i Meðimurje (Horvat, 1994:321). U podruèju Grobnika je veleobrtnik Josip Jugoviæ godine otvorio Primorsku radionicu opanaka u Èavlima gdje je 10 radnika proizvodilo sve vrste opanaka "za seljake, gospodu, gospoðe, djecu, radnike". Tu je radio pravi veleobrtnièki pogon (Luke iæ, 1994:223). Izmeðu dva svjetska rata nicale su tvornice najraznovrsnije obuæe u Bjelovaru, Karlovcu, Krapini. Postolarski i opanèarski obrtnici teško su odolijevali navali jeftinih Batinih 3 cipela koji je u Borovu izgradio veliku tvornicu za èitav Balkan i Bliski istok i tako izbacio na ulicu ogroman broj obrtnika obuæarske struke 4 (Kolar, 2002). Nove društveno-politièke okolnosti nakon Drugog svjetskog rata privatnu obrtnièku djelatnost gotovo su potpuno onemoguæile. Na obrtnike kao i na njihova udru enja 5, gledalo se s nepovjerenjem, a u njihovom pokušaju organiziranja vidjela se obnova kapitalizma. Osamostaljenjem Hrvatske otvorile su se široke zakonske moguænosti za obrtnièku djelatnost i poduzetništvo. No, opstojnost obuæarskog obrta i dalje ovisi o estokoj konkurenciji uvozne industrijski proizvedene obuæe, posebice s azijskog kontinenta. 6 57

58 OPANÈARSKI OBRT I RUKOTVORSTVO Kako je veæ reèeno, od obuæarskih je cehova najmlaði opanèarski. Prema dostupnim podacima prvi je osnovan u Po egi godine što dokazuje peèatnjak s urezanom godinom i znakovima obrta opanak, kalup, šilo i zavinuti no (Horvat, 1994:228). Razlog kasnijem nastanku opanèarskog ceha le i u èinjenici što su opanci tradicionalna obuæa naših seljaka koje su izraðivali vješti pojedinci unutar porodiènih zadruga. Kakav je bio tijek nastanka opanèarskih cehova kazuje nam Rudolf Horvat: "Nekada se izrada opanaka smatrala kuænim obrtom. U svakom je selu bilo ljudi, koji su umjeli od ko e praviti opanke za èlanove svoje obitelji, te za roðake i susjede svoje. Poèetkom 18. vijeka nastanilo se nekoliko takvih ljudi na podruèju zagrebaèkog Kaptola i Vlaške ulice. Ovi su izraðivali opanke u trgovaèku svrhu, da ih naime prodavaju na sajmovima, koji se dr e na Harmici. Kako je na te sajmove dolazilo sve više seljaèkog svijeta iz bli e i podalje okolice zagrebaèke, procvalo je trgovanje opancima. Naravno da se uslijed toga poveæavao i broj opanèara, koji su veæinom stanovali na Dolcu, Pod zidom, u Opatovini, na Potoku i poèetku Vlaške ulice. Ovi opanèari nijesu više poljodjelci, koji se uzgred bave izradbom opanaka. To su veæ pravi obrtnici, koji osjeæaju potrebu, da svoje ineterese zaštite stupanjem u cehovsku organizaciju. Svi su èlanovi bili Hrvati. Kako kod prodaje svojih proizvoda nijesu imali 101 Firma natpis iznad opanèarske radnje. Slavonski Brod, MBP E Oputaši enski opanci s potplatom od neuèinjene ko e, Cetina (Knin), sredina 20. stoljeæa. EMZ

59 posla s gospodom, nego sa seljacima, nijesu opanèari dolazili u priliku, da nauèe njemaèki jezik. One pak 3 godine, što ih djetiæ mora provesti u tuðini, da uzmogne postati majstorom, redovito su opanèari provodili u hrvatskim i srpskim krajevima, gdje se nose opanci. (Horvat, 1936:85). Kako su gradske i seljaèke kategorije stanovništva imale svoje specifiène potrebe u gradovima su se formirale dvije skupine obrtnika. Jedni su radili prete no za graðane dok su se drugi orijentirali prema selu i njegovim potrebama. Postolari su radili za gradske mušterije, veæinom po narud bi i prodavali je u svojim radionicama, dok su gradski opanèari veæinom prodavali na sajmovima. Takva je podjela bila uobièajena u veæini gradova Hrvatske i Slavonije. Na taj su naèin pojedini gradski obrtnici ivjeli iskljuèivo od seoskih potrošaèa. Cipele i èizme bile su dostupne samo imuænijima, a nosili su ih u najsveèanijim prigodama. U pojedinim podruèjima Hrvatske opanèarski obrt bio je u razlièitim periodima razlièito rasprostranjen. Dok je u primorskim i otoèkim mjestima postolarska cipela vrlo rano zamijenila opanak, u gorskim i dijelom primorskim podruèjima opanèarstvo je dio domaæe radinosti, rukotvorstva, gdje su vještiji pojedinci izraðivali najjednostavnijom tehnologijom tzv. opanke oputaše. Ponegdje je u tim krajevima bilo uobièajeno da mlada udana ena, kao obvezan dio svog miraza, u kuæu mlado enje donosi i opanke koje je sama izradila (Toliæ, 1995:92). Najbrojniji su opanèarski obrtnici bili u Slavoniji i kako ka e Ferdo Hefele: "Opanèar je u Slavoniji pravi zanad ija... Opanak Slavonac mora imati, a drugo ma krpu na krpu lepio... Opanèarstvo je po svoj Slavoniji i Sriemu zanat na najboljem glasu. Zanat opanèarski koliko je muèan, toliko i unosan, pa æe se jedva koji drugi zanad ija naæi, koji bi tako napredovao kao opanèar u Slavoniji" (Hefele, 1886:39). Za razliku od Slavonaca, vrlo zazoran stav prema opancima imali su u Hrvatskom zagorju, Podravini i Meðimurju. U jaskanskom Prigorju su bili oznaka siromaštva i bijede, dok su pak u vrlo bliskom Pokuplju bili oznaka bogatstva (Cvetan,1986:7). Znakovito je da su cipele i èizme rado prihvaæane u onim regijama gdje je vrlo rano došlo do uporabe kupovnih, umjesto domaæe otkanih materijala za izradbu nošnji, pa je sukladno tome brzo prihvaæana i kupovna cipela. Moguæe je da je ovoj pojavi doprinijela blizina industrijskih centara Zagreb, Vara din, Krapina, Koprivnica. 103 Opanci kišni opanci oputaši s kalupom, Topolo, Dubrovaèko primorje, EMZ 24656ab. 59

60 104 Oputari enski opanci sa slo enim naèinom preplitanja, Lika, EMZ Vrste opanaka, njihovi nazivi i naèini njihove izradbe vrlo je opširna tema. No, koliko dopušta opseg ovog kataloga navest æu samo najbitnije karakteristike. Opanci su bili enska, muška i djeèja obuæa. Veæ je spomenuta osnovna podjela na oputaše i kapièare. Prvi su bili dio domaæeg rukotvorstva dok su drugi bili zanatski proizvod. Kako se izraðivao najjednostavniji opanak oputaš govori nam sredinom 19. stoljeæa Mijat Stojanoviæ, seoski uèitelj iz Babine Grede: "Naši su prostaci i opanèari. Oni su vješti strojiti ko u konjsku, volovsku i kravsku na opanke, a teleæu, svinjsku, drebeæu na torbe i mestve, ovèu na ko uhe, maèju i jareæu na diple i gajde itd. Ko u na opanke stroje ovako: istom zguljenu ko u sa ivine pospu pepelom i isprekièuju, pa ostave tako dan dva. Poslije ju rastegnu na pruæe i ostave na kuæni tavan da se isuši, pa je poslije na dašèicu (kalup) izre u na opanke i podijele meðu ukuæane. Svako svoje opanke oèisti od dlake stru uæi oštrim no em i tad istom slo e istrugane opanke prijesne ko e u kakvo korito ili badanj, gdje se prije ukvasi ova posoljena kora. Prostaci zovu to èreslenje i poslije nekoliko dana kad veæ nabrekne kora u èrjeslu i oboji se crvenkasto, izvade je napolje i oputom opletu putrance opanke, ili prave i pletenjake, i pri tom poslu trebaju samo: no, probojac, šilo, a rade ponajviše od oka bez mjere i kalupa" (Stojanoviæ, 1854). Dakle, na otkrojeni komad ko e uz rub bi se probušile rupe kroz koje se provlaèila oputa, èesto zvana vrnèanica (trakovi meke ovèje ili kozje ko e ili usukana ivotinjska crijeva) tako da se najprije svezao vrh a potom obamitalo kroz rupe na rubovima toliko koliko se htjelo prekriti gornji dio stopala, te potom preplitalo. Znali su se pomagati i drvenim kalupom istovjetnim za oba stopala što je olakšavalo oblikovanje opanka. Opletao se i povišeni zapetak (peta, stra nji dio) i ostavljali du i trakovi opute kojima se opanak vezao oko gle nja. Za lakšu izradu te udobniju, trajniju èvršæu i mekšu obuæu ko a se štavila na razne naèine, no uvijek je prethodilo èišæenje ko e. Da bi se došlo do tzv. golice, bilo 60

61 105 Opanci enski opanci s kapicom, Remete, izmeðu dva svjetska rata, EMZ uta boja se dobivala od johine kore, crvenkasta od 2/3 johine i 1/3 brezove kore (Hefele), a crna boja tako da se plava galica namakala u vodi i tom otopinom premazalo lice ko e (Cvetan, 1986:6) ili otapanjem starog eljeza (Šestan,1987:171). 8 Osim biljnim štavilima ko a se štavi i mineralnim. Jedna vrsta je otopina stipse i kamene soli u kojoj ko a namakanjem postaje bijela. Tako se štave kozja i ovèja ko a predviðene za galanterijsku robu. Druga vrsta je štavljenje kromom èime se dobiva boks iz raznovrsnih ko a i ševro iz kozje ko e. Ko e se moraju bojati i mastiti prije sušenja. Glavna prednost kromne ko e je velika otpornost na vodu, posebice na kipuæu. Poznato je još i štavljenje mastima, naroèito ribljim. Obièno se uzimaju ko e od teleta, ovce, jelena, antilopa i sl. Ko a dobivena masnim èinom je vrlo mekana. (Stjepan Gjurgan, Postolarstvo, Zavod za unapredjenje zanatsta, Zagreb, 1937.). 9 Svi dijelovi ko e nemaju jednaku vrijednost. Najbolji dio su leða i trbušina i vrat ali ne hrbat jer je krhak, pa se ne smije preko njega šivati ni kovati sa klincima. Prednje noge i repnjak su nekvalitetni (Gjurgan, 1937:120). je potrebno odstraniti gornji i donji sloj ko e. To se postizalo uranjanjem sirove ko e u vapno koje razara korijenje dlaka a donji dio se ostrugao od mesnih vlakanaca i vezivnog tkiva. Dobivena golica se zatim umakala u solnu kiselinu razrijeðenu vodom da se odstrani preostalo vapno i ko a je bila spremna za štavljenje. Od vrste štavila ovisi boja i otpornost ko e na vodu. Obièno su se upotrebljavala biljna štavila. 7 Treslovine ili tanini kojima se štavilo, dobivani su iz kore hrasta, johe, pitomog kestena, akacije, lišæa ruja, hrastove šišarke i dr. 8 Kora bi se dobro osušila a potom usitnila u prah. U posudi u kojoj se štavilo, prah bi se prelio kipuæom vodom koja se ohladila toliko da ruka mo e izdr ati pa se u nju uranjala ko a (u prevruæoj vodi ko a bi pucala). Tu se namakala toliko dok ne zavre druga voda. Zatim se ko a vadila, voda iz posude odlila, a talog kore se ponovno prelio vruæom vodom. U rashlaðenoj otopini ko a se tukla da što bolje i ravnomjernije upije tanin. Ovaj postupak se ponavljao tijekom desetak dana. Nakon toga se cijedila, i imala pomoæu dva štapa koja su dvojica uvrtala u suprotnim smjerovima. Zatim se ko e napinjala i sušila u hladu u ljetno doba ili zimi u toploj radionici. Napola suhe se odla u, spremne za izradu obuæe. 9 Postupak izrade opanka oputaša od uèinjene ko e u osnovi je jednak onom najjednostavnijem obliku. Prema Hefeleu razlikuju se dvije vrste oputaša presukaši i prepletaši èiji se nazivi izvode prema oputi koja prolazi sredinom gornjeg dijela opanka kroz koju se provlaèe trakovi, vrnèanice s jedne na drugu stranu. U prvima, presuku èine dvije opute zasukane jedna oko druge ali tako da izmeðu njih prolazi vrnèanica, a kod drugih one se nazivaju prijeplet, neusukane ravne vrpce od kojih se jedna po sredini prorezuje a druga kroz nju provlaèi. Svrha i jednog i drugog naèina je da se vrnèanice ravnomjerno razdijele i sredinom uèvrste da opanak bolje stoji, da se lakše obuva i izuva. Izradba prepletaša je nešto slo enija ali je krajnji rezutat tim ljepši. U Imotskoj krajini je 61

62 za izradbu sveèanog, misnog opanka bila potrebna velika umješnost. Za takve opanke kupovala se debela goveða ko a za potplat i 18 rastegljaja (du ina vodoravno ispru enih ruku) ovèje opute bijele boje za naplet. Opanci izraðeni vrlo slo enim naèinom preplitanja nazivali su se pod veliku graðu, a najvrsnije u izradi bile su djevojke iz Donjih Vinjana (Toliæ, 1995:31). Obrtnièka vrsta prepletaša su tzv. utaki, enski sveèani visoki opanci nošeni u nekadašnjim selima Zagrebaèkog prigorja. Prepoznatljivi su po utoj boji i ukrasnim provuèenim fizovanim crvenim, zelenim i plavim ko nim remenèiæima te na prednjem dijelu uèvršæenom resom zvanom brkovi, migica. Moguæa je i inaèica ove vrste opanka koja umjesto remenèiæa na gornjem prednjem dijelu ima kapicu koja je šivana uz potplat. Najraznovrsniji su opanci raðeni u Slavoniji gdje su bili vrlo tra eni i cijenjeni. 10 Opanci sa pletenim gornjim dijelom, vrpèenjaci, proizvodili su se do pred kraj 19. stoljeæa (Toldi,1972) a poèetkom 20. izraðuju se kapièari, kajišari, remenjaši sa dugim 106 Opanèarski alat šubak, kalamiri za kapicu, gleter, Ivaniægrad, 1930-ih. EMZ. 107 Opanèarski alat razlièita šila i no. Vlasništvo Ivan Kruh-Vuk, Ivaniægrad. 108 a) Vrpèenjaci, slavonski opanci prepletaši, kraj 19. stoljeæa, Slavonski Brod, EMZ b) Opanèiæi djeèji, Pleternica, Slavonska Po ega, kraj 19. stoljeæa. EMZ Panklin opanèarski stol s tronošcem, Ivaniægrad, izmeðu dva svjetska rata. Vlasništvo obitelji Kruh-Vuk, Ivaniægrad. Alat iz fundusa EMZ. 62

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64 remenjem za pridr avanje uz nogu, tipièni za cijeli nizinski dio Hrvatske. Izraðivani su od štavljene goveðe ili teleæe ko e. Osnovni alat kojim se opanèar slu io pri izradbi sastojao se od tupih i oštrih šila za provlaèenje, pletenje ili šivanje ko nih traka, bode no a za krojenje i proreze kroz koje se provlaèe trake, šubaka drvene naprave sto astog oblika kojom se optucavaju rubovi, naprava raznih oblika od glatko obraðenog drveta s kojim se glade rubovi farkiš, gleter, kalamiri drveni uzorci za poptplat i kapicu. Naziv kapièar potièe od kapice gornjeg prednjeg dijela opanka napravljenog od cjelovitog komada ko e koji je prvotno oplitanjem spojen sa potplatom, a kasnije šivanjem. Stra nji dio opanka zapetak mogao je biti vrnèan, oplitan remenjem, jednostruko za muške i višestruko za enske opanke (npr. kupineèki). U mlaðim inaèicama kapièara, remenje je zamijenjeno kopèama, a zapetak je èinio takoðer cjeloviti komad ko e oko kojeg je prolazio remen koji se zakopèavao sa strane kopèom brnjicom. U Slavoniji su se nazivali brnjièari, prejièari, u Moslavini æotoši, kiptenjaci, u Lici karlovaèki opanci. Da bi opanak što dulje trajao znalo se na prstima i peti potplata prikucavati èavli cveki ili su ih nosili kovaèima na potkivanje. Vrlo èesti ukras, osobito na sveèanijim primjercima bili su raznovrsni jezièci i rese kalanðore, fucmani, kièini. Izraðivao se još cijeli niz opanaka koji po svojim dijelovima, kroju i slo enom naèinu izradbe stoje negdje na prije- 110 Gomaši opanaci s potplatom izraðenim od automobilske gume a gornjište od pamuènog platna tele, Æilipi, sredina 20. stoljeæa, EMZ 17831f1, a) Opanci enski opanci kapièari, izradio opanèar Josip Bariæ, Po ega, EMZ b) Brnjièari, natikaèe muški opanci kapièari s kopèom brnjicom kojom se zatvaraju, Èazma, izmeðu dva svjetska rata, EMZ Remenjaš, enski opanak kapièar, nedovršen na kalupu, Palanèani, Èazma, izmeðu dva svjetska rata. EMZ 18763a,b U Brodu su godine 52 opanèara èinili najbrojniji obrtnièki stale, a u Ðakovštini proizvodnjom obuæe i radom s ko om bavila se polovina svih seljaèkih obrtnika (Biæaniæ, 1936:31). 64

65 113 a) Šniraèi opanci s rupicama i vezicama za stezanje, Slavonski Brod, izmeðu dva svjetska rata. EMZ b) Skapèani opanci opanci s kopèom kojom se zatvaraju, Babina Greda, izmeðu dva svjetska rata. EMZ Sariènjaci opanci kapièari sa sarama, Kalinovac, Ðurðevac, izmeðu dva svjetska rata. EMZ 13873a,b. 115 Gumaši potplat izraðen od gume, a gornjište od ko e, izradila Vedrana Maraèa, Šibenik, EMZ lazu prema cipelama šnirani ste u se vezicama; skapèani, abièari, s bagom, ideali, riglaši, opanèiæi na cugove ste u se kopèom; saraši, sariènjaci povišeni do gle nja s vezicama; lakovani opanèiæi, sandale, sandaletne s kopèama sa strane itd. Takve je izraðivao i opanèar u mirovini Josip Popiæ iz Otoka kod Vinkovaca. Prema njegovim rijeèima, u narud bama enskog svijeta iz Babine Grede ukras je uvijek morao izvesti u utoj boji, kod Otoèanki kapica je morala biti okrugla sa crvenim ukrasom, a kod upanjki špicastog vrha. Osim toga svaka inaèica nošnje zahtijevala je i odgovarajuæu obuæu. Tako se uz najsveèaniju, zlatom vezenu nošnju obuvala isto tako izvezena obuæa. Promjene u odijevanju podrazumijevale su i promjene u obuvanju. Najmlaði tip opanaka su opanci gumaši koji su se poèeli nositi izmeðu dva svjetska rata. Potplat je izraðen od gume a gornji dio mo e biti od ko e, gume ili èvrstog pamuènog platna tele. Gornjište se s potplatom spaja šivanjem, lijepljenjem i prikucavanjem metalnim èavliæima. Obièno se zatvaraju remenèiæem s kopèom s vanjske strane. Iako se gumaši nazivaju opancima, nemaju jednaki potplat, što je temeljna razlikovna karakteristika opanka i cipele. Naime, kod opanaka i prijelaznih oblika potplat ili ðon savija se prema gore i preplitanjem, šivanjem ili prišivanjem spaja s gornjim dijelom, dok je kod cipela potplat ravan i spajan s gornjim dijelom šivanjem, ljepljenjem ili zakucavanjem. 65

66 116 Postolari Josip, Ivan i Igor Kruh-Vuk, Ivaniægrad Šivani opanèiæi vezeni zlatom, Gorjani, EMZ

67 118 Škornje našvavane èizme sa našivenim ukrasom od utog konca, sa cvekima i potkovom, Kupineèki Kraljevec, izmeðu dva svjetska rata. EMZ Cipele na nir, sjeverozapadna Hrvatska, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. EMZ UO 29. U mnogim krajevima opanci su bili svakodnevna obuæa i u razdoblju nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Danas, na poèetku treæeg tisuæljeæa izraðuju ih tek rijetki. Jedan od njih je i Ivan Kruh Vuk, postolar iz Ivaniægrada, koji zajedno sa sinom nastavlja tradiciju svoga oca i djeda, no obrtnicu za zanimanje opanèara ne mo e dobiti jer takav obrt u obrtnièkom registru ne postoji. Njegovi kupci su èlanovi kulturno-umjetnièkih društava, ne samo iz Hrvatske, nego diljem svijeta gdje djeluju folkloraši. Izraðuje sve vrste opanaka i ostale tradicijske obuæe prema donešenim predlošcima bez obzira iz kojeg su dijela Hrvatske. Nedavno sam imala priliku prisustvovati narud bi mladih dizajnera iz Pariza kojima æe opanci poslu iti ne samo kao inspiracija u njihovom radu, nego i kao lagana svakodnevna obuæa. Kao drugi primjer mogu poslu iti postolari u primorskim gradovima i mjestima u zaleðu. Jedna od njih je Vedrana Maraèa iz Šibenika koja je naslijedila postolarski obrt svoga oca, te uz supruga i sina nastavila tradiciju "jer šteta je da propadne". Iako se glavna djelatnost svodi na popravak obuæe, nerijetko sti u narud be za izradu gumaša, koji su i danas vrlo aktualni meðu seoskim puèanstvom. No, kupuju ih i gostionièari za konobare u konobama "koji su kao u nošnji". Izraðeni su od najtvrðe ko e kravine koju kupuje u Zagrebu i Sloveniji. 67

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69 120 a) Gondolete cipele salonke sa srednje visokom petom, Æilipi, izmeðu dva svjetska rata, EMZ 16164i. b) Kajserice, papuèe enske cipele, Æilipi, sredina 20. stoljeæa, EMZ Prethodna strana: 121 Postolarski stol s alatom - man, Sali, izmeðu dva svjetska rata, EMZ Alat iz fundusa GMV. 11 Npr. holcrašpa, auzrašpa-strugalica, glenštik-rubnjak, lasciger-kuka za vaðenje kalupa, radl-kotaèiæ za krojenje i ukras, šidl-šilo, štufer-dubac, lohajzl-probijaè, cirkl-šestar, višišnajderizrezaè, glenkradl-gladilica, knaj-no, ampus- egalica, abnemer-obrezaè, mustre-predlošci. 12 Prvu struènu knjigu za postolarstvo napisao je godine majstor Mirko Kunst iz Kri evaca, a prva struèna obuka za postolarstvo poèinje godine u Zagrebu koju je vodio majstor Antun ibrat. Prvi struèni list "Napredni postolar", èiji je urednik bio Stjepan Gjurgan, izašao je u Zagrebu godine. (Gjurgan, 1957:25-26) CIPELE I ÈIZME Posebnu cjelinu èine cipele i èizme koje su se, kao što je veæ spomenuto, ponajviše nosile u jadranskim i središnjim podruèjima Hrvatske. Njihova izradba je zahtjevnija jer sadr i više dijelova i drukèije tehnologije izradbe. Jednostavnije su raðene na jednom kalupu za obje noge. Njima pripadaju cipele kajserice, kondurice, firale izraðene od fine kajser ko e, uobièajene u primorskim podruèjima i za muškarce i ene. Cipele tog tipa izraðivane su u razlièitim bojama ko e, a najèešæe u crvenoj, s ukrasnim gornjim rubom i apliciranom mašnom na prednjem dijelu. Vrlo èeste su bile i gondolete niske enske cipele kao graðanska salonka s višom potpeticom izraðene s kalupom za lijevu i desnu nogu (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1983:71). Nosile su se i gete poluvisoke cipele s umetnutim rastezljivim dijelom sa strane, vrlo modernim krajem 19. stoljeæa u Europi (Gjurgjan, 1937:29). Cipele ili pojedini dijelovi potrebni za njihovu izradbu (pete, potplati) bili su vrlo èesto u pošiljkama koji su stizali od rodbine iz Amerike ( galjiæ 2001:80). Tipièna obuæa sjeverozapadne Hrvatske bile su cipele na niranje, šnoršure i èizme. Izraðivale su se od goveðe, konjske i svinjske ko e, a za potplate je slu io najdeblji dio kravlje ko e krupon. Njihova izradba zahtijevala je veæu struènost i iskustvo koje se sticalo kod majstora s njemaèkog govornog podruèja. Stoga ne èudi mno ina naziva vezanih uz postolarski obrt koji imaju korijene u njemaèkom jeziku. 11 Najveæi znaèaj u razvoju postolarske struke imalo je 19. stoljeæe. Tada su se pojavili prvi strojevi za šivanje ko e, prvi puta se poèeo upotrebljavati desni i lijevi kalup, struèno se crtaju i kroje modeli, pojavljuje se struèna literatura i obuka. 12 Što se nosilo u Samoboru, poznatom postolarskom i èizmarskom centru, piše Milan Lang: "Inaèe pak nose i muško i ensko ponajviše èizme do koljena; na petama potko- 69

70 122 Reklama postolarske radionice Franje Suhodobnika, Zagreb, EMZ. 123 enska i muška cipela, izradio postolar Franjo Suhodobnik, Zagreb, EMZ. 70

71 124 Muška cipela, postolarska radionica Boèak", Zagreb, enska cipela, postolarska radionica "Zvonimir", Zagreb, vane i uz kraj potplata obite èavlima (cvekima). Djevojèice nose ljeti po nedjeljama i blagdanima cipele, cokle, koji se sprijeda na luknjice " norum ze niraju ( niranci")... Osim obiènih cipela ili coklov na nirajne nose se i štiflete s visokim i niskim peticama, od crne i ute ko e...èizme su morale imati visoke i "glat" sare, morale su biti na "škrip" (da su u hodu škripale), pomno "zbiksane" i svijetle. Muške su èizme bile od teleæe ko e, a enske od kordovana...èizme su bile svagdanje i svetaène: "za svaki dan su bile šivane na "vanjsku obrtu", a za svetac "na rom". Kod vanjske obrte bio je potplat s ko om šivan izvana tako, da je rub bio obrnut napolje...potkove i èavliæe za èizme kovali su kovaèi; oni su i èizme potkivali...ni ko e još nijesu èizmari tadašnji umijeli natezati; zato su èizme imale na "grlu" nabore (Lang, 1911:170,171). Ovakve vrste obuæe, ali s mnogobrojnim lokalnim inaèicama ukrasa i oblika bile su prisutne u cijelom središnjem dijelu Hrvatske. Paradoksalno je da je proizvod opanèarskog obrta najstarija vrsta tradicijske obuæe, dok je sam obrt najmlaði obuæarski obrt. Razlog tome le i u èinjenici što su opanci dugo bili proizvod seljaèkog rukotvorstva kojim su zadovoljavali svoje potrebe. Dolaskom prvih rukotvoraca opanèara u gradove i veæa mjesta poèetkom 19. stoljeæa, opanci postaju dio sajmene ponude. Sve veæom potra njom raste i broj opanèara koji osnivaju i prve samostalne cehove. Postolarski i èizmarski obrt su starijeg datuma ali su njihovi proizvodi dugo vremena bili namijenjeni iskljuèivo gradskim kupcima. Veæa potra nja za njima javljala se u onim podruèjima koji su bli e srednjoeuropskom i mediteranskom krugu, ili su pak zavisili od blizine veæih centara. Industrijalizacijom i širenjem trgovaèke mre e obrtnièke proizvode zamjenjuju jeftiniji tvornièki a modna globalizacijska strujanja brišu razliku izmeðu seoskih i gradskih potrošaèa. Administrativno, opanèarski obrt više ne postoji. Opanke izraðuju tek rijetki i to samo za potrebe folklornih društava kojima je tradicijska obuæa neizostavni dio scenskog kostima. Kako narodna nošnja, koja ukljuèuje i obuæu, najizra ajnije simbolizira nacionalni identitet potreba za izradbom tradicijske obuæe postojat æe i u buduænosti. Opstanak postolara pak, zavisit æe od konkurencije jeftine kineske uvozne obuæe koja polako osvaja široke svjetske prostore. Njihova buduænost vjerojatno le i u izradbi ekskluzivne, unikatne modne obuæe koja æe kvalitetom i ljepotom zasjeniti serijski proizvedenu obuæu. Sreæom, primjera kvalitetne postolarske cipele mo e se naæi, bilo u radionicama koje nastavljaju višedesetljetnu tradiciju, ili pak u radionicama mladih dizajnera koji se tek probijaju u svijet mode. 71

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73 Aida Brenko Obuæa i njeno znaèenje u seoskim zajednicama u Hrvatskoj 126 Mašlanci, sveèani enski opanci, Babina Greda, Slavonija, oko MBP Prethodna strana: 127 Obuæa seljaèkog stanovništva u Hrvatskoj, konac 19. i poèetak 20. stoljeæa. U OVOM TEKSTU RIJEÈ JE O OBUVANJU SEOSKOG STANOVNIŠTVA u Hrvatskoj od zadnjih desetljeæa 19. do polovice 20. stoljeæa. U tom se vremenu naèin obuvanja seljaèkog društvenog sloja znaèajno razlikovao od ostalog stanovništva u Hrvatskoj (Muraj, 1998: 109). Opanci, kao najstariji tip seoske obuæe, u mnogim su krajevima Hrvatske ostali u uporabi do pedesetih godina 20. stoljeæa. Pod obuvanjem u etnološkom smislu razumijevamo sve ono što se stavljalo na noge. Obuæa se obièno spominje uz opise narodne nošnje. Kao njezin sastavni dio, i ona se mijenjala i oblikovala u skladu s opæim civilizacijskim strujanjima. U muzejima je obuæa u odnosu na tekstilne predmete puno slabije zastupljena. Materijalnih ostataka svakodnevne i radne obuæe ima vrlo malo jer se ona nosila dok se nije poderala, a takoðer valja istaknuti da je seosko stanovništvo èesto bilo bosonogo. Osim toga, uz obuæu se nisu vezali oni osjeæaji kao uz nošnje, koje su ene od prve do zadnje niti same izraðivale. Zato se ona rjeðe nasljeðivala ili èuvala kao dragocjenost. U 16. stoljeæu budi se zanimanje za upoznavanje naèina odijevanja razlièitih naroda, pa iz tog doba potjeèu i prva objavljena djela o odjeæi i obuæi u Europi. Ilustracije odjeæe stanovnika naših krajeva nalazimo u djelu iz 16. stoljeæa pod naslovom "Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo" èiji je autor Cesare Vecellio. Iz 17. stoljeæa potjeèu bakrorezi Weikharda Valvasora koji predstavljaju stanovnike s podruèja Istre i Primorja, umberka s prikazima puèke seoske i gradske odjeæe i obuæe. Tu bi se mogla spomenuti i brojna svjedoèanstva što su ih ostavili Baltazar Hacquet, M. Breton, Fran Carrara i mnogi drugi (Schneider, 1971). Osobito su Morlaci privlaèili pa nju putopisaca zbog njihova naèina ivota, obièaja, odijevanja i obuvanja. Iz 18. stoljeæa datira knjiga Alberta Fortisa "Viaggio in Dalmazia" (Fortis, 1774.) u kojoj nalazimo i bakroreze s prikazima odjeæe i obuæe. Zanimljivo je da se obuæa prikazana u tim knjigama u našim krajevima nosila još poèetkom 20. stoljeæa. Tek se potkraj 19. stoljeæa pojavljuje šire i struènije zanimanje za seljaèku odjeæu, a time i obuæu. Tada ujedno sazrijeva misao o narodopisu ili narodoslovlju kao znanstvenoj disciplini. U Hrvatskoj je koncem 19. stoljeæa prouèavanje odijevanja i 73

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75 obuvanja seoskog stanovništva te sakupljanje etnografske graðe potaknuo Antun Radiæ. Na temelju Radiæevih teorijskih postavki i uputa skupljena je vrijedna graða i o obuæi pojedinih krajeva objavljena u Zbornicima za narodni ivot i obièaje ju nih Slavena. Ti se podaci uglavnom odnose na kraj 19. i poèetak 20. stoljeæa pa predstavljaju temelj za praæenje promjena koje su se pod utjecajem modernizacije dogaðale u nadolazeæim desetljeæima. Opisi svakodnevnog ivota u tim zbornicima vrlo su nam vrijedni i zbog toga što preko njih doznajemo mnoštvo podataka o slo enim društvenim odnosima unutar zajednica, koji su svoj izraz nalazili i u naèinu obuvanja. Regionalni stilovi obuvanja svoj su najveæi procvat do ivjeli upravo u 19. stoljeæu kada se gotovo svako selo isticalo nekom osobitošæu. No pomnijom analizom, te razlièite oblike ipak mo emo podvesti pod nekoliko osnovnih tipova. U etnologiji je uvrije ena podjela na tri kulturne zone: panonsku, dinarsku i jadransku. To su podruèja s ujednaèenim prirodnim uvjetima gdje stanovnici ive na slièan naèin. Osim karakteristika obuæe koje proizlaze iz klimatskih uvjeta, vrste tla te osnovnih i prevladavajuæih grana gospodarstva, obuæa se, kao uostalom i druge kulturne pojave, oblikovala i pod utjecajima drugih kultura i mode viših društvenih slojeva (Muraj, 1998: 109). Premda seoska obuæa na prvi pogled mo e djelovati jednoliko, boljem poznavatelju lokalnih prilika ona na simbolièan naèin izra ava razlièite potrebe ljudi koji je koriste, pokazuje njihove ideološke i moralne vrijednosti, izra ava estetske forme, vjersku, nacionalnu i klasnu pripadnost. Obuæa je osobito bila pogodna za isticanje gospodarskog polo aja, zanimanja te spolne i dobne razlike (Bogatyrev, 1971). Ono što obuæu kao predmet materijalne kulture èini posebno zanimljivom jest njezina izlo enost promjenama. Bilo po svojim fizièkim svojstvima, bilo po funkcijama, obuæa se na prijelomu 19. u 20. stoljeæe rapidno mijenjala pa stoga predstavlja jedan od najoèitijih indikatora promjena koje su se dogaðale u seljaèkim zajednicama. 128 ene u svakodnevnoj nošnji s djecom, Luka, Pokuplje, EMZ Costumi Dalmati e Morlacchi, polovica 19. stoljeæa, litografija kredom i perom, obojena. HPM/PMH

76 130 Nikola Arsenoviæ, muškarac iz Rakovog Potoka, polovica 19. stoljeæa, akvarel. EMZ Nikola Arsenoviæ, ena iz Krapine, polovica 19. stoljeæa, akvarel. EMZ Roberto Focosi. Otoèanka blizu Zadra, prva polovica 19. stoljeæa, litografija. Sljedeæa strana: 133 utaki, opanci za djevojèicu, Šestine, oko Opanèarski rad. Ko a. EMZ Štunfe, sveèane èarape za djevojke i mlade ene, Šestine, oko Pamuèni konac. EMZ 135 Obojci, enska radna obuæa, Dugo selo, oko Lan, konoplja. EMZ

77 PANONSKA ZONA 1 Èizma od tur. çizme (HER, 2005: 230). 2 Cipela od mað. cipellö (HER, 2005: 230). 3 Gornji dio opanka izraðen je od tankih vrpca teleæe ko e. Po sredini prepleta ukrasno je izvedena raznobojnom ko om pletena šara, a uz rub prednjeg dijela uèvršæena je ko nata kitica. 4 Gornji dio paèmi izraðen je od širokih vrpca raznobojnog sukna koje su se na kalupu ispreplele. Paème su se nosile i same kao neke vrste papuèa. Zbog velike kulturne raznolikosti, prikaz obuvanja u ovoj zoni podijelili smo u nekoliko cjelina. Tipièna tradicijska obuæa za ovo podruèje razlièite su vrste opanaka i èizme. 1 Uz opanke kapièare, kajišare, koji su se omatali oko nogu, nosili su se i noviji oblici na kopèanje (brnjièari) i vezivanje ( niranci), a od sredine 19. stoljeæa i razlièite vrste cipela. 2 Prikaz zapoèinjemo selima zagrebaèkog Prigorja gdje se, unatoè blizine grada i neprestana kontaktiranja i razmjenjivanja s njegovim stanovnicima, zadr ao u uporabi tip opanka jedinstvenog u panonskoj zoni, i to gotovo do šezdesetih godina 20. stoljeæa. Radi se o opancima koji su se nazivali utaki. 3 Buduæi da se danas taj tip opanka èesto koristi u suvenirskoj ponudi, on na neki naèin i simbolizira zagrebaèki identitet. ene su ih obuvale na bijele pamuène èarape, štrumfe, koje su se ispod koljena vezale vrpcama, podve njakima. utaki su se prete no nosili uz sveèaniju odjeæu, dok su se dnevno uz rad obuvali opanci od tamne ko e s punim gornjim dijelom. Preko opanaka, ene su ranije nosile paème, 4 vrstu papuèa s pojaèanim potplatom, koje su izraðivale domaæe ene zvane paèmerice. Mlaðe su ene zimi nosile i visoke cipele, koje su sezale do pola lista noge, najèešæe od svijetlo-smeðe ko e, koje su se sprijeda vezivale (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1987: ). Do poèetka 20. stoljeæa Prigorci nisu nosili èarape, veæ su noge omatali u obojke, kvadratne krpe od domaæeg platna. Kao obuæa slu ili su razni opanci kapièari koje su izraðivali domaæi i gradski majstori opanèari. Tako su se nosili opanjki s remenom od crne ko e 77

78 koji su na kapici imali resu zvanu fucman. Spominju se i vlaški opanci od crne ko e s punim prednjim dijelom. Oni su se nabavljali u Vlaškoj ulici u Zagrebu, odakle im i naziv (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1987: 259). Osobito karakteristiène za ovo podruèje bile su èizme od crne ko e tvrdih visokih sara koje su sezale do koljena. Nosile su se na suknene hlaèe, a izraðivali su ih domaæi ili gradski majstori. I u drugim selima zagrebaèke okolice naèini obuvanja slijede sliène obrasce. Radnim su se danom obuvali opanci kapièari, a uz sveèano ruho škornji, crne èizme i graðanske cipele. Posjedovanje škornji ujedno je bio dokaz boljih imovinskih prilika. U selima ju nog dijela Zagreba u vremenu izmeðu Prvoga i Drugoga svjetskog rata uz sveèanije ruho ene su obuvale šlape na bezec, 5 prijelazni oblik izmeðu opanaka i cipela. Povezanost sa srednjoeuropskim panonskim prostorom osobito je vidljiva u obuæi Podravine i Meðimurja gdje su se umjesto opanaka nosile èizme ili cokli, 6 visoke cipele na vezivanje. Naravno da su se i u tim krajevima ranije nosili opanci tipièni za cijelu panonsku regiju, no u 20. stoljeæu u uporabi su najèešæe bili kao radna obuæa. S podruèja Podravine, Etnografski muzej takoðer posjeduje opanke vezovake ispletene od kore veza (vrsta brijesta). 7 Takve opanke ljudi su izraðivali za vlastite potrebe i koristili kao radnu obuæu. Zanimljivo je da se èizmice karakteristiène za selo Koprivnièki Ivanec danas na smotrama folklora predstavljaju kao obuæa tipièna za cijelu Podravinu, premda se zna da su preci današnjih stanovnika na prostor Podravine doselili iz sjeverne Ugarske za vrijeme Austrougarske Monarhije. To su èizmice od meke, tzv. kordovanske ko e, 8 ukrašenih sara. Njihova popularnost ogleda se i u pjesmama. Vrlo iscrpan opis obuæe i naèina njena nošenja na prijelomu 19. i 20. stoljeæa s podruèja jaskanskog Prigorja daje nam Vatroslav Ro iæ, srednjoškolski profesor rodom iz Sv. Jane: "Deca, deæki, cure i mlaje ene idedu dema navek èez ljeti bosi, a nedelju i svetak obujedu deæki èizme ali opanjke, a cure i ene èizme; o enjeni ljudi i starci i starije ene, èe si premaredu kupiti, nesidu navek èi me, a èe nimaju èi am, unda ideju si raše bosi, nek da bi opanke nisili, a èe ki stari èovek nesi opanke, to je zlamene, da je sirocki." (Ro iæ, 2002: 67). 136 Poène, papuèe za starije ene, Markuševec, oko Vuna, pamuk. EMZ Opanci moslavaèki, enska obuæa, Ivaniæ Grad, oko Opanèarski rad. Ko a. MMK Škornji, enske èizme, Frkanovec, Meðimurje, oko Postolarski rad. Ko a. MMÈ E Opanci vezovaki, radna obuæa, Ðurðevac, Podravina, Izradio ih je Jozo Pintar. Kora brijesta. EMZ Takva je obuæa bila izraðena od smeðe ko e s umecima od crnog laka. Imale su malu potpeticu, a kopèale su se uskim remenèiæima. Nabavljale su se kod opanèara u Zagrebu. 6 Od latinske rijeèi soccus, talijanski zoccolo, drvena cipela (Skok, 1973: 271). 7 Opanke pletene od kore nalazimo takoðer na širem panonskom podruèju. U muzejskom fundusu nalaze se i pleteni opanci iz Poljske. 8 Fino uèinjena ko a, ko a iz španjolsko-arapske Kordove (Skok, 1973: 153). 78

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80 Materijalne moguænosti pojedinaca ogledale su se u posjedovanju èizmi, jer su se one nabavljale kupovinom pa su svjedoèile o boljim imovinskim prilikama njihovih posjednika. Pojavom druge vrste obuæe, opanci su se poèeli prezirati ne samo kao izraz siromaštva, veæ i primitivnosti pa su ljudi radije hodali bosi nego li u njima. Opanke su svakodnevno najviše nosila djeca, momci i mlaði muškarci kao radnu obuæu, dok ih neki ljudi iz bogatijih kuæa nisu nikad obuli. To su bili opanci tipa kapièara s remenjem. U opanke su obuvali velike obojke, kojima su omatali nogu do gle nja, a zimi i listove. Svakodnevna enska radna obuæa bile su cokle koje su izgledale poput èizmi bez sara, a nosile su se na golu nogu bez obojaka. Èizme su na peti bile potkovane velikim èavlima, a potplati su bili cvekama (èavlima) pocvekani. Nosile su se s obojcima naèinjenim od starih krpa ili gaæa. Opanci i èizme kupovali su se na sajmu u Jastrebarskom (Ro iæ, 2002: 67-68). " enske èi me su kod gizdavih ozad pete utim koncem preštepane i visokih peta, a sad si daju ozgor vræi na sare i lak i utim koncem iscifrati; stari ljudi i stare ene ne nesidu tak iscifrane èi me. Denes ni takve èi me nisu dost lepe za gizdave ene i cure i deæke, denes se ka je mlaje nesi štrfetline na cug ali na gumbe ali kak drugaè, baš tak kak i purgarice. I mali deci sad kupujedu štrfetline i ne obuvaji ji na obojke nek štumfe, a muški ne, uni još nesidu obojke; muški i štrfetline na nesidu tuliku kak ene i cure." (Ro iæ, 2002: 67). Premda je èizme posjedovao velik broj seljana, ipak su pojedini ukrasni elementi još više isticali društvene razlike, što uostalom i èini va nu funkciju sveèane obuæe. Vidimo da su mlaðe enske osobe prve prihvatile gradsku modu. Sveèana obuæa za razliku od svakodnevne vrlo jasno naglašava i dobnu razliku. Što je starosna dob viša, estetska i društvena funkcija obuæe slabi. Za starije ene bilo je manje va no da se dokazuju s ciljem da se nekom svide. Obuæa ne zadovoljava samo praktiène potrebe i 140 Gomboši, enske cipele i kukica za kopèanje, Gorièan, Meðimurje, Postolarski rad. Ko a, metal. MMÈ E enske cipele, Pisarovina, konac 19. stoljeæa. Postolarski rad. Ko a, vuna, raznobojni konci, metal. EMZ

81 142 a) Kopice, èarape za udovice i stare ene, Pisarovina, oko Lanena preða, pamuk. EMZ b) Sremske kopice, èarape za udovice i stare ene, Donja Kupèina, Pisarovina, oko Lanena preða, vuna. EMZ a) Kopice, sveèana obuæa za djevojke i mlaðe ene, Reèica, Pokuplje, konac 19. stoljeæa. Sukno, srma, perlice i jasprice. EMZ 897. b) Kamašlini, enska radna obuæa, Reèica, Pokuplje, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Domaæe laneno platno, vuna, staklena puceta. EMZ osobni ukus nositelja, ona otkriva okolinu i zadovoljava njezina moralna shvaæanja: "Starci ne nose èi me na biks ni štrfetline z velikimi petami." (Ro iæ, 2002: 189). Na drugom mjestu opet mo emo proèitati: "Deæko denes nesi nabiksane èi me, èe si premare kupiti deækom se šika lepa oprava, o enjenim se ne šika, pak bi im se špotali." (Ro iæ, 2002: 162). Obuæa je, dakle, bila normirana za pojedine dobne skupine. Njen naèin nošenja povlaèio je za sobom individualne i društvene posljedice. Potèinjenost mladih snaha, što je pojava tipièna za patrijahalni naèin ivota u zadrugama, ogledala se i u djelokrugu poslova koje su obavljale. Jedan od njih bio je i pranje nogu svekru i svekrvi: "Predi su snee svekru i sekrvi nege prale sake sibote; denes se veæ ne èuje, da još ka kemu pere." (Ro iæ, 2002: 166). U veæini je naših krajeva èišæenje obuæe prema podjeli na muške i enske poslove pripadalo enama. Buduæi da se u veæini zajednica njezin rad manje cijenio, a i sama ena èesto se smatrala neèistom, ne èudi da su poslovi pranja i èišæenja bili iskljuèivo u njenoj domeni: "Po zimi, kad se ena jutri stane (a mora se uvek prva stati), najpredi zakuri peæ, a unda mora èi me brisati i sna iti sebi i mu u i drugima, s kemi ivi skup." (Ro iæ, 2002: 168). U Pisarovini, kao uostalom i na cijelom panonskom podruèju, ljudi su èesto hodali bosi. Zimi su se u ovim selima nosile èizme, škornje koje su prije imale meke sare, a u 19. stoljeæu prevladavale su obiène vojnièke èizme koje su pod utjecajem mode prešle iz vojne uniforme u civilnu mušku i ensku obuæu. Obuvši èizme, muški su gaæe zadijevali u visoke sare. Ipak su kao najèešæa obuæa slu ili opanci kapièari, uz koje su se gaæe vezivale uz gle anj, nešto iznad obojaka. Njih su s malim lokalnim razlikama izraðivali majstori opanèari, kojih je bilo u svakom selu, a opanèarskim zanatom bavili su se uz ratarske poslove. ene su i u opancima navlaèile vunene èarape, kopice, ispletene u prstenastim prugama razlièitih boja, a u novije vrijeme bilo ih je i s cvjetnim ornamentom u ivim bojama. Te su kopice plele Romkinje iz stalnih naselja na rijeci Kupi. Uz sveèaniju opravu ene su nosile i visoke cipele. To su bili štrfetlini na nir koji su kao u susjednoj Posavini znali biti našivani (vezeni) šarenom svilom (Gušiæ, 1976: 58). Prikaz obuæe koji daje Milan Lang, srednjoškolski uèitelj u Samoboru, u znamenitoj monografiji o ivotu u Samoboru na poèetku 20. stoljeæa, izvrsno oslikava tadašnje ekonomske i kulturne prilike: "Djevojke nose danas svake vrste cipela, što su u modi. Neko vrijeme nosile su ene modre sametaste cipele. Osim obiènih cipela ili coklov na nirajne nose se i štiflete s visokim i niskim peticama od crne i ute ko e Nekoæ su djevojke ljeti obuvale otprte izrezane ko nate cipeliše. Na svakom kraju cipeliša bio je gore prišit 'panklek', koji se 'naskri ' vezao oko gle nja. Zimi su djevojke i ene nosile èizme. Inaèe su i ene ljeti nosile isto onakve cipeliše, kao i djevojke, ali bez pankleka za vezanje. U takvim su cipelama išle i na bal" (Lang, 1911: ). Posljednje nam reèenice otkrivaju kako ponekad nošenje jednog elementa (u ovom sluèaju vrpce, pankleka) mo e ukazivati na drugaèiju statusnu pripadnost. 81

82 Obuæu koja se nosila u Samoboru poèetkom 20. stoljeæa uglavnom su izraðivali domaæi majstori èi mari i šoštari, a kupovale su se i gotove cipele po duæanima. Lang uopæe ne spominje opanke. Glavna muška obuæa za sva godišnja doba bile su èizme. No postojala je razlika izmeðu svagdašnjih i svetaènih. Svetaène èizme morale su imati visoke i glat sare, morale su biti na škrip (da su u hodu škripale), 9 pomno zbiksane i svijetle. Muške su èizme bile od teleæe ko e, a enske od kordovana (Lang, 1911: 170). Nekoæ su ene i djevojke nosile u èizmama obojke, no u doba pisanja monografije veæ su se uobièajile bijele štumfe koje su se vezivale nad koljenom trakom ili lastikom. Dok još ene nisu bile vješte pletenju, kupovale su èarape u duæanu. No poèetkom 20. stoljeæa plele su ih same ili kupovale (Lang, 1911: ). Starci i starice nosili su zimi po kuæi poène kakve se nose i u zagrebaèkom Prigorju. Sliènu obuæu, filce, nosili su obrtnici koji su prodavali po sajmovima. Bila je napravljena od pusta, a izraðivali su je klobuèari. U prošlosti se jedan od glavnih razlikovnih elemenata meðu etnièkim skupinama u umberku ogledao i u tipu obuæe koja se nosila. Razlika u obuvanju izmeðu starosjedilaèkog šokaèkog stanovništva rimokatolièke vjere i vlaških doseljenika koji su se s vremenom okupili oko grkokatolièke crkve, a koji su na prostor umberka došli u 16. stoljeæu, izgubila se relativno brzo. Iz starijih se zapisa vidi da su Vlaji nazuvke i opanke prepletaše karakteristiène za dinarsku zonu prestali nositi veæ u prvoj polovici 19. stoljeæa. Trag im je saèuvan u uzreèici "Nije mu ni do oputa!" u smislu da neka osoba nije dorasla drugoj (Muraj, 1976: 67-88). U istoènom umberku nazuvci se spominju pod nazivom èarape, dok su u starijoj literaturi zabilje eni pod nazivom hlaèice, koje su mogle biti izraðene od sukna, a uvijek su bile izvezene vunom. Razlike meðu Šokcima i Vlajima vidljive su i u nazivima pojedinih dijelova obuæe. Najraširenija obuæa do razdoblja izmeðu Prvoga i Drugoga svjetskog rata bili su opanci tipa kapièara. I Šokice su kao i Vlainje na èarape, što su ih same plele 9 To se postizalo tako da se izmeðu potplata i ðona umetala kreda ili se pak ko a stavljala licem na lice pa je u hodu škripala. Ka u da takve èizme nisu bile za beæare. 144 enske èizmice, Pisarovina, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Postolarski rad. Ko a, metal, svila, pismo. Nosile su se uz èarape. EMZ Škornji, enske èizme, Zaprešiæ, oko godine. Postolarski rad. Ko a, metal. EMZ

83 pomoæu pet igala od vunene preðe, obuvale opanke, zvane katkada i opanki remenci ili opanki z remenjem. Kupovali su se na sajmovima u Jastrebarskom, Samoboru i Karlovcu. Osim èarapa koje su kod Vlaja pleli i muškarci, veæ su se tijekom cijelog 20. stoljeæa nosile i dugaèke kupovne èarape, koje nazivaju štunfe i koje su katolkinje ranije unijele u odjeæu od unijatki. Osim opanaka, imuænije su ene nosile i niske cipele od crne ko e, tzv. postole ili mestve, a na prijelazu u 20. stoljeæe i visoke cipele na vezanje, postolarske proizvodnje koje su nazivale èizmice (Muraj, 1976: 67-88). Opanci vrbèenaki bili su najstariji tip opanaka u Posavini. Vrbèenake su izraðivali muškarci za vlastite potrebe i potrebe obitelji, " same je dole na potplatu noge bila ko a, a druge su bile vrbce gore meste kapice" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 139). To su vjerojatno bili opanci slièni dinarskim prepletašima. Zatim su došli opanci remenaši ili kajšari u Moslavini. To su bili opanci kapièari. Nosili su se s obojcima i laèicama, èetvorinama lanenog platna koje su se omatale oko noge od koljena do gle nja. Postojala je razlika izmeðu muških i enskih opanaka. enski su po sredini kapice bili prepleteni, a pod keèkom su imali još jednu keèku od narezanog remenja. Kod tih je opanaka petni dio ðona povuèen nagore i opleten remenjem, tako da na peti nije bilo zapetka. To se nazivalo vrnðanje. Kod muških je bilo jedno pletenje, a kod enskih dvostruko ili trostruko. U jugozapadnom dijelu Moslavine prednji dio ukrašavao se fucmanom, razlièitim jeziècima ili resama. Fucman je na enskim opancima bio du i nego li na muškim. Druga su vrsta bili klipetnjaci u Posavini, a skipetnjaci u jugozapadnoj Moslavini ili æotaši u sjeveroistoènoj Moslavini. Sprijeda su imali kapicu, a odostrag zapetak visine 6 cm. Kod muških je opanaka oko zapetka prolazio remen koji se provlaèio preko kapice i kopèao sa strane. enski su opanci na kapici imali prorez, a sa strane niz rupica kroz koje se provlaèila duga ko na vrpca, nora. Za sveèane prigode takvi su opanci bili ukrašeni rupicama, a zvali su se nirani ili nijerani opanci. Oni su se nosili na kopice, èarape (Moslavac, 1989: 4). 146 a) Laèice, enske èarape, Bratina, oko Pamuk, vuna, lanena preða. EMZ b) Laèice, enske èarape, Reèica, Pokuplje, oko Pamuk, vuna. EMZ a) Opanjek, muški opanak, Donja Kupèina, oko Opanèarski rad. Goveða ko a. EMZ b) enski opanak, Pisarovina, oko Opanèarska zadruga. Ko a. EMZ

84 84

85 148 Sveèane enske èizme, okolica Siska, konac 19. stoljeæa. Ko a. EMZ 3/ a) Opanci remenjaši, b) opanci petaši, c) opanci skipetki, Moslavina, prva polovica 20. stoljeæa. Opanèarski rad. Ko a. MMK 1030, 1031, 298. Prethodna strana: 150 a) Cipele, Sisak, Posavina, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Brokat, ko a, vuna, srma, pamuk. EMZ ZGZ 178. b) Cokule, sveèane enske cipele, okolica Petrinje, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Postolarski rad. Ko a, svila vune. EMZ Od njemaèke slo enice Buntschuh/Puntschuh (Skok, 1973: 77). Kata Jajnèerova, autorica monografije o Trebarjevu, selu kraj Siska piše: "A klipetnakov je na saku felu: za mlade sneje i dekle su s èrlenu ko u cifrani sekud i sredi se navaðaju kakti pujnðe (visoke cipele); a za stare ene su, ki se ne navaðaju, same se z remenjem ve u; i pak je èrne ki se navaðaju" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 138). Crvena je boja kao boja mladosti i vitalnosti obièno rezervirana za mlaðe dobne skupine. Razni opanci tipa cipele zvali su se u Moslavini još i pleteni, prišiti, lakirani ili svetaèni opanci. Bili su oblikovani prema nozi s peticom od pola do pet centimetara. Saraši su pak bili poput visokih cipela, sprijeda sapeti ko nom vrpcom tzv. šivaèem. Premda smo vidjeli kako su razlièiti obuvni predmeti rezervirani za odreðene dobne skupine, imuæniji su ipak nosili obuæu koja nije uvijek odgovarala ustaljenim normama vezanim za odreðenu dob i prigodu. Jajnèerova ka e da su bogati stariji ljudi nosili èizme i cipele svakodnevno što je izazivalo komentare ostalih suseljana: "Gledaj se zna bogatuš! Ki ima, te i nosi! A naj i nosi, kad more zmoèi, i more mu biti!" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 137). ene su rijetko nosile obuæu svakodnevno. Bez obzira na materijalne moguænosti obuæa se do ivljavala kao vrsta muèenja za nogu: "A dekoja se po celu zimu ne obuva, ne èe je se s tim boriti " (Jajnèerova, 1898: 137). ene su ljeti u sveèanim prigodama pod kraj 19. stoljeæa nosile pujnðe (vrsta cipela), 10 a po zimi visoke pujnðe koje su se nazivale mestve. Ljetne pujnðe mogle su biti platnene, suknene ili od baršuna. Za odlazak na misu oblaèile su se èizmice od crvene ili ute ko e. U opisu mladenkinog ruha iz 19. stoljeæa spominju se i èizmice od ute ko e. Kasnije su u modu došle lemije (cipele vezene svilom): "O ta je bogata, ta ima lemije!" (Jajnèerova 85

86 1898: 139). Ta se vrsta obuæe mogla vidjeti samo u crkvi za vrijeme mise: "To je bile tak preštimane, ki je to v prevše vreme imel! Sme si je v rupèece prematale, kad smo k mešice išle, same sme ji pri crkve obule, i pak zule i bose domom" (Jajnèerova 1898: 138). Taj nam primjer govori o statusnoj, društvenoj ulozi obuæe koja je va nija od stvarne, fizièke. Kasnije su lemije nosile mnoge ene. Kao izrazito sveèana obuæa prešle su i u obrednu pa je zabilje eno da su se sredovjeène ene (45 godina) pokapale u lemijama, a mlaðe u pujnðama, naravno, ako su bile imuænije jer ni pogrebna obuæa nije bila lišena društvene i ekonomske funkcije. Obuæa za najveæu alost bili su opanci z remenjem i obojci što je stariji tip obuæe ovog kraja. Tek u drugoj fazi alovanja, kad se poèelo prenašati mogle su se nositi pujnðe. Muškarci su zimi nosili èizme i štifetline, a ljeti štifetline. Crne muške ko nate èizme sredinom 19. stoljeæa još su rijetkost, pa nalazimo podatke da se po pedeset momaka vjenèalo u istim èizmama (Jajnèareva, 1898: 195). Opisujuæi ivotne prilike potkraj 19. stoljeæa u Slavoniji, Josip Lovretiæ, sveæenik u Otoku kraj Vinkovaca, nabraja obuæu koja se tada nosila: cipele, opanke, èizme, èorape ili natikaèe. Ove posljednje nazivale su se i èalampure. To su vunene èarape s ko nim ðonom bez opetaka. Plele su ih same ene ili Romkinje od raznobojne vune, a æurèije su ih podstavljali i opšivali tankom crvenom ovèjom ko om. Sva se navedena obuæa nosila ili na bosu nogu ili se omatala èetverocipnim (tkanim u èetiri nita) obojcima od šarene vune, no u vrijeme pisanja Lovretiæeve monografije veæ su poneki nosili i pamuène. Tradicionalno su obojci uvijek bili od bijele i crne vune:"... tek dišto se miša uta i crvena. Kad se omota obojak oko noge, gornje tri strike su crveno, uto i crno mišane" (Lovretiæ, 1990: 70). Drvnjake ili klompe što je najèešæe radna obuæa, zimi su nosila i siromašna djeca. enska su djeca cipele obuvala ili na bosu nogu ili na štrinfle. Nosila su i natikaèe ili èorape, a ljeti su radnim danom najèešæe bila bosa. 151 a) Visoke enske cipele, b) djeèje cipele, Potok, Moslavina, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Ko a, lan, pamuk. MMK 314, Drvenjak, muška radna obuæa, Babina Greda, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. EMZ

87 Pojedini modaliteti obuæe, s èime smo se veæ susreli, normirani su za razlièite dobne skupine. Najveæa je opreka izmeðu mladih koji prihvaæaju nove stilove i starijih koji i dalje nose obuæu svoje mladosti. Potkraj 19. stoljeæa muškarci su bili obuveni u opanke, a momci u opanke ili cipele. Starci nikada nisu nosili cipele. Svakodnevna, 'lošija' odjeæa nosila se u kombinaciji s opancima. Izraðivali su ih opanèari, a u starija vremena ljudi su ih za vlastite potrebe sami pravili po kuæama. To su bili opanci tipa prepletaša. U vrijeme pisanja monografije još su uvijek sami krpali svoje opanke kad su se poderali. Muškarci veæ poslije nekoliko godina braka nose samo opanke: "Sramota je da se o enjeni lipo opremljaju, jer seljani vele, da su taki ljudi odviše za kolom, a premalo za poslom." (Lovretiæ, 1990: 70). Zimi su za odlazak u crkvu o enjeni muškarci obuvali èizme. Najprije su se morale navuæi dugaèke šumarske štrinfle, tako da vire iz èizama. Ljetna su obuæa bile niske i visoke cipele. Lovretiæ se sjeæa da su ranije muškarci uvijek bili u èizmama, no otkako su u selu zidane staze, poèeli su nositi samo cipele. Ljudi iz bogatijih kuæa, nosili su i u starosti èizme umjesto opanaka. Iz posljednjeg primjera vidimo da poneki element obuæe u jednom sluèaju mo e oznaèavati dobnu pripadnost, a u drugom taj isti element mo e otkrivati imovinski i društveni status. Otoèanke su radnim danom uglavnom bile bose. Za odlazak u polje, slièno kao u Posavini, ene i djevojke omatale su noge u laæce, èetvrtaste komade platna, koje su ih štitile od ozljeda. Djevojke su ponekad za odlazak u susjedstvo obuvale natikaèe, natakne papuèe ili cipele. U sveèanim prigodama nosile su cipele s pamuènim ili vunenim štrinflama. Stare ene bile su u natikaèama i radnim danom i svetkom, 11 a ene i djevojke samo zimi, u korizmi i koroti, ili su ih nosile kao radnu obuæu za polje. Vidimo kako isti obuvni element ima razlièito znaèenje, ovisno o tome nosi li ga djevojka ili ena. enski stil ivota više je bio odreðen privatnom sferom (obitelj, susjedstvo), pa je i ensko ponašanje bilo više podvrgnuto strogim neformalnim sredstvima društvene kontrole (obièaji, Crkva, obitelj). Zato je ena više izra avala alost od muškarca što je bilo vidljivo i u naèinu obuvanja. Nošenje ili nenošenje obuæe moglo je upuæivati na statusne i srodnièke odnose s okolinom. Tako su odrasle djevojke u znak najdublje 153 Štrimfa na èi mu, muška sveèana obuæa, Otok, Slavonija, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Vuna, perlice. EMZ Laèke, sveèana obuæa za mlaðeg muškarca, Ðakovo, oko Vuna i perlice. EMZ Pantafule, obuæa enska, Gorjani, Slavonija, oko Vuna, goveða i ovèja ko a. EMZ "U Otoku nije sramota uz fino odilo èorape obuti, osobito ako je to veæ ena, a ne divojka. Da se nose èorape uz svilu, vidi se, jer pivaju: 'Èalampure i crvena svila, Ujeo se za laloku Fila, a ne mo e pogodit da svira.'" (Lovretiæ, 1990: 87-88). 87

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89 156 enske cipele, Slavonija, konac 19. stoljeæa. Postolarski rad. Ko a, konac, svila. EMZ 5/ enske cipele, Gorjani, Slavonija, prva polovica 20. stoljeæa. Opanèarski rad. Ko a, baršun, zlatna i srebrna nit. EMZ Laèki za noge, enska radna obuæe, Otok, Slavonija, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Lan, konoplja. EMZ a) Hlaèice, enske èarape, Kupinec, Pokuplje, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Pamuk, preða. EMZ b) Èarape za curu, Pleternica, Slavonija, oko Pamuk. EMZ c) Èarape za starice, Pleternica, Slavonija, oko Lanena preða. EMZ To su bili obojci koje su roditelji nosili jednu zimu pa kad su se na peti razderali, opkrojili su ih i dali djeci. 13 Osobito se u vremenu izmeðu dva rata elja djevojaka za gizdanjem isticala u tisku kao glavni uzrok bijeloj kugi, jer majka koja rodi jedno ili dvoje enske djece više ne eli raðati bojeæi se da ih neæe moæi opremiti prema ondašnjim zahtjevima. Ulaskom novca u seoska gospodarstva od temelja se poèeo mijenjati stav i prema obuæi. Nekad je bila sramota da djevojka nosi ono što nitko nije imao, jer nije htjela biti drugaèija od drugih. No sada su se djevojke u selu poèele nadmetati u kupovini da ih "kakvagod šuša ne prestigne". Zato se i pjevalo: "Prodaj dado i kravu i tele Pa mi kupi lakane cipele." (Sremac, 1940: 15). alosti za pokojnikom ljeti hodale bose. No Lovretiæ primjeæuje da u njegovo vrijeme Otoèanke dok iskajavaju, za razliku od Privlaèanka, nedjeljom obuvaju natikaèe (Lovretiæ, 1990: 398). Pišuæi o lijekovima magijskog karaktera koji su se koristili u Slavoniji, Lovretiæ spominje obièaj da se eni koja teško raða daje piti iz mu evog opanka kako bi lakše rodila (Lovretiæ, 1990: 331). Vjerojatno se radi o prijenosnoj magiji gdje opanak simbolizira mušku snagu koja æe pomoæi eni pri porodu. Dva desetljeæa poslije objavljivanja monografije o Otoku izašla je knjiga o Varošu, selu kraj Slavonskog Broda koju je napisao Luka Lukiæ. Kao i drugi pisci monografija, on detaljno opisuje mušku i ensku obuæu s posebnim napomenama za odreðene dobne skupine. Takoðer razlikuje sveèanu i radnu obuæu, a istièe i razlike izmeðu ljetnog i zimskog modaliteta. Preplitanje starijeg i novijeg tipa obuæe vidi se veæ u obuvanju djece. Ima primjera gdje djeèja obuæa br e prati gradsku modu pa se tako u nekim sredinama mlade oblaèila tradicijski, a djeca koja su tek krenula u školu po uzoru na gradsku modu. U Varošu muška djeca do 16 godina nisu nosila cipele, veæ samo opanke. Po zimi, kad su išli za stokom, obuvali su suknene obojke i opanke. Sukneni obojci koje nose djeca zvali su se ogrljatci. 12 enska su djeca do 15. godine najèešæe hodala u opancima, a u sveèanim prigodama, u cipelama. Od te dobi veæ je bilo va no kako æe se djevojka pojaviti u selu. Obuæa je kao pokazatelj imovinskih prilika igrala va nu ulogu u Slavoniji, osobito za djevojke do udaje. Ako kuæa nije mogla svaku djevojèicu opskrbiti cipelama, onda su majke kupovale kæerima cipele vlastitim novcem. 13 Vrlo je uobièajena pojava da stariji tip obuæe na nekom prostoru kasnije postane radna obuæa. Momci, djevojke i ene do 35 godina radnim su danom hodali u opancima i obojcima. ene su uz obojke navlaèile još i pamuène èarape, a zimi suknene da im bude toplije. Obojke su smatale preko èarapa. Za blagdane koji su padali u zimsko doba momci su navlaèili kupovne vunene èarape, preko kojih su omatali obojak i onda obuvali èizme. Muškarci su pak u tim prigodama nosili cipele na cug, s bijelim pamuènim kupovnim èarapama, a zimi vunene plave èarape i visoke podstavljene cipele. Muške èizme i cipele kao i enske zimske cipele bile su potkovane. U vrijeme pisanja monografi- 89

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91 160 Muške èarape, Vinkovci, Slavonija, Pletena i valjana èarapa proizvod su prve slavonske tvornice vunene robe. EMZ Sandale, enska obuæa, Bizovac, oko Postolarski rad. Ko a. EMZ Èarape sa zrnjicama, Otok, Slavonija, oko Ko a, vuna, staklene perlice. EMZ Prethodna strana: 163 a) Obojci, muška obuæa, Slavonski Brod, oko Vuna, pamuk. EMZ je bile su moderne niske bijele cipele koje su mogle biti lastinske (platnene) ili ko ne pa su ih djevojke i mlade ene nosile ljeti u sveèanim prigodama. U to su doba djevojke i mlaðe ene blagdanom poèele nositi i papuèe u kombinaciji s èarapama. Cipele su ene obuvale za sveèanije zgode sve do pedesete godine, a neke su ih nosile i do kraja ivota. Starci su inaèe hodali u opancima i obojcima. Uz opanke koji su se uz nogu uèvršæivali pomoæu remenja postojali su, kako ka e Lukiæ, i mali opanci od crne i crvene ko e. Ti su se opanci stezali alèicom (tip opanaka brnjièara). Tako su, na primjer, u malim crnim opancima ene ljeti išle u Brod (Lukiæ, 1919: 96-98). Prestankom nošenja opanaka kajišara prestali su se nositi i obojci. Na podruèju upanje stariji tip obuvanja, koji se veæ bio izobièajio u razdoblju izmeðu Prvoga i Drugoga svjetskog rata, zadr ao se kao vrsta svakodnevne, osobito enske obuæe za vrijeme poklada. Radilo se o suknenim kariranim obojcima, u be i smeðoj boji i opancima kajišarima. Kasnije su, kao i u drugim podruèjima, prevladali opanci brnjièari s ukrasnom metalnom kopèom bagom zvani idealima, ili s jezikom kalanèorom. Uz rajtozne hlaèe uvijek su se nosile èizme visokih sara. U muškoj obuæi toga kraja osobito su se isticale fusekle, èarape od valjane vune s ukrasom koji je predstavljao jedanaest raznobojnih vodoravnih valovitih pruga. Pruge su bile znak raspoznavanja nekadašnje Vojne krajine buduæi da je upanja bila središte 11. kumpanije Elferije. Za taj kraj bile su karakteristiène i vunene èarape tamnocrvene boje ukrašene bijelim zrncima poput narukvica šticli. Ta se vrsta èarapa nosila do polovice 20. stoljeæa (Bušiæ, 2005: ). U enskoj vunenoj obuæi takoðer nailazimo na èarape s upletenim staklenim zrncima, zatim pletene èièkane èarape i rijetko saèuvane fuseklice koje su za razliku od muških imale šaru na jabuèice. Najdulje su se u uporabi zadr ale tamnocrvene èarape s gulicama (vunene kuglice kao dio reljefnog ukrasa na èarapama), najèešæe ru ièaste boje (Bušiæ, 2005: 157). b) Obojci, muška obuæa, Babina Greda, Slavonija, oko Vuna. EMZ c) Obojci, muška obuæa, Slavonski Brod, oko Vuna. EMZ Djeèak sveèano odjeven, okolica Slavonskog Broda, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. MBP. 91

92 a) Èarape šite, sveèana obuæa za djevojke i mlade ene,topolje, Baranja, oko Vuna, staklene perlice. EMZ b) Sveèane èarape za djevojke i mlade ene, Duboševica, Baranja, oko Vuna, staklene perlice. EMZ c) Štrimfe, èarape za djevojke i mlade ene, Bizovac, Slavonija, oko Vuna. EMZ d) Štrimfe, èarape, za djevojke i mlade ene. Bizovac, Slavonija, oko Vuna. EMZ e) Štrimfe bobane sa zrncima, èarape za djevojke i mlade ene, Bizovac, Slavonija, oko Vuna, perlice. EMZ f) enske èarape, Gradište, Slavonija, oko Vuna. Obuæa za djevojke i mlade ene. EMZ

93 Najlon-èarape takoðer su se kombinirale s tradicijskim naèinom odijevanja. Tako su ene ljeti na nogama nosile tanke najlonke-kajzerice, a za hladnijih dana flor ili glotiferket-èarape, sve u be boji. Uz sveèano ruho nosile su se crne ko ne sandale s remenèiæem ili lakirane, koje su izraðivali majstori opanèari u upanji. Do dvadesetih godina 20. stoljeæa ene su zimi nosile visoke šnirane cipele, zatim su u modu došle gojzerice (visoke crne cipele na vezanje) (Bušiæ, 2005: 160). U obuæi koja se nosila u Baranji najviše se istièu vunene èarape pletene crvenom ili višebojnom vunom. Dosezale su do koljena, a pleli su ih muškarci, na pet igala. Uz raznobojnu vunu koristio se i bijeli pamuk. Èarape su se nazivale po motivima po kojima su izraðene: èorape na jabuèice, na zvizde, na grane, èorape na ru marine, èorape na konje, na crvke i sl. Postojale su i èorape šite, dodatno ukrašene vezom i èorape rogane, pletene u višebojnim prugama. Mlaðe su osobe nosile èarape svjetlijih tonova, a starije ene podmrke, èarape tamnih boja, prete no zelene i plave boje. U vrijeme alovanja nosile su se bijele èarape s crnim prugama. Vidimo kako boja obuæe mo e otkrivati dob nositelja ili upuæivati na stupanj alosti za pokojnikom. 166 Èarape, enska radna obuæa, Topolje, Baranja, oko Vuna, pamuk, ko a. Nosile su ih djevojke i mlaðe ene. EMZ Èarapci, enska obuæa, Topolje, Baranja, oko Vuna, pamuk, ko a. EMZ Komošne, cipele za djevojke i mlaðe ene, Topolje, Baranja, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Ko a, baršun, srma, mjed. EMZ

94 U vrlo su širokoj uporabi bile èarape sa stopalom opšivenim debljim domaæim platnom ili ko om. Srodna vrsta takvoj obuæi bile su èarapke, odnosno æose, papuèe ispletene od raznobojne vune i bijelog pamuka, sa stopalima najprije opšivenim debljim domaæim platnom, a kasnije ko om. Izraðivale su ih ene same. Poène ili poèni, enske su papuèe od crne valjane vune s ko nim potplatom. Radili su ih majstori i prodavali na sajmištima. Èarapke i poène nosile su se ljeti na bosu nogu, a za hladnijih dana s èarapama. U sveèanim prigodama nosile su se cipele komošne, što je vrsta polucipela na petu, od crnog baršuna s vezenim cvjetnim uzorkom i perlicama. Zimska obuæa bili su i opanci kapièari s remenjem za vezivanje i brnjièari, a u novije vrijeme kupovne cipele od mekše ko e na šniranje. Najrašireniji oblik opanka bili su kajišari s velikim jezikom ukrašenim tehnikom na proboj koji se preklapao preko lica opanka. Uz takve opanke nosili su se vuneni obojci. Kao radna obuæa slu ile su klompe. I muškarci su nosili èarapke, klompe te crne kajišare. Momci i mlaði muškarci nosili su cipele povrh šarenih vunenih èarapa, dok su stariji najèešæe ostali vjerni opancima. Uz sveèano ruho, mlaði su muškarci nosili èizme èvrstih sara s petom do 4 cm, najèešæe ukrašenom kovnim èavliæima (Maglica, 2003: ). 169 Muške èizme, Topolje, Baranja, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Postolarski rad. Ko a, metal. EMZ Opanci kajišari, muški sveèani opanci, Topolje, Baranja, oko godine. Opanèarski rad. Teleæa ko a. EMZ

95 DINARSKA ZONA Radi boljeg razumijevanja opisane graðe, najprije iznosimo opæe karakteristike obuæe dinarskog podruèja u skladu s uvrije enom tipologizacijom u našoj etnologiji (Gušiæ, 1955; Radauš-Ribariæ, 1974). Ovdje se osobito uoèava povezanost obuæe s osnovnom granom gospodarstva. Veæina sirovina za izradu obuæe dobivale su se od ovce. Obilje je dinarske kulturne zone u obuvanju u prvom su redu vunene èarape raznih oblika koje su mogle dopirati do koljena, do pola lista, iznad gle nja ili su samo prekrivale prednji dio stopala, a oblaèile su se u nekoliko slojeva. Bjeève, biève 14 najdonji su unutarnji sloj. To je vrsta obuæe bez stopala. Obièno su pletene od bijele vune jednostavnim pletivom na pet igala. Na bjeève se navlaèe èarape, èorape, koje se katkad nazivaju grliæi, po gornjem dijelu, ili po turski terluci, trluci. Njen donji dio sa stopalom pleten je od bijele ili koje druge boje vune, èesto prošaran pletenim uzorkom. Kod ena dose e do pregiba pod koljenom, gdje se podvezuje podvezama, a kod muških do sredine listova. Gornji dio grliæi, veoma je ukrašen veæ u samom pletivu, a povrh toga još je navezen i opšiven graðom, vezenim apliciranim ukrasom. Na muškoj obuæi grliæi su koji put od sukna, s unutarnje strane zatvaraju se kopèama, kovèicama. Kao treæi sloj, na èarape se oblaèi kratka obuæa do gle nja, razlièito nazivana i u razlièitim varijantama. To su nazuvci, nazupci, priglavci ili natikaèe. Kratki nazupci u ju nom primorju oblaèe se samo na no ne prste, a priglavci u planinama dose u i povrh gle nja, pa i sami imaju ukrašene grliæe, iako ni e od onih na èarapama. Na ovu pletenu obuæu dolaze opanci (Gušiæ, 1955: 171). Dinarski opanci oputaši najèešæe su od sirove goveðe ko e, a za siromašnije, ene i djecu èesto i od svinjske ko e (Kutleša, 1993: 124). No nosili su se i u skladu s vremenskim prilikama od svinjske ko e za suha vremena, a od goveðe po kiši (Forjan, 2002: 126). Nabijeni su na kalup i opleteni oputom od ovèjeg crijeva. Takve su opanke èesto plele ene same, a u manjim gradskim središtima izraðivali su ih majstori opanèari. U 171 Opanci prepletaši, Kijevo, oko Goveða ko a, ovèje crijevo. EMZ Rijeè raširena na ju noslavenskom podruèju od Jadrana do Bugarske, kao ostatak iz balkanskog latiniteta. Prvobitno znaèenje bilo je nogavica, odjeæa za nogu. To je znaèenje su eno na èarapa. Tu rijeè potiskuju na istoku turcizam èarape, i na zapadu italijanizam kalcete (Skok, 1973: 146). 95

96 a) b) e) f) 172 a) enska obuæa, terluci, Vrlika, konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, pamuk, metal. EMZ b) Muška obuæa, terluci, Vrlika, konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, sukno, pamuk, metal. EMZ c) enske èarape, Poljica, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Vuna. EMZ d) Terluci, muška obuæa, Bukovica, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Vuna, sukno, svila, pamuk. EMZ e) Priglavci, obuæa za prste, konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, pamuk. EMZ ES 560. f) Nazupci, muška obuæa, Vrlika, konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, pamuk. EMZ g) Nazupci, enska obuæa, Benkovac, konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, sukno. EMZ h) Nazupci, muška obuæa, Benkovac, konac 19. stoljeæa. Vuna, sukno. EMZ c) g) d) h) 96

97 173 Potkoljenjaèe, remenje koje dr i biève, Vrlika, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Ko a, kositar, staklene perlice. EMZ Biève, muška obuæa, Kosore, Vrlika, oko Pamuk, vuna. EMZ U etnološkoj literaturi oni se obièno navode kao primjer savršene prilagodbe kraškim vrletima. Èak i lijeènici tridesetih godina 20. stoljeæa vrlo pohvalno pišu o njima. Buduæi da je ta vrsta opanaka bila karakteristièna za cijelo balkansko podruèje, èesto se spominje kako su u Prvome svjetskom ratu Srbi puno br e napredovali u opancima, nego austrougarska vojska u teškim vojnièkim cokulama. 16 "Govori se: kad je lip obojak, stoji lipo opanak ili obojak ljubi opanak. Djevojci koja lijepo ne obuje opanke i obojke pjeva se za porugu: Opanèiæi klapaju Obojèiæi padaju A panciri zveèe Da te momci neæe." (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). 17 Okrajak ko e, što se stavlja u proderane opanke da ne nabije nogu. 18 Tako je juretna obuæa bila od crvene ili modre èoje. Postojala je i srmana, koja bi se našila i iskitila "srmom i paran, svakakvim pulijan, da bi se sjala i svitlila nogu". 19 Oni kod kojih je peta od crne vune, a potplati prstiju bijeli, zvali su se crnopetiæi, a potpuno crni crnavci. Lici, kao i u nekim drugim podruèjima dinarske zone, umjesto opute slu io je bijeli kanap (u e) (Gušiæ, 1955: 171). Ti su opanci veoma pogodni za hodanje po kamenom terenu. Uz vunene èarape opanci se tijesno pripijaju uz nogu i veoma su elastièni, te na taj naèin omoguæuju prilagoðavanje stopala i najmanjim neravninama. 15 Ovaj opis daje opæenit pregled obuvanja u dinarskoj zoni na prijelomu 19. i 20. stoljeæa premda su u praksi, naravno, postojala regionalna odstupanja ne samo u nazivima i kolièini predmeta, veæ i u naèinu nošenja dijelova obuæe normirane za pojedine dobne i spolne skupine. Tako se u Poljicima navlaèci i natikaèe zovu 'muška obuæa', a èarape i natikaèe ' enska obuæa' (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 334). Slièno je bilo i u Lici (Krèmariæ, 1905: 316). Iz opisa vrlièke tradicijske odjeæe, o kojoj piše Sanja Ivanèiæ, doznajemo da je knji evni izraz obuæa u vrlièkoj tradicijskoj terminologiji oznaèavao predmet koji danas nazivamo èarapa. Na obuæu su se navlaèili obojci, pletena obuæa stopala bez pete (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 84). U Poljicima obojkom 16 zovu okrajak ili komad krpe, što se stavlja u opanak kao i prièalina 17 (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). U sliènom znaèenju obojak se pojavljuje i u Lici (Krèmariæ, 1905: 316). Sjeæajuæi se starinske obuæe koja se u Poljicima nosila u 19. stoljeæu, Frano Ivaniševiæ, sveæenik iz Poljica, nabraja više vrsta takve obuæe. 18 Takoðer napominje da se gotovo nitko više tako ne obuva, a ako i obuva, stavlja je ispod hlaèa da se ne vidi (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 328). U vrijeme pisanja monografije o Poljicima muški su nosili biève od crne ili bijele vune, a neki i od pamuka. Na njih su oblaèili terluke pletene od crne vune, raznobojno ukrašenih prstiju i peta. 19 Biève vrlièkih muškaraca pletene su kao najsveèaniji detalj obuæe bijelom pamuènom niti, na pet igala, prozraènim èipkastim bodom. Iznad njih, ako se nose, ve u se potkoljenjaèe, remenje ukrašeno sitnim olovnim i kositrenim granulama i metalnom kopèom za stezanje (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 84). enska je obuæa u Vrlici vrlo slièna muškoj, razlikuje se samo u velièini i rasporedu vezenih motiva, dok su obojci i opanci posve isti (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 87). enske èarape u Poljicima bile su pletene od bumbaka (pamuka) i modre vune, s gornjim dijelom naroèito ukrašenim crvenim, modrim i crnim koncem (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 322). U Lici su enske natikaèe bile kraæe od muških. Ali ponegdje su se još poèetkom 20. stoljeæa nosile 97

98 i graðene, to jest vezene natikaèe. Graðene natikaèe nosile su samo djevojke i mlade ene uz bijele èarape (Krèmariæ, 1905: ). U dinarskoj zoni statusna razlika izmeðu ene i djevojke oèitovala se i u obuæi. Tako djevojke umjesto bièava nose klašnje. Klašnje su obuæa bez stopala. U Bukovici djevojaèke klašnje pletene su bijelocrvenom vunom u uzorku, pod petom ih dr i potpetnjak, a pod koljenom su vezane ispletenim gajtanom, podvezom, struèicom. U Vrlici su ispletene domaæom vunom u tonovima modre, zelene i crne boje s geometrijskim motivima sliènim onima kljeèanim (tkanim). enske su biève pak od modrog stupanog sukna. Stra nja strana, list enskih bièava ukrašen je graðom, a po sredini ima raspor s kukama i sponama za kopèanje (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 87). Obuæom se takoðer mogla istaknuti vjerska i nacionalna razlièitost. Nogavice, biève u hrvatskoj nošnji Bukovice krojene su od modre ili crne tkanine. Èesto su krojene na klin, biève klinaèe, ali najèešæe se na listu noge apliciraju tri uzdu ne pruge od crvene i zelene èohe, izvezene šarenom vunom, svilom ili pamukom i opšivene bijelim gajtanom. U Velebitskom podgorju biève su ispletene od modre domaæe vune, a na listu noge kao ukras uèvršæena je kitica od frkane modre vune, vrk (biève s vrkom). Srpske nogavice, bjeève, krojene su takoðer od modrog ili crnog sukna, ali na listu noge od donjeg ruba prema gore prorezane su i tu zakopèane nizom parova kopèica, spunjama i kukcima. Oko tog proreza, još su ukrašene unaokolo prugama izvezene èohe u obliku grèkog slova p. Pletene ili suknene nogavice dr i pod petom potpetnjak koji je pleten èvršæom vunom ili je to pruga èvršæeg sukna. I uz enske nogavice obuvaju se niski nazupci (u hrvatskoj nošnji) ili èarape (u srpskoj nošnji). Razlikuju se po izboru boja vezenog ukrasa kao i po motivima veza (Oštriæ, 2005: 16). U Lici su Srpkinje (Vlainje) du e od Hrvatica (Bunjevki) zadr ale graðene natikaèe, a i na "... momku æeš Vlahu vidjeti katkad graðene natikaèe, a na kranjcu sad veæ ama baš nikada." (Krèmariæ, 1905: 320). Prikazujuæi ivot u Smiljanu u Lici na poèetku 20. stoljeæa, Krèmariæ piše: "Ranije su se nosili i nazupci koji su sad izašli iz mode. Nazupci su bili nešto kraæi od natikaèa. Na natikaèe se obuvaju karlovaèki opanci s ko nim kapicama ili oputaši, prepletaši. Njih zimi nose samo oni koji ne mogu kupiti karlovaèke opanke. U sveèane dane nose cure i mlade ene cipele." (Krèmariæ, 1905: 316). 175 a) Bièva, enska obuæa Hrvatice, Benkovac, konac 19. stoljeæa. Sukno, pamuk, vuna. EMZ b) Bjeèva, enska obuæa Srpkinje, Bilišane, konac 19. stoljeæa. Sukno, vuna, pamuk, metal. NMZ 685 c) Biève, enska obuæa, Vrlika, kraj 19. stoljeæa. Sukno, vuna, pamuk, metalne kukice. EMZ d) Curske biève, enska obuæa, Vrlika, oko Vuna. EMZ

99 176 Djevojka iz Ravnih Kotara, 18. stoljeæe. 177 Djevojka iz plemena Kokoriæa, okolina Vrgorca, 18. stoljeæe. 178 Muškarci iz Smiljana, Lika, Nestve ili mestve balkanski turcizam perzijskog podrijetla, mes-ko a. Doèetak -va u mestva došao je unakrštavanjem s bjeèva (Skok, 1973: 414). 21 Prema tur. yemenli "iz Jemena", šarovita obuæa, tip plitke obuæe; isto što i filare (Skok, 1973: 773). Iz ovih primjera vidimo da stariji tip obuæe nose još samo starci i ljudi skromnijeg imovinskog stanja, dok mlaðe generacije (momci i djevojke) poèetkom 20. stoljeæa lakše prihvaæaju novije tipove obuæe. Opanke prepletaše koji su stariji tip opanaka poèeli su poèetkom 20. stoljeæa i u drugim dinarskim krajevima istiskivati opanci kapièari: "Danas mlaðarija kupuje u gradu novu vrstu opanaka od vine ko e. To su zatvoreni opanci sa uzicom. Zovu ih riški opanci jer su se najviše kupovali u senjskoj Rici, ili krovati jer su okrojeni kako u 'Rvaskoj nose seljaci'." (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 329). U skladu sa svojom temeljnom funkcijom, opanci prepletaši u Imotskoj su krajini mogli biti nosni i misni. Nosni su bili za svakodnevnu uporabu i najèešæe su ih izraðivali u kuæama za vlastite potrebe, a sveèani, misni, nabavljali su se kod seoskih majstora opanèara. Osobito su glasoviti bili šantarovci, koji nose ime po majstoru opanèaru iz Vinjana. Druga vrsta bili su gumavci, kod kojih je ðon bio od gume, a treæa opanci od robe, èiji je ðon ko nat, a ostali djelovi platneni (Kutleša, 1993: 124). Nestve, 20 niske ko nate cipele, poèetkom 20. stoljeæa nosile su još samo starije ene. Potplat im je bio od debele ko e, a gornji dio, tumera, od tanke ko e s crvenim rubom. I mala djeca od 5-6 godina nosila su nestvice na uši, koje su se vezivale da im ne ispadaju s nogu. Od ko nate obuæe nosile su se još ðemelije, 21 a u starija vremena neki su muškarci nosili i èizme. Ðemelije su bile poput nestava, samo ljepše izraðene i izvezene (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 334). Zanimljivo je da Ivan Lovriæ u svojim "Bilješkama o putu po Dalmaciji" (1776.), komentirajuæi Fortisove navode i zapa anja, ka e da kod Morlaka nema one strogosti o kojoj govori Fortis koja bi i djevojkama zabranjivala nositi drugaèiju obuæu, ma koliko njihove porodice bile bogate, veæ je upravo obrnuto. Nošenje turskih papuèa ili jemelija (jemenlija) koja su druga vrsta obuæe, ovisi o tome, koliko tko mo e potrošiti (Lovriæ, 1848: 101). 99

100 Vidimo, dakle, kako je razlièita socijalna diferencijacija unutar zajednice dopuštala pojedincima veæa odstupanja od uvrije enih formi. Bolje imovinske prilike omoguæavale su pojedincima nošenje osobitih dijelova obuæe, koji su drugima bili nedostupni. Poèetkom 20. stoljeæa jemenlije ili, kako ka e Ivaniševiæ, ðemelije nosile su još samo starice dok su u ranijim vremenima bile statusna oznaka bogatijih djevojaka. Opis obuæe koju daje Ivaniševiæ vrlo nam je znaèajan jer svjedoèi o tome kako se moda i ranije mijenjala te da je dinamika tih promjena bila vezana uz procese koji su se dogaðali na širem kulturnom planu, pa preko njih mo emo stvoriti puno dinamièniju sliku seoske kulture od one na koju smo navikli. Postole 22 su se nosile u najsveèanijim zgodama, a poèetkom 20. stoljeæa nosili su ih svi osim male djece i staraca koji su i dalje ostali vjerni obuæi svoje mladosti. Ivaniševiæ se sjeæa da ih je potkraj 19. stoljeæa nosio samo pop za vrijeme mise, ali za po dvoru i on je nosio opanke ili nestve. Starije postole bile su duguljaste i uzdignute sprijeda. Zvale su se na škarpune, a zatvarale su se uzicom, revnikom. Poèetkom 20. stoljeæa poèele su se nositi gete, zatvorene cipele na laštik. Postole i nestve kupovale su se u gradu. Slièno je bilo i u Ravnim Kotarima i Bukovici gdje su ene i djevojke nosile vilare, crnu ko nu obuæu sa èvrstim ðonom (Oštriæ, 2005: 16). Stav ljudi u Poljicima prema miješanju novijih i starijih stilova obuvanja vrlo dobro oslikava sljedeæi navod: "U Postrani starije ene mišaju robu starijeg i novijeg kroja: ' pregljaèa i saketina, postoli i opanci pa im se rugaju da su po miša, a po tiæa, ili da nisu ni pirka ni kanjac'." (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 325). U dinarskoj zoni za razliku od panonske ljudi su rijetko hodali bosi. To je bilo samo u osobitim situacijama, primjerice, pri izvršenju zavjeta, sudjelovanju u procesiji ili blagoslovu polja. Bosonogi su bili samo najveæi siromasi. Putopisci koji su u 18. stoljeæu prolazili Dalmacijom donose i svoja zapa anja. Opisujuæi odjeæu i obuæu Morlaka, stanovnika unutrašnjosti Dalmacije, Albert Fortis godine piše da ona predstavlja simbol njihovog identiteta: "Kod njih postoji poslovica da tko mijenja haljine mijenja i vjeru." (Lovriæ, 1948: 94). Takoðer ka e kako se 179 Gete, enske cipele, Split, konac 19. stoljeæa. Ko a, guma. EMS. 22 Postola-cipela, prasl.* postolq (HER, 2005: 165). 100

101 pripovijeda da se neki Morlak razljutio kad nije u Mlecima našao opanaka, i kako je izgrdio kao lašce one, koji su ga uvjeravali, da u Mlecima ima svega. Status odraslog muškarca oznaèavala je i njegova obuæa. Odstupanje od norme koja simbolizira muško oèituje se u podrugljivom tonu kojim se muškarac èije vanjske oznake identiteta ne zadovoljavaju okolinu usporeðuje s neèim što je s društvenog stanovišta manje vrijedno, a to je ena i njezin identitet: "Teško Morlaku, koji bi na nogama nosio èarape! Taj bi bio siguran, da bi postao ruglom svih svojih zemljaka. Èarape su im odvratne, i to zato, što ih nose ene, a oni neæe ni za što da budu slièni enama." (Lovriæ, 1948: 94). Patrijahalni odnos izmeðu muškarca i ene jednako je izra en još i u 20. stoljeæu. Opisujuæi ivot u obitelji u Bukovici, Vladimir Ardaliæ, pismeni seljak iz Ðevrsaka ka e: "Najbolje se vidi da je ona njemu prisvojita i pokorna kad je na njemu roba èista i ušæupena, kad mu ostru e od blata opanke, te kad on le e, osuši s ostalom obuæom nad vatrom." (Ardaliæ, 1906: 18). Preko obuæe koja se u sklopu svadbenih obièaja dariva, saznajemo mnoge va ne podatke o mre i društvenih odnosa unutar zajednice i obitelji. Ti su pokloni podrazumijevali obveze i legitimitet nove veze. U donjim Poljicima bio je obièaj na Materice pred Bo iæ da vjerenik svoju vjerenicu posjeti i na dar joj donose obuæu (postole ili nestve), a ona njemu sljedeæe nedjelje na Oèiæe košulju, biève i terluke ili navlakuše (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). Kad je djevojka bila isprošena, svekrva ju je darivala bièvama i terlucima (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). Takoðer je bio obièaj da se, u nedjelju na veèer prije vjenèanja kad se išlo kod djevojke po robu, nose darovi svim ukuæanima: svakom muškom èlanu kuæanstva postole, a enskom nestve, te mladoj postole, britvu i pancire. Djever i ðuveglija dobivali su biève i terluke (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 71). Obuæa se u svadbenom obredu javlja i u kontekstu magije. Buduæi da je svadba prijelaz iz statusa djevojke i mladiæa u status ene i muškarca, oni su u tom trenutku prema tradicijskom vjerovanju bili više izlo eni utjecaju zlih sila. Da bi se od njih zaštitili, morali su zamijeniti jednu od bièava koju bi naopako obukli. Okretanje robe naopako, kao zaštita od negativnih utjecaja, i danas je prisutno (Luliæ, 2005: 139). Kao što smo vidjeli na prethodnim primjerima, èarapa je èesto vezana uz darivanje, ali mo e poslu iti i da se u nju stavi dar. Tako se, npr., u dinarskom podruèju na Sv. Nikolu djeci stavlja dar u èarapu (Luliæ, 2005: 139). 180 Natikaèe, muška obuæa, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Donji Lapac, Lika. Vuna. EMZ

102 JADRANSKA ZONA Jedna od karakteristika u odijevanju pa tako i obuvanju ruralnog stanovništva ovog podruèja jest rano nestajanje muške tradicijske odjeæe pa i obuæe. To se objašnjava èinjenicom da su muškarci, osobito pomorci, zbog zapošljavanja izvan seoske sredine preuzimali graðanski naèin odijevanja. S druge strane, kao posljedica migracija stanovništva koje je iz jadranskog zaleða bje alo pred Turcima u obuvanju se vidi preplitanje s dinarskim tipom obuæe. Pletene vunene èarape jednake su na jadranskom i na dinarskom podruèju. Meðutim, dinarski naèin podrazumijeva nošenje bjeèvi (nazuvci, èarape, priglavci i sl.) i u nekoliko slojeva, od kojih su neke vrste ukrašene ili raznobojnim pletivom, ili graðom, vezenim apliciranim ukrasom od raznobojna sukna i metalnim kopèama. 23 Jadranske su vunene biève (hoveje, kalcete i sl.) uvijek jednobojne i bez ukrasa, a ukrasnim pletivom ukrašene su tek one od pamuka (Muraj, 1981: 201). ene su ih same plele s pomoæu pet igala od bijele prepredene vune. Osim stopala, biève pokrivaju cijeli potkoljenièni dio noge, a na gornjem rubu mogu imati vrpce kojima se ve u ispod koljena, ili ih ene prièvršæuju vrpcama od gaæa. Odlazeæi na posao u polje, ene su èesto navlaèile i po dva para bièava. Uz sveèanu ljetnu odjeæu oblaèile su umjesto vunenih biève ispletene od kupovnog pamuka (bumbak). Udovice su pak nosile biève ispletene od crne vune. Prije uvoðenja crnine koja je u nekim našim krajevima prihvaæena poèetkom 20. stoljeæa, u alosti za bli njima dijelovi su se nošnje èrvili to jest bojali. Tako je u Gornjim Petrèanima ena na nogama u vrijeme alosti nosila tzv. kajaèke nazubke s grliæem od tamnocrvenog pana, vrste mekoga kupovnog sukna (Luliæ, 2005: 146). 181 Papuèe, enska obuæa, Novi Vinodolski, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Ko a, vuna, sukno. EMZ 4/ Škarpini, enska radna obuæa, otok I, prva polovica 20. stoljeæa. NMZ Natakaèe, udovièka obuæa, Olib, Vuna, ko a, pamuk. NMZ Sliènu dvodjelnu obuæu nalazimo i na podruèju Jadranske zone, primjerice, oko Novigrada i Pakoštana gdje se obuæa sastojala od suknenih dokoljenica, bièava i niskih vunom pletenih nazubaka s metalnim kopèicama, sponjama (Oštriæ, 2005: 67). U Istri su se uz vunene èarape oko gle njeva stavljale i bijele suknene gamaše.

103 Djevojke za udaju nastojale su biti što bolje obuèene, i to u odjeæu svjetlijih tonova. Èesto su djevojke u jadranskoj zoni nosile crvene èarape. Etnografski muzej posjeduje takve èerljene hoveje s Krka. Pletene èarape arkih boja osobito su bile upadljive na otoku Susku gdje se nošnja s vremenom skratila pa su noge postale puno vidljivije. Za vrijeme rada u polju ili zimi, na Zlarinu su se preko dokoljenica obuvale još i kratke èarape škapune, pletene debljom vunom. Slièan tip obuæe, škofune, 24 zabilje ene su i na Pagu (Muraj, 1981: 177) i Pašmanu. Na Pašmanu je bio obièaj da, dolazeæi u posjetu kæerci poslije vjenèanja, mladenkini roditelji donesu i radnu obuæu. Uz oruðe, donijeli bi joj i škofune (Luliæ, 2005: 144). Kao radna obuæa slu ile su i biève od najgrublje vune èije je stopalo opšiveno ko om. Na Zlarinu su to bile škrpete. 25 Na Olibu su za rad u polju slu ili zavojci, izraðeni od gruboga pamuènog platna sliène vrste kao onog za jedra. Sezali su do koljena, a potplati su im bili od sirove ko e. Niska enska radna obuæa krojena od modre tele s ðonom od usoljene ko e na I u se naziva škarpini. Najèešæe su je izraðivale same ene. Na gotovo cijelom podruèju jadranske zone, od Istre do Pelješca i Konavala, te na mnogim otocima (Rabu, Pagu, Krku, Zlarinu, Braèu, Lastovu i Mljetu) još su u 20. stoljeæu kao svakodnevna radna obuæa slu ili domaæi opanci, panki, upanki, upenki od sirove ko e. Nošenje i izraðivanje opanaka na Zlarinu odr alo se još i u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeæa (Muraj, 1981: 204). To su bili opanci tipa prepletaša, kojima je donji dio, pot- 184 a) Kalcete, enske èarape, otok Susak, oko Pletene na stroju. Vuna. EMZ 15089, b) Hoveje, èarape za djevojke i mlade ene, Vrbnik, otok Krk, kraj 19. stoljeæa. Vuna. EMZ 14523, b.b. 185 Èarape, enske papuèe, otok Susak, oko Domaæa izrada. Tvornièko sukno, pamuk, svila, vuna. EMZ 25935, 15204, 15089, Od starotalijanskog scaffone, èarapa, bjeèvica (Skok, 1973: 397). 25 Od talijanskog scarpa, cipela (Skok, 1973: 399).

104 plat, bio izraðen od goveðe ko e, a gornji dio isprepleten od uskih ko nih vrpca (pute), usukanih od ovèje ili kozje ko e. Kasnije su u uporabu ušli opanci tipa kapièara, koji su se u Istri nazivali i hrvacki opanci, a nabavljali su se u Rijeci (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 53). Dok su se opanci još nosili, postojala je razlika u naèinu nošenja novije i starije obuæe. Opanci, kao stariji tip obuæe, uglavnom su se obuvali sa suknenom odjeæom i vunenim èarapama, za svakodnevne poslove, dok su se cipele nosile u sveèanijim prigodama u kombinaciji s pamuènim èarapama koje su najèešæe bile ukrašene šupljikavim uzorkom u pletenju. Jelka Radauš Ribariæ u knjizi " enska narodna nošnja u Istri" daje vrlo slikovit primjer iz kojeg se vidi stav ljudi prema miješanju stilova. Ako se koja sirota opremila sveèano, a obukla opanke, mogla je èuti kako joj dobacuju: "A zaludo da imaš sedlo, a nemaš potkove." (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 68). Ovdje govorimo o opæenitim tendencijama premda je u praksi bilo moguæe i drugaèije kombiniranje novijih i starijih elemenata. Poslije napuštanja opanaka u Istri, ene su za svakodnevnu kuænu uporabu šile papuèe sa suknenim potplatom i gornjim dijelom zvane natake, škrpuce ili èavate u Liburniji. One su još donedavno bile glavna radna obuæa (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 27). Kao i u nekim drugim našim krajevima u Istri se kao radna obuæa spominju i klompe, copuli u Labinštini ili cokule u okolici minja (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 42). Nošenje laganih plitkih cipela, koje su postolari izraðivali od mekane, èesto obojene ko e (a bile su jednake i za desnu i za lijevu nogu), tipièno je za cijelo jadransko podruèje. Poznate su po staroj praslavenskoj rijeèi postole, iako susreæemo i druge nazive, npr.: tronkete ili šèopelice u Orebiæu, levantine 26 u srednjoj Dalmaciji, kondure ili papuèe 186 Muški opanci, Istra, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Ko a. EMZ, inv. br. ES 517. Sljedeæa strana: 187 a) Biève, enske sveèane èarape s uzorkom na kose, Istra, oko Pamuk. EMZ b) Bjeève lavurane, enske èarape, Konavle oko Pamuk. EMZ a) Bijele dokoljenice, muška sveèana obuæa, Konavle, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Sukno, svila, metalne kukice, tvornièko platno. EMZ b) Crvene dokoljenice, muška sveèana obuæa, Konavle, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Sukno, svila, metalne kukice i ploèice. EMZ Naziv sugerira njihovo porijeklo iz istoèno mediteranskih zemalja. 104

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106 u Konavlima, injulke na Braèu (Muraj, 1981: 204), crevlje u Peroju u Istri. Slavenski naziv crevlje za tu vrstu obuæe spominje se od 13. stoljeæa u našim ju nim primorskim krajevima (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 212), premda je taj tip obuæe najpoznatiji po nazivu firale, filare ili vilari. 27 Kasnije su došle u modu filare koje su imale popreèni remenèiæ za zakopèavanje. Izraðivali su ih domaæi postolari u obli njim gradovima. U Istri se cipele uvode tek oko sredine 19. stoljeæa. Kao sveèana obuæa slu ile su cipele, postole, škarpete, gondolini na tak. To su niske otvorene cipele s peticom, ponekad s ukrasnom vrpcom ili kopèom (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 42). Na podruèju Istre spominju se i postoli na uši, niske cipele koje su sprijeda imale ukrašen jezik (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 53). Autor monografije o Vrbniku na Krku, Ivan ic, ka e kako ima boljih i lošijih postola: "Stare su za 'seki dan, veæi del dobro okrpani i pokerpani, kerpa do kerpi; a boje su celi i neokerpani, ali pek imaju samol po jenu kerpicu, i to malu, da je ni jako vidit." ( ic, 2001: 40). ic takoðer razlikuje cipele po kroju i ka e da muškarci uz široke brageše (hlaèe) nose plitke cipele i na puntu (na vezanje), a uz duge uske hlaèe visoke na škornjicu (na niranje). Mladi deèki nose u sveèanim prigodama laštiki. 28 Od enskih cipela osobito se istièu plitke postole iz 19. stoljeæa, najèešæe izraðene od od bijele ko e, premda su mogle biti i u drugim bojama ( ic, 2001: 46) te ukrašene crvenom vrpcom. Nosile su naziv napingane, što znaèi bojane. 29 U Dubrovaèkim su krajevima za bolje zgode slu ile papuèe od crvene kajser ko e. Etnografski muzej posjeduje, uz lastovsku nošnju, i papuèe od crvenog sukna s kojim su se ukrašavali i dijelovi nošnje. U obuæi Konavljana jasno se uoèavaju dinarski i jadranski elementi. U dinarske mo emo ubrojiti obuæu u nekoliko slojeva i opanke prepletaše, a u mediteranske niske cipele od crvene ko e. Do pred Drugi svjetski rat za svakodnevnu obuæu slu ile su vunene bjeève i kratke do iznad gle nja èarape s grlom, koje su se zatvarale kopèama. Bjeève su se izraðivale od prirodne bijele domaæe vune, ali se koristila i vuna od crnih ovaca sa smeðim runom za radnu obuæu. Konavoke su ljeti umjesto vunenih dijelova obuæe navlaèile bjeève od pamuka. 189 a) Postoli, cipele za mladenku, Olib, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Postolarski rad. Ko a, metal, platno. NMZ b) enske cipele, Orebiæ, konac 19. stoljeæa. Ko a, svilena vrpca. EMZ bb. 190 a) Firale, djeèja obuæa, Preko, Ugljan, Firalarski rad. Ko a. NMZ b) Papuèice, djeèja obuæa, Èilipi, oko Postolarski rad. Ko a. EMZ Turcizam Filar, filare, nepletene cipele od ko e (Skok, 1973: 516). 28 To su cipele koje dose u do gle nja, a sa strana imaju rastezljivo platno, u nekim drugim krajevima nazivaju se gete. 29 I dubrovaèki izvori iz 15. stoljeæa govore o bojanoj obuæi (Gušiæ, 1955: 117). 106

107 191 a) Papuèe, enske obuæa, Babino polje, Otok Mljet, oko Postolarski rad. Ko a, svila. EMZ b) Vilari, niska ko na obuæa, Benkovac, oko Ko a. Rad domaæih obuæara. NMZ Postoli pingani, enske cipele, Vrbnik, Otok Krk, oko Postolarski rad. Cipele su izraðene prema uzoru na starinske. Ko a, pamuk, svila. EMZ Na strani 108: 193 Dva muškarca iz Konavala, akvarel, F.B. Doubek. EMZ 26. Za sveèanije prigode bjeève su imale upleteni uzorak, sitnu ukrasnu pletenicu, tzv. lavur, po èemu takve bjeève nose naziv lavurane bjeève. Bijele bjeève nosile su se do vremena izmeðu Prvoga i Drugoga svjetskog rata, i to ljeti i zimi. Od tog doba u uporabu su ušle crne bjeève. Uz bijele bjeève i èarape s grliæima i nazuvcima nosili su se opanci oputaši ili opanci kljunaši. Zatim su se poèeli izraðivati opanci èiji je gornji dio bio od èvrstoga bijeloga pamuènog platna, tzv. tele, s potplatom od gume. To su tzv. gumaši. Usporedo s èarapama, muškarci su nosili i dokoljenice (obuæa bez stopala) od bijele èohe koje se uz nogu uèvršæuju gustim nizom kopèi. Bijele su se dokoljenice nosile do Prvoga svjetskog rata u sveèanijim prigodama, i to uz crvene papuèe. I ene su u sveèanim prigodama nosile papuèe ili kondurice. Zanimljivo je da su Konavoke uz nakit i odjevne predmete pri vjeridbi dobivale od strane momkove kuæe i crvene papuèe od kajser ko e. Ti se pokloni nazivaju malo obilje je. U najsveèanijim prigodama, uz zlatnu ili svilenu robu, muškarci su nosili crvene dokoljenice od fine crvene svite (èohe). Izraðivali su ih majstori terzije. Za te dokoljenice ka e se da su srebrom okovane, a nazivaju se i toke, po ukrasnim ploèicama. Nosile su se do Prvoga svjetskog rata na raznim skupovima i u svatovima, a imale su ih samo bogatije kuæe. Poslije Prvoga svjetskog rata, umjesto papuèa, uz mušku konavosku nošnju ušle su u uporabu niske crne graðanske cipele, koje se i danas nose (Benc- Boškoviæ, 1983: 55-56). ene su pak poèele nositi gondolete, niske cipele poput graðanske salonke s višom potpeticom. I gondolete se rade od crvene kajser ko e, ali u paru, za lijevu i desnu nogu (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1983: 71). Još valja spomenuti obièaj rasprostranjen u cijeloj jadranskoj zoni. Uoèi Sv. Luce ostavljala se bièva obješena na rašljastu granu na kominu. Djeca vjeruju da Sv. Luce dolazi noæu kroz dimnjak i stavlja dar u èarapu. Na strani 109: 194 Muškarac iz Klisa, akvarel, F.B. Doubek. EMZ

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110 Aida Brenko Vesna Zoriæ Obuæa u dvadesetom stoljeæu

111 195 Salonke, oko Secesijski stil, Bally. 196 Salonke,1915. Ko a, rips. MUO enske èizme, Vara din, kraj 19. stoljeæa. Ko a. GMV KPO Kamašli, ko nate potkoljenice, Plemenšèina, Hrvatsko zagorje, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. GMV E Salonke, poèetak 20. stoljeæa. Ko a, rips. MGS Tr nica u Zagrebu, Podaci o svjetskim trendovima obuæe u 20. stoljeæu, u ovom prikazu, oslanjaju se jednim dijelom na podatke iz teksta objavljenog na internetu: Shoes, Centuries and Decades ( RAZDOBLJE Poèetkom 20. stoljeæa najomiljeniji modeli iz prethodnog razdoblja zadr ali su se u modi do poèetka Prvoga svjetskog rata. 1 U izboru cipela materijal je bio va niji od njihova oblika. Visoke èizme na kopèanje ili vezanje, crne ili neutralnih svijetlih boja i dalje su najraširenija obuæa do dvadesetih godina. Niske salonke u modi su do godine. Noga još uvijek ne smije biti otkrivena. Iznimka su kuæne natikaèe izraðene od svile, satena, baršuna i brokata ukrašene vrpcama, èipkom i pomponima. Postupno se ti ukrasni elementi poèinju pojavljivati i na svakodnevnoj obuæi. Prvi svjetski rat utjecao je na razvoj cipela na mnogo naèina: od proizvodnje i prodaje, do izgleda i materijala od kojeg su napravljene. U tom razdoblju suknje postaju kraæe, pa se noga sve više otkriva. Unatoè teškim vremenima, obuæa postaje svjetlija, a enske èarape prozirnije i zavodljivije. Rat donosi promjene i u društvenim odnosima, uloga ene postaje istaknutija više no ikad. Puèka obuæa koja svoje korijene vuèe još iz prethistorije, oblikovala se tijekom povijesti pod utjecajem mode pojedinih razdoblja. Te su se promjene sporo odvijale i uvijek su kasnile za zbivanjima u elitnoj kulturi. Intenzitet i brzina promjena odvijali su se u skladu s ukljuèivanjem pojedinih zajednica u globalne tokove, kao i u odnosu na njihove moguænosti, elje i potrebe za prihvaæanjem vanjskih utjecaja. Stoljeæima su cipele bile luksuz, privilegija povlaštenih, no poèetkom 20. stoljeæa pojavom tvornica one postaju jeftinije i dostupnije. Rat je uvelike smanjio kupovnu moæ našega seoskog stanovništva. Zbog oskudice i siromaštva ljudi su imali samo jedan par cipela koji se nosio dok se ne podere. Uobièajeno je bilo da djeca prve cipele dobiju pred polazak u školu ili ih naslijede od starije braæe. Posjedovanje èizama ukazivalo je na bolje imovinske prilike. Postolari su vrlo èesto na stare sare prišivali novi donji dio. Cipele i èizme višekratno su se krpale kako bi trajale što du e. 111

112 DVADESETE GODINE vrijeme su optimizma, originalnosti, one predstavljaju prvo 'moderno' desetljeæe. U Americi i velikom broju europskih dr ava ene po prvi put imaju pravo glasa, mogu javno pušiti i piti. Dizajn cipela u ovom razdoblju predstavlja potpuni prekid s tradicijom što se osobito ogledalo u izboru boja, materijala i obilju ukrasnih elemenata. Suknje su se skratile gotovo do koljena pa obuæa dolazi u središte pa nje. Sada postaje va no kako usuglasiti boje odjeæe i cipela. Postojala je tendencija da boja cipela bude u kontrastu s bojom odjeæe. Moda više nije privilegija elite, trgovine su pune novih modela dostupnih širokim slojevima društva. Mnoge su ene, osobito mlaðe, posjedovale i po nekoliko pari cipela u skladu s odjeæom i namjenom cipele za šetnju, tenis, golf, posjete ili ples. Najomiljenija aktivnost u dvadesetim bio je ples pa su cipele morale biti dovoljno èvrste da izdr e estoki ritam fokstrota, šimija i èarlstona. Osobito su popularne èarlston cipele s ukri enim remenèiæima ili remenèiæima postavljenim u obliku slova T, šiljastih vrhova, visokih peta. Sredinom dvadesetih godina sandala postaje va an dio enske garderobe. Gola noga više ne izaziva sablazan. Orijentalne motive popularne poèetkom 1920-ih, zamjenjuju geometrijski, karakteristièni za art deco 2. Pojavljuju se novi proizvoðaèi cipela. Postolarske proizvode sve više istiskuje industrijski proizvedena obuæa. No usprkos takvim tendencijama, talentirani postolari postaju znameniti kao i krojaèi. To je doba kad zapoèinju djelovati slavni dizajneri ekskluzivnih cipela: Pietro Yantorny 3, Charles Jourdan, Salvatore Ferragamo i André Perugia. Krajem 1920-ih bijelo-smeðe i bijelo-crne kombinacije ne izazivaju èuðenje. Poèetkom 20. stoljeæa globalna modna strujanja zahvatila su i naše seoske zajednice što se oèitovalo u sve br im promjenama stilova obuvanja. Tako su se u isto vrijeme nosile dvije ili više vrsta obuæe. Mlaði èlanovi zajednice lakše su prihvaæali novi stil, dok su stariji prete no nosili obuæu svoje mladosti. U mnogim dijelovima Hrvatske sveèana obuæa za mlaðe enske osobe uopæe se nije razlikovala od gradske. Radna obuæa i dalje su opanci, a ensko je stanovništvo svakodnevno najèešæe bosonogo. 2 Art deco bio je prvi estetièki pokret 20. stoljeæa. Èvrsto ukorijenjen u svijet vizualne umjetnosti obuhvaæao je apstrakciju, jednostavnost, geometriju i kontrastne boje. Pokret je zapoèeo u Parizu godine poslije velike svjetske izlo be Exposition Internationale des Arts Decoratifs Industrieles et Modernes koja je velièala " ivot u modernom svijetu" (Pedersen, 2005: 46). Etnografski muzej u Zagrebu, na poziv Ministarstva trgovine i industrije, takoðer je sudjelovao na toj velikoj svjetskoj izlo bi s predmetima vezanim uz narodnu umjetnost (Gjetvaj, 1989: 21). 3 Pietro Yantorny (roðen u Italiji) bio je prvi svjetski priznat dizajner obuæe. Njegove su cipele bile nevjerojatno raskošne, uzbudljive i za veæinu nedosti an predmet elje. Buduæi da mu je za izradu jednog para trebalo dvije godine, ne èudi da je smatran najskupljim svjetskim postolarom. Sve je na cipelama moralo biti savršeno pa tako i kalupi koje je izraðivao od islu enih violina. Premda ga Manolo Blahnik, kao i drugi danas poznati dizajneri navode kao inspiraciju, nitko zapravo ne zna što se s njim dogodilo (Pedersen, 2005: 32). 112

113 201 enske sandale, Salvatore Ferragamo. Tutankhamunova grobnica otkrivena je godine i od tada poèinje fascinacija Egiptom koja je svoj izraz našla i u modi. Cipele tog vremena, dizajneri su poèeli ukrašavati zlatom, što je podsjeæalo na faraonovo bogatstvo i raskoš. 202 enska cipela, Zagreb, 1920-ih. Ko a i brokat. Vlasništvo Mire Wolf. 203 Epidemija charlestona - I Zagrepèanka ivi za charleston, pleše charleston i sanja o njemu... I Zagreb je 1920-ih slijedio svjetske trendove Grosmama, mama i kæi nekad i danas... Slikovni komentar novih modnih strujanja, Posljednje novosti firme Bata, enska cipela, Zagreb, 1920-ih. Ko a. Vlasništvo Zore Prpiæ. Socijalna diferencijacija unutar zajednice dopuštala je pojedincima veæa odstupanja od uvrije enih dobnih normi. U samoj proizvodnji obuæe prisutna je sve veæa specijalizacija. U tom razdoblju na selu se zamjeæuje relativno slabljenje utjecaja tradicije, koje se oèituje u prihvaæanju elemenata karakteristiènih za gradski, zapadnoeuropski naèin odijevanja i obuvanja. Tradicionalni enski poslovi, izrada tekstila, uzgoj peradi i vrtlarstvo u novim uvjetima nastalim poslije Prvoga svjetskog rata pru aju i eni priliku za zaradom i potrošnjom (Supek, 1995/1996: ) pa osobito u enskom odijevanju dolazi do zamjene elemenata (bluza umjesto opleæa, cipele umjesto opanaka i sl.). Nezaobilazna organizacija koja se bavila kulturnim radom i prosvjeæivanjem na selu u tom vremenu bila je Seljaèka sloga, koju je politièki usmjeravala Hrvatska seljaèka stranka. Usporedo s promjenama koje su se dogaðale na društvenom, gospodarskom i kulturnom planu, Seljaèka sloga u mnogim je seoskim sredinama pokretala obnovu nošnji za nastupe na smotrama. Nošnja za nastupe valjala je biti obnovljena po uzoru na vrstu odjeæe i obuæe koja se na selima nosila prije utjecaja modernizacije. 207 Knji ica savjetuje seljaèko stanovništvo kako se valja odijevati u cilju oèuvanja nacionalnog identiteta i gospodarstva. 113

114 TRIDESETE GODINE Poslije ekonomske krize godine vladala je oskudica i siromaštvo. Luksuzna obuæa zamjenjuje se praktiènom èemu doprinosi i opæenita kulturna klima kubizam, art deco i funkcionalizam kao vodeæi pravac u arhitekturi. Moda postaje umjerenija i više se pa nje posveæuje zdravlju i kvaliteti materijala. Buduæi da je udobnost postala primarna, šiljati uski vrhovi zamjenjuju se širim i zaobljenim, peta postaje ni a i stabilnija, a poslije potpuno je išèezla na sandalama i sportskoj obuæi. Sportske cipele s gumenim potplatom i platnenim gornjištem postale su moderne i pokazale se vrlo praktiènima. Sandale, prvotno obuæa za pla u, postaju svakodnevna i sveèana obuæa. Klasiène salonke dobivaju otvore na prstima i peti. U drugoj polovici desetljeæa javljaju se cipele debelih potplata platforme i cipele s punom petom. Antilop ko a najraširenija je za gornjišta i èesto se kombinira s prirodnom i lakiranom ko om ili tkaninom. Sveèane cipele izraðene su od svile i satena, no još su uvijek najelegantnije cipele od jareæe ko e. Izraðuju se i cipele od zmijske i krokodilske ko e koje simboliziraju bogatstvo i sjaj. Smeða, crna i pastelne boje karakteristiène su za svakodnevnu obuæu. Premda je crna bila boja desetljeæa, uoèi rata iznenada se javljaju i druge boje crvena, zelena, plava. Èizme izlaze iz muške mode, a uspješni poslovni ljudi nose lohane cipele. U muškoj modi po prvi put pojavljuju se mokasine. U Hrvatskoj, seoska odjeæa i obuæa takoðer do ivljavaju razlièite promjene, ne toliko u obliku koliko u vrsti materijala i ukrasu. Uz sveèane nošnje ukrašene svilom, karakteristiène za panonsko podruèje, nosili su se sveèani opanci, cipele ili sandale koje su izraðivali seoski ili gradski opanèari. No sveèani opanci ukrašavali su se u skladu s tadašnjom modom. Bili su izraðeni od razlièitih vrsta ko e. Osobito su omiljeni bili oni na peticu s umecima od lakirane ko e u kontrastnim bojama. Od ukrasa na opancima istièu se kopèe i mašne. Zato upravo u ovom razdoblju Seljaèka sloga pokreæe niz aktivnosti za oèuvanje narodne kulture u èistom obliku. Namjera je bila ne samo oèuvati starinsku odjeæu i obuæu, nego i vratiti ih u funkciju, oèišæene od stranih i modnih utjecaja koji su smatrani jednim od najveæih društvenih poroka (Sremac,1978: 100). 208 Iznad duge, enska sandala, Pluto, jareæa i antilop ko a. Izradio Salvatore Ferragamo. Ferragamo je 1930-ih zapoèeo proizvodnju cipela koristeæi tehnike masovne proizvodnje i obrtnièku vještinu. Ovu je sandalu izradio za holivudsku zvijezdu Judy Garland. 209 enske cipele, Zagreb, Ko a. MUO Dvobojne salonke nosile su se uz suknju koja je sezala malo ispod koljena. Od cipela se oèekivalo da traju više od jedne sezone. 210 Reklama za Batinu obuæu, enska cipela, Zagreb, oko Ko a. Vlasništvo Mirjane Randiæ. 212 Reklama za Batinu obuæu, Svetaèni opanci, sveèana enska obuæa, Moslavina, oko Ko a. MMK ET 1034, ET Sveèani opanci koje su nosile djevojke i mlade ene bili su izraðeni po uzoru na gradsku modu. 214 Reklama za Batine gumene èizme,

115 4 Bata Tomaš ( ) bio je èeški industrijalac, koji je poduzeæa za proizvodnju obuæe "Bata" utemeljio gotovo po èitavom svijetu. Oko godine Bata je u Hrvatskoj, dva kilometra ju no od sela Borovo, zapoèeo gradnju tvornice obuæe i gumene robe te industrijskog naselja. Tvornica je poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata nacionalizirana u Borovo, jugoslavenski kombinat gume i obuæe. Ta je obuæa tijekom socijalistièkog razdoblja bila jedna od najprepoznatljivijih na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije, a neki su modeli postigli i kultni status. Unatoè razaranju i šteti koju je pretrpilo tijekom Domovinskog rata, Borovo posluje i danas. U skladu s tada progresivnim idejama o zdravstvenom prosvjeæivanju seoskog stanovništva, èesto se raspravljalo i o seoskoj obuæi. Za razliku od konzervativnih èlanova društva koje je osobito zabrinjavala nova seoska moda obuæe od "razne vrsti najfinijih ko a i raznih oblika sa drvenim petama presvuèenim ko om i lakovane" (Briški, 1937: 10) jer se tako napušta tradicija i gubi nacionalni identitet, ideje lijeènika bile su ponešto drugaèije. Oni su u prvom redu smatrali da su cipele, osobito niske, nepraktiène za seljaèko stanovništvo jer u njih ulazi voda, blato i prašina. Opanci su po njihovu mišljenju bolji jer su izdr ljiviji i elastièniji od tvrdih cipela, pa tako i zdraviji za nogu (Chloupek, 1938: 164). Ipak, kao radnu obuæu seoskom stanovništvu preporuèuju gumene Batine 4 èizme, jer se one mogu prati. Bata se svojim proizvodima prilagoðavao potrebama i seoskog i gradskog stanovništva pa je tako u svoju ponudu uvrstio i razne modele gumenih opanaka, ali i onih sveèanijih, na nisku peticu s prepletenim gornjištem. U to se vrijeme nastojalo narodne motive koristiti kao ukras na gradskoj odjeæi i obuæi pa je tako i Bata proizvodio cipele i sandale s platnenim gornjištem ukrašenim vezenim motivima. 115

116 ÈETRDESETE GODINE Unatoè ratu, moda nije išèezla. Modni magazini preporuèivali su enama da brinu za svoj izgled u cilju podizanja borbenog duha i morala narušenog ratnim zbivanjima. U Europi i SAD-u doneseni su i propisi koji su ogranièavali potrošnju sirovina potrebnih vojsci. Tako se ko a smjela koristiti iskljuèivo za izradbu vojnièkih èizama. Ono što je ostalo civilnom stanovništvu bio je pust, grubo platno, drvo, pluto, guma i ostaci sintetièkih i ko nih proizvoda. U skladu sa spomenutim odredbama, visoka i puna peta zamijenjena je ravnim potplatima. U takvim uvjetima i modni èasopisi zagovaraju novu vrstu elegancije koja se temelji na praktiènosti. Osobito se potièe ideja sam svoj majstor, odnosno kako od starih stvari napraviti nove, dodavanjem ukrasnih detalja. Revoluciju u modi napravio je Christian Dior godine svojom kolekcijom New Look. Ponuðeni modni stil odmah su prihvatile ene širom Europe i SAD jer je odgovarao elji da se zaborave ratna stradanja i ponovno poène u ivati u zabavi, modi i enstvenosti. Masivne platforme i pune pete zamijenjene su salonkama i sandalama. Talijanski i francuski dizajneri obuæe nastojali su suziti petu do krajnjih granica naglašavajuæi eleganciju i krhkost nove enske siluete: istaknute grudi i uski struk. 215 enska sandala, Ko a. Salvatore Ferragamo. 216 enska obuæa, Drvo, špaga, platno. Tvornica obuæe Bata. Zbog nestašice materijala, osobito ko e, tijekom ratnih i poratnih godina, obuæa se izraðivala od jeftinijih i dostupnijih sirovina. 217 Crtanje nata. Nestašica sirovina za izradbu èarapa nadomještena je inovativnom uporabom kozmetike. 218 Opanci, 1940-ih. Guma, gumirano platno. Tvornica obuæe Borovo. U poratnim je godinama Borovo proizvodilo posebnu liniju obuæe namijenjenu seoskom stanovništvu. 219 Muška visoka cipela, Drvo, gumirano platno. Tvornica obuæe Bata. Za izradbu cipela tijekom rata èesto su se koristili drveni potplati pojaèani metalnom potkovom. 220 enska cipela, Drvo, gumirano platno. Tvornica obuæe Bata. enska se moda takoðer prilagodila teškim ratnim prilikama. 221 Model New Look kolekcije, Christian Dior, Pariz

117 Prema saèuvanim uzorcima cipela u tvornici Borovo, vidi se da je proizvodnja nastavljena i za vrijeme rata. U skladu s ratnim prilikama, ta je obuæa imala debele drvene potplate, dok su gornjišta najèešæe izraðivana od grubih tkanina i ko nih umetaka. Ubrzo nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata, u novim uvjetima uz pomoæ vlasti o ivljava rad Seljaèke sloge i njezinih ogranaka. Njegovanje folklorizma bilo je ideološki povezano s nizom kulturnih pojava koje su nastale poslije godine, što je dovelo do njegove etatizacije. Nisu se više isticale vrednote patrijarhalnog društva iz predindustrijskog vremena, veæ je folklor dobio va nu ulogu u izgradnji socijalizma, bratstva i jedinstva i stvaranju novih odnosa na selu kao rezultatu agrarne reforme. Poslije treæe Glavne smotre Seljaèke Sloge odr ane godine, Marijana Gušiæ piše: "Umjetnost koju je selo èuvalo vjekovima, ono danas radosno predaje èitavom narodu, jer æe naše kulturno blago u slobodnoj domovini postati svojina èitavog naroda, postat æe zaista narodnom umjetnošæu", ali i upozorava: "Narodno stvaralaštvo ivi i danas... Na glavnoj smotri u Zagrebu nije dovoljno došlo do izra aja stvaralaštvo naroda o našoj društvenoj stvarnosti." (Gušiæ, 1948: 10). 117

118 PEDESETE GODINE Utjecaj stila New Look nastavio se i u pedesetima. Gospodarsko èudo poslijeratnog razdoblja dovodi do poboljšanja svakodnevnog ivota. Nova tehnologija oslobodila je enu teških kuæanskih poslova. Pedesete su godine u prvi plan stavljale obiteljske vrijednosti, dom i posao. Uspješnost muškarca i njegovu financijsku stabilnost odavao je enin izgled. Cipela je bila izrazito enstvena, profinjena i luksuzna. Za svaku priliku i doba dana postojala je odgovarajuæa obuæa. Talijanski i francuski dizajneri lansirali su petu stiletto koja se pripisuje èuvenom Rogeru Vivieru. U drugoj polovici epohe, stiletto zamjenjuju ni e pete i ravni potplati. Elegantni, enstveni stil holivudskih glumica utjeèe i na izgled cipela. Zahvaljujuæi Audrey Hepburn, u modu ulaze balerinke. Èuvene filmske dive najavile su i modu šezdesetih. U tom razdoblju javlja se i prezir prema potrošaèkom društvu i njegovim vrijednostima što osobito dolazi do izra aja u 'buntovnièkom' stilu koji utjelovljuju Marlon Brando i James Dean. Premda se moda d insa, t-shirta, antilop cipela s debelim potplatima u poèetku èinila radikalnom, odrastanjem njezinih zagovornika, ona postaje svjetski trend. 222 Salonke Marilyn Monroe, SAD, Salonka, Francuska, Ko a. Charles Jourdan. Godine Jourdan je otvorio butik u Parizu i ubrzo postao tako popularan da su klijenti èekali u redu ispred njegove radnje. Christian Dior uveo ga je u svijet visoke mode davši mu svoju licencu. 224 Modeli cipela Christiana Diora iz Audrey Hepburn na snimanju filma Sabrina, Uz stiletto pete, u ovom se razdoblju nose i cipele na nisku petu s oblim vrhom koje je osobito popularizirala Audrey Hepburn. 226 enske vjenèane sandale, Ivankovo, Slavonija, Ko a. EMZ Muška sandala, Ko a. Tvornica Borovo. 228 Zepe, enska obuæa, Pust, guma. Tvornica Borovo. EMZ

119 Pedesetih godina u jugoslavenskoj politici i ideologiji prevladava shvaæanje o konzervativnoj seoskoj kulturi kao koènici industrijskog razvoja i modernog preobra aja društva. Taj stav trajao je do šezdesetih godina. U skladu sa spomenutom politikom, tradicijski kulturni obrasci postupno se napuštaju, a usvajaju nova vrijednosna usmjerenja. Ukljuèivanje seljaštva u industrijsko društvo dovodi do priliva stanovništva u gradska i industrijska središta, što znaèi promjenu njihova dotadašnjeg zanimanja. Koliko su opanci simbolizirali seljaèki naèin ivota, vidi se i u pogrdnoj izreci "da je netko prebrzo iskoèio iz opanaka u cipele", u smislu da promjena stila obuvanja ne znaèi i usvajanje odgovarajuæeg ponašanja. Osnovne karakteristike tadašnjeg naèina obuvanja ogledaju se u uporabi kupovnih predmeta i gubljenju regionalnih obilje ja, a pojavljivanje tradicijske obuæe u obredu govori o gubljenju njezinih praktiènih vrijednosti. Tvornièka obuæa izraðivana za široke narodne slojeve lako se prihvaæa i na selima jer oblikom donekle podsjeæa na tradicijsku. Kod starijih ena u svim regijama osobito su popularne bile crne pustene papuèe podstavljene gumom zepe 5, koje je proizvodila tvornica Borovo. Starije generacije nastoje zadr ati svoje navike i shvaæanja koja potjeèu iz ranijih razdoblja, a mlade generacije lakše prihvaæaju kulturu koja tek nastaje, u ovom sluèaju masovnu, industrijsku. 5 Sredinom osamdesetih proširile su se kao školska obuæa, a zatim i misteriozno postale modnim hitom meðu tinejd erima. Tada su se nosile u kombinaciji s bijelim sportskim èarapama po uzoru na Bruce Leeja u kung-fu filmovima (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 432). 119

120 ŠEZDESETE GODINE Poèetak šezdesetih u odijevanju, glazbi i društvenim odnosima više je podsjeæao na pedesete nego na buntovnièke šezdesete. Stiletto pete kasnih pedesetih postaju ni e, a vrhovi èetvrtasti, koji se ubrzo blago zaobljuju. No, nastojanja nove generacije koja je eljela promijeniti svijet, rezultirala su korjenitim promjenama u društvu i neizbrisivim tragovima u kulturi. Borba protiv klasnih, rasnih i spolnih predrasuda, seksualna revolucija, okretanje orijentalnoj filozofiji, pacifizam, samo su dio slike kulture 1960-ih godina. Jedan od prvih naèina iskazivanja neslaganja s postojeæim prilikama oèitovao se u naèinu odijevanja i obuvanja. Èuvena reèenica Briggite Bardot "Visoka moda je za odrasle!" na mnogo naèina oslikava ovo razdoblje. Imid 'male djevojèice' kreira Mary Quant, a ne francuske modne kuæe. Šesnaestogodišnja Twiggy postaje ideal enstvenosti. Sredinom 1960-ih, mini suknja s go-go èizmama postaje simbol enske mode. Modna odjeæa i obuæa kupuje se na Carnaby Streetu i King's Roadu. Zbog toga se vrhunski modni dizajneri okreæu jeftinijoj pret-a-porter odjeæi. Courregesov Moon Girl Collection predstavlja enu èija je odjeæa jednostavnih geometrijskih linija, svjetlucavih materijala psihodeliènih boja i neizostavnih sintetièkih èizama ravnih potplata i èetvrtastog vrha. Buduæi da je cijena ko e u to doba bila vrlo visoka, dizajneri koriste tekovine moderne tehnologije, odnosno, sintetièke materijale (najlon, PVC i sl.). Razvoj raketne tehnologije, istra ivanja svemira i spuštanje èovjeka na Mjesec potaknuli su i druge dizajnere da predstave svoje futuristièke kolekcije. Cipele stiletto 1950-ih i ranih 1960-ih gotovo su išèezle. Utjecaj etno, kantri i hipi stila promijenio je izgled pete koja s vremenom postaje sve masivnija te vodi do nastanka legendarnih platformi 1970-ih. U Hrvatskoj je najraširenija obuæa i dalje ona koju su proizvodile domaæe tvornice cipela, ponajprije zbog prihvatljivih cijena. Ljudi koji su mogli odvojiti više novca za udobnu i kvalitetnu cipelu kupo- 229 enske poluèizme, Velika Britanija, Plastika. Mary Quant. Upravo je ovaj model postigao najveæi uspjeh. 230 Originalni crte i Mary Quant, britanske dizajnerice koja je mini suknjom izazvala revoluciju u modnom svijetu. 231 Èizma Johna Lennona, 1960-e. Ko a, gumirano platno. Beatlesi ponovno vraæaju u modu tip èizme kakav se nosio krajem 19. stoljeæa. 232 Barbarella, film Rogera Vadima snimljen godine prema popularnom stripu. Jane Fonda, koja glumi glavni lik, ima na nogama karakteristiène futuristièke èizme. 233 Go-go enske èizme, Francuska, Plastika. André Courreges. Èizmice su bile inspirirane izgledom astronautskih èizama. Nosile su se uz mini suknje i bile najprodavanija obuæa desetljeæa. 120

121 234 "Reklama borosane iz šezdesetih. Naziv Borosane izveden je od imena Borovo Naselje, gradiæa kraj Vukovara, gdje se nalazila tvornica koja ih je proizvodila, a oznaèava, visoke, platnene, navodno ortopedske enske radne cipele s potpeticom, otvorenim prstima i petom, najèešæe radnièko plave boje, dio obavezne uniforme svake èistaèice. Bile su vrlo udobne, ali, zbog svoje, da tako ka emo 'socijalne komponente', izrazito uncool" (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 057). vali su ih kod gradskih postolara od kojih su neki u ivali poseban ugled. U to su doba zapoèeli i odlasci u šoping u Trst, kojeg se mnogi i danas prisjeæaju sa sentimentom. U Trst se odlazilo radi kupovine sezonske odjeæe i obuæe na smjeni godišnjih doba kao i one za proslavu svih znaèajnijih dogaðaja u ivotu roðendana, uspješnog završetka školske godine, maturalnog plesa, upisa na fakultet, diplome i sl. Sve je poèelo šezdesetih godina, kada su šuškavci i traperice bili mnogo više od odjevnih predmeta. Po obuæu i odjeæu odlazilo se svim moguæim prijevoznim sredstvima, a po statistièkim podacima trošilo se više nego što se smjelo. Sedamdesetih i osamdesetih pa i devedesetih, još uvijek se odlazilo u Trst iako je on bio jedan od triju najskupljih gradova u Italiji. 6 Šezdesetih godina budi se i zanimanje za folklor. Aktivnost koja je bila svedena na lokalne i regionalne okvire ponovno o ivljava. Obnavljaju se smotre i festivali te osnivaju novi, a prati ih ponovno o ivljavanje i pojaèana aktivnost seoskih grupa, sada pod nazivom kulturno-umjetnièkih društva (Sremac, 1978: 109). SEDAMDESETE GODINE Ovo desetljeæe donijelo je pravu revoluciju u svijetu 235 Reklama za enske èizme za sezonu 1968/ Reklama najnovijih proljetnih modela cipela za sezonu Šoping u Trstu, od odlaska na kavu do kupovine cipela. 6 Celevska, Ivanèica: Trst je bio naš 121

122 238 Platforma, èuvena èizma Eltona Johna, mode. Sloboda samoizra avanja najistaknutija je znaèajka ovog razdoblja. Sve je dopušteno i sve se miješa rok, disko, retro. Isprepliæu se 'prirodnost' kao tekovina hipipokreta, izvještaèenost disko stila i agresivnost panka u drugoj polovici 1970-ih. Manjinske zajednice i brojne supkulture odigrale su va nu ulogu u modnim strujanjima. Platforme su bile obuæa desetljeæa. Podjednako su ih nosili i muškarci i ene. Zvijezde roka poput Eltona Johna, Davida Bowiea i Garyja Glittera pojavljuju se na pozornici s visokim petama, blještavom odjeæom i šminkom, pomièuæi granice muške seksualnosti. Koncem desetljeæa pojavljuje se elegantnija visoka peta na salonkama, ali i niska sandala. U modu takoðer ulaze espadrile i špagerice. Osobito su popularne i èizme na vezanje koje su sezale iznad koljena, najèešæe nošene uz vruæe hlaèice. Omiljeni su bili prirodni materijali, osobito ko a. Moda postaje sve 'specijaliziranija', u skladu sa zahtjevima razlièitih društvenih i kulturnih zajednica. Sredinom 1970-ih javlja se pank. Èizme Dr. Martens postaju kultna obuæa glazbenika, simbol panka i gotik stila kao i drugih pokreta vezanih uz kulturu mladih. Vivienne Westwood uspjela je od panka napraviti modu. Njezin sadomazohistièki stil priskrbio joj je titulu 'šok kraljice'. Dobrostojeæa srednja klasa ponovno se okreæe dizajnerima. Ideja da odjeæa nije samo izraz individualnosti, veæ instrument za postizanje uspjeha u ivotu i napredovanja u karijeri još æe se više razviti u nadolazeæim godinama. Mladi i uspješni poslovni ljudi sve više pa nje posveæuju zdravom naèinu ivota što dovodi do popularizacije fitnesa i sportske mode u 1980-ima. Sva ta zbivanja i modni trendovi prate se i u Hrvatskoj, ali u modu ulaze s malim zakašnjenjem. Pod utjecajem hipi pokreta mladi ljudi unose u odijevanje folklorne elemente iz razlièitih kultura: indijske sandale, japanke, espadrile, pa èak i domaæe opanke. Buduæi da je glazbena scena u to doba oblikovala kulturu mladih, mnoge su cipele postale popularne zahvaljujuæi pop i rok glazbenicima. Jedne od takvih su i legendarne sajmonice nazvane po Paulu Simonu koji je, zajedno s Artom Garfunkelom, bio oso- 239 Platforme, enske sandale, Njemaèka, 1990-ih. Skaj, lame, plastika. Vlasništvo Matije Vujice. U 1990-im u modu ponovno ulazi obuæa koja se nosila 1970-ih. 240 enska sandala, Pariz, Ko a, lakirana ko a. Pierre Cardin. Vlasništvo Mire Wolf. 241 Kaubojske enske èizme, Španjolska, Vlasništvo Mire Wolf. 242 Reklama za enske cipele, Platforma, enska cipela, Ko a, plastika. Tvornica Borovo. 244 Platforme, enske sandale, Zagreb, oko Tvornica Alpina. Vlasništvo Nataše Trinajstiæ. 245 a) Espadrile, Zagreb, oko Platno, špaga. Vlasništvo Mirjane Randiæ. b) Špagerice, Trst, Platno, špaga. Vlasništvo Ines Brenko. Špagerice i espadrile najèešæe su se nosile uz suknje od gaze. Kasnije su ih usvojili i šminkeri. Nedostatak: ne smiju se smoèiti! 246 Sajmonice, Zagreb, Antilop ko a, guma. Vlasništvo Zlatka Mileusniæa. Popularnosti sajmonica pridonijela je èuvena fotografija s poleðine ploèe Gratest hits Simonea & Garfunkela. 122

123 bito popularan na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Pojavom panka i novog vala krajem 1970-ih godina u modu ulaze èizme Dr. Martens koje se u nas nisu mogle nabaviti. Zamjena za njih bile su èizme Amigo 7 koje je proizvodio Peko. U Zagrebu su bile poznate pod nazivom hašice. Naime, u to je vrijeme postojala podjela na hašomane i šminkere koja se oèitovala i u izboru obuæe. Za razliku od spomenutih hašica, šminkeri su se najviše prepoznavali po koled icama. 8 Potkraj 1970-ih godina ponovno se osjetio porast kulturnih aktivnosti kojima je podloga njegovanje i razvijanje tradicijskog folklora. Regionalne i opæinske zajednice za kulturu pokazivale su veæe razumijevanje i interes za razvoj kulturnih oblika koji mogu simbolizirati prošlost odreðenog kraja i na taj naèin ponuditi identitet starosjediocima i pridošlicama u njihove regije (Rihtman-Auguštin, 1979: 18). OSAMDESETE GODINE Nikad se nije pridavala tolika pa nja imenima i etiketa- 7 "Prirodno, Amigo èizme samo su ovlaš podsjeæale na 'martinke', ali bile su dovoljno visoke, dovoljno patkaste, i nirale su se dovoljno èvrsto uz nogu da su ipak mogle da zamene taj nedosti ni predmet elja, taj konzumentski fetiš jedne samoproklamujuæe kontrakulture prave Doc Martens èizme." (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: ). 8 "Nosili su ih šminkeri. Najšminkerskija vrsta bile su one bordo boje. Obavezna je bila platnena markica na njima da bi se znalo da su originalne jer su se nakon nekog vremena pojavile i domaæe replike." (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 193). 123

124 ma na proizvodima kao u 1980-im. 'Odjeæa za uspjeh' i dizajnerski brendovi postali su najjednostavniji i najefektniji naèin da se poka e financijska moæ i društveni status. Japiji su postali glavna kategorija stanovništva kojoj se obraæa modna industrija. Njihova poslovna odjeæa izra ava 'autoritativni' stil koji se temelji na klasiènom kroju kostima i izboru boja, s naglašenim ramenima, jednakim za ene i muškarce. Salonke su najraširenija obuæa za ene. Dizajner Manolo Blahnik ponovno je popularizirao stiletto. Za razliku od 1950-ih, kad su predstavljale enstvenost, krhkost, nezaštiæenost, sada simboliziraju dominaciju, autoritet i seksualnu agresivnost. Usporedo s cipelama stiletto, uz poslovne kostime mlade poslovne ene nose sportsku obuæu. Pojam ljepote u 1980-im podrazumijevao je tijelo savršenog oblika u punoj kondiciji. Tako je sport popularizirao i potaknuo izradu nove dizajnerske sportske obuæe. Nova glazbena i plesna kultura takoðer je doprinijela popularizaciji sportske obuæe. Tenisice Adidas, Nike, Reebok i Puma, postale su fetiši zahvaljujuæi izvoðaèima hip hopa, rapa, housa i break dancea. Dizajneri su takoðer prepoznali potencijal èizama Dr. Martens, dovevši ih na modne piste. Problemi okoliša i pojava novih bolesti potkraj 1980-ih doveli su do jaèanja ekološke svijesti koja je našla svoj izraz i u modi. U Hrvatskoj je poèetak 1980-ih na kulturnom planu obilje en pojavom novog vala. Neki autori koji danas analiziraju tadašnja dogaðanja smatraju da novi val u nas nije zapoèeo kao glazbeni pokret, veæ da je bio potaknut oslobaðanjem medija posredstvom omladinskog tiska. Za Hrvatsku i Zagreb osobito je bio znaèajan Polet, glasilo socijalistièke omladine. Premda je to još uvijek bilo vrijeme socijalizma, mnogi slu beni stavovi više nisu bili tako èvrsti. Svi relevantni svjetski èasopisi, od modnih do glazbenih, 247 Omotnica kompilacijske LP ploèe najpopularnijih grupa novog vala s podruèja bivše Jugoslavije. Omotnicu je dizajnirao Mirko Iliæ. 248 Starke Vlasništvo Nine Kolar. "Starke Skraæeno od All Stars. U nas njihovo vrijeme poèinje poèetkom osamdesetih, èime završava vladavina adidasica. Kao i veæina tenisica proizvode se u dvije verzije: tzv. 'niske' i 'visoke'... Bitna ideološka razlika: niske su obuæa šminkera, koji su ih nosili na bose noge, dok visoke nose 'alternativci'. Ranih osamdesetih 'starke' postaju dio imagea novovalne rock scene" (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 369). 249 enske èizme iznad koljena, Austrija, oko Ko a. Vlasništvo Mire Wolf. Taj tip èizama postao je osobito popularan nakon filma Pretty woman snimljenog Hreliæ, sajmište kraj Zagreba, mjesto alternativne trgovine. Tamo su u sijeènju godine, za potrebe izlo be kupljena 3 para cipela za 23 kune. 124

125 251 Salonke, oko 1980-ih. Escada. U ovom razdoblju na amerièkom tr ištu javljaju se i prve pisane instrukcije temeljene na znanstvenim istra ivanjima, o tome kako ena mo e odijevanjem i izgledom stvoriti eljeni imid u poslovnom svijetu. 252 Koled ice, Trst, oko Vlasništvo Liljane Radmiloviæ. "Zagrebaèke šminkerice nosile su ih uz bijele èarape i tajice. Takoðer su se kombinirale s trapericama kroja "mrkva" i vestama ispod kojih se nosila sportska majica, ali s obaveznom kragnom preko ovratnika veste" (Yu mitologija, 2004: 193). 253 a) enske èizmice, Zagreb, oko Antilop ko a. Postolarska radionica Zvonimir. b) enske gle njaèe, Graz, oko Ko a i antilop ko a. Vlasništvo Mire Wolf. 254 Nedjeljna Dalmacija Dokumentacija Vjesnika. èitali su se i u nas. Glazbenici, pisci, likovni, filmski i kazališni izvoðaèi mislili su na slièan naèin i pokrenuli nešto što je postalo kulturološki fenomen. Posljedica je bila uklapanje naše scene u meðunarodni trend New Wave. No, èini se da novi val u nas nije bio pobuna protiv društva i poretka, veæ veliko otvaranje i oslobaðanje kreativnih potencijala. 9 Premda se dio mlade i oblaèio prema stranim uzorima, veæi dio stanovništva kupovao je domaæu industrijsku obuæu. U to se vrijeme polako poèinje liberalizirati uvoz stranih cipela. Brendovi postaju sve tra eniji, no ipak je, s obzirom na cijenu, samo manji broj stanovnika mogao kupovati takvu robu. Plagijati cipela s etiketama mogli su se nabaviti i po nekoliko puta jeftinijoj cijeni na sajmištima. U Zagrebu je 1980-ih osobito popularno kupovanje na Hreliæu, gdje su se uz švercane cipele mogle kupiti i rabljene. Hreliæ je s vremenom dobio kultni status èije je znaèenje nadilazilo puko trgovanje. Rad seoskih i gradskih kulturno umjetnièkih društava i dalje se intenzivira. Sredinom 1980-ih, Kulturno prosvjetni sabor Hrvatske pokrenuo je niz publikacija pod nazivom Biblioteka Narodne nošnje Hrvatske u kojima se savjetuje kako se mo e rekonstruirati narodni kostim. Ona je bila namijenjena amaterskim društvima koja se bave njegovanjem folklornog nasljeða ne samo u Hrvatskoj, nego i u inozemstvu. Tako i danas postoje postolari specijalizirani za izradu tradicijske obuæe koju koriste kulturno-umjetnièka društva za scenske nastupe. 9 Kostelnik, Branko: Pop kultura i rock glazba u Studentskom centru at&katid=185 DEVEDESETE I POÈETAK 125

126 2000-IH GODINA Poèetkom devedesetih u modnoj industriji vladaju dva stila ekološki i minimalistièki. Jednostavnost i funkcionalnost, neutralne boje, prirodni i hi-tech materijali karakteriziraju obuæu ovih trendova. Sandale i cipele Birkenstock od razlièitih zamjenskih materijala za ko u i recikliranih sirovina omoguæavale su stopalu da 'diše' i postale obvezni dio garderobe. Trend 'prirodnosti' u muškoj obuæi predstavljale su èizme i mokasine Timberland, Caterpillar i sl. Razlièiti oblici obuæe u 1990-im posljedica su kombiniranja 'nespojivog' i posuðivanja elemenata iz razlièitih kultura. Kreiranje vlastitog stila ponovno je u modi. Sve se nosi, od stiletta, platformi i èizama do sandala. Grupa Nirvana poèetkom je 1990-ih potaknula novi glazbeni trend grunge. Za razliku od buntovnièkih stilova prijašnjih razdoblja, grunge je više indiferentan prema svemu. Grunge ponovno dovodi u sam vrh mode Converse All Stars tenisice i èizme Dr. Martens. Mnogi dizajneri obuæe koji su nastavili raditi tradicionalnim tehnikama postigli su svjetsku slavu. Uz Manola Blahnika, svjetski su poznati Jimmy Choo, Patrick Cox, Christian Louboutin i dr. Va no je istaknuti i talijanske dizajnere koji vješto kombiniraju neuobièajeni dizajn i anatomske forme kao što to rade Pollini, Rossi, Casadei i dr. Jedan od najnovijih trendova u modnoj industriji suradnja je poznatih svjetskih dizajnera s tvrtkama za masovnu proizvodnju. Pro imanje elitne i masovne mode trend je koji æe obilje iti tijek mode u sljedeæem razdoblju. Modni dizajneri poput Stelle McCartney i Yohjija Yamamota prihvatili su ponudu Adidasa da naprave liniju sportske obuæe. Svoje razloge Yamamoto je objasnio rijeèima: "Veæ dugo elim dizajnirati sportsku obuæu za osobe poput mene." Puma takoðer najavljuje suradnju s engleskim dizajnerom Alexandrom McQueenom (Bartlett, 2005: 82). Ovo desetljeæe u Hrvatskoj su obilje ile duboke promjene: propast socijalizma, raspad Jugoslavije, rat i njegove posljedice, gospodarska, politièka i socijalna tranzicija. Rat je ostavio velika razaranja, ljudske rtve, brojne prognanike i izbjeglice, ljude bez doma, imovine i zaposlenja. Hrvatska postsocijalistièka tranzicija, u prvom redu pretvorba i privatizacija bivšega društvenog vlasništva, produbila je gospodarsku i socijalnu krizu, 255 enske sandale, Jimmy Choo. Omiljeni dizajner bogatih i slavnih. Na dodjeli Oskara godine, na crvenom tepihu pojavilo se 45 pari njegovih cipela. (Choo, too?) 256 enske sandale, New York, Manolo Blahnik. Vlasništvo Snje ane Mehun. Manolo Blahnik zapoèeo je svoju karijeru u im. Danas je jedan od najpoznatijih dizajnera èije su cipele èuvene po vrhunskoj izradbi, ljepoti i seksipilnosti. Njegove su cipele jednako poznate kao i osobe koje ih nose. 257 Muška mokasina, Patrick Cox. Ove Wannabe mokasine bile su najpopularnije cipele godine. Patrick Cox jedan je od najpoznatijih današnjih dizajnera. 258 enske sandale, Gucci. Gucci brand simbol je trendseterske elite. 126

127 259 enske sandale, Christian Loubotin. Èuveni francuski dizajner poznat po crvenim potplatima svih svojih modela. 260 Èlanice KUD-a Gorjanci u ophodnom obièaju Ljelje snimljene na Duhove u Gorjanima, Ðakovo. 10 Puljiz, Vlado: Mirovinski sustav i socijalna skrb ( uzrokovala pad zaposlenosti i porast siromaštva, poveæala socijalnu diferencijaciju i frustracije stanovništva. 10 Nastao je novi sloj bogataša s novim ukusom i potrebama u kulturi. Kultura je do ivjela znaèajne promjene. Industrija zabave razvija forme poput televizijskih sapunica i realityja, a estradu je preplavio val istoènih narodnjaka. Stvaranjem nove hrvatske dr ave, folklor je opet dobio ulogu isticanja nacionalnih osjeæaja. Na svim skupovima i dogaðanjima povezanim s aktualnom politikom pojavljuju se i folklorni simboli, èesto istrgnuti iz konteksta, izmišljaju se nove tradicije. Pojavljivanje i povezivanje folklora s novim estradnim oblicima svodi ga na kiè. S druge strane, u ratu su spaljena sela i prognani njihovi stanovnici. Suoèeni s gubitkom zavièaja, stradalnici rata veliku va nost pridaju obnovi svoje tradicijske kulture kao uporištu vlastita identiteta. Etnografski muzej u Zagrebu èesto poma e folklornim društvima s podruèja zahvaæenih ratnim razaranjem da rekonstruiraju svoje zavièajne nošnje èiji primjerci postoje još samo u muzeju. Razvoj trgovaèke mre e i dostupnost robe stranih proizvoðaèa omoguæuje kupovinu u skladu s vlastitim potrebama, financijskim moguænostima i ukusom. Otvaranje velikih trgovaèkih lanaca smanjio je odlazak ljudi u kupovinu u inozemstvo. Globalna moda, osobito kod mladih, dobiva svoj lokalni stil, pa neki modeli cipela postaju osobito popularni. S vremenom, funkcija tradicijske obuæe postaje reprezentativna i danas se najèešæe koristi uz nastupe folklornih grupa. Svijest o posebnosti folklora pojedinih zajednica èesto se temelji na elementima tradicijskoga seljaèkog ivota iz predindustrijskog doba. Samo oni dijelovi obuæe koji pokazuju tendenciju da se bar u nekim svojim pojedinostima ne mijenjaju, osjeæaju se kao nerazdvojni element zajednice. Obuæu podvrgnutu brzim promjenama mode zajednica ne osjeæa kao sebi blisku. Tako opanci (ili druga vrsta tradicijske obuæe) u svijesti pripadnika seoskih zajednica imaju samo još simbolièko znaèenje. Obuæa se, dakle, oblikovala u skladu s praktiènim, estetskim, društvenim, ekonomskim i politièkim idejama u odreðenoj zajednici, a njezino znaèenje promjenjivo je u vremenu. 127

128 tenisice Boticelli kwonice Nataše Vezmar konversice dizelice najkice Dra ena Petroviæa starke startasice 128

129 100 godina tenisica: 261 Sportske enske cipele za tenis Antilop ko a MUO Chuck Taylor. All star Specialty Adidas_1 Intelligence level: Prve inteligentne tenisice. 264 Tenisica Puma Vlasništvo Petre Zoriæ. 265 Y-3 sprint Yamamoto kreacija za Adidas. 266 Reper Nas u najkicama. Prethodna strana: 267 Tenisice. 12 Engl. to sneak, šuljati se, jer su ih gumeni ðonovi èinili neèujnim. 13 Sportske cipele 'plimsoll' preteèa su današnjih tenisica. Obuæa s gumenim potplatima i platnenim gornjištem poèela se izraðivati godine kao obuæa za pla u. Poèetkom 20. stoljeæa postojali su razlièite vrste obuæe 'plimsoll' za odreðene sportove. 14 Prve domaæe tenisice startasice proizvodila je tvornica Borovo. "U poèetku su se prodavale samo bijele, a kasnije su se pojavile i roza, ute i svijetlo plave" (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 369). "Prije pojave startasica na podruèju bivše Jugoslavije bile su popularne šangajke jeftine, platnene tenisice kineske proizvodnje èiju je plavobijelu varijantu proizvodilo Borovo" (Leksikon YU mitologije, 2004: 378). TENISICE Premda su se ljudi sportom bavili veæ tisuæama godina, tek se poèetkom 20. stoljeæa poèela ostvarivati ideja o pravim sportskim cipelama. Amerièka tvrtka za proizvodnju gume (US Rubber Company) godine izradila je i pustila na tr ište Keds sportske cipele reklamirane kao 'sneakers'. 12 Bile su udobne i dizajnirane upravo za sport, te neka vrsta nasljednica sportskih cipela 'plimsoll'. 13 Godine dizajnirane su i prve tenisice Converse All Stars. Sve do osamdesetih godina kada su se pojavile hi-tech tenisice poput Nike Air, one su bile glavna obuæa košarkaša. All Stars, poznate i kao Chuck Taylors, otkako je slavni košarkaš stavio na njih svoj potpis, takoðer su bile kultna obuæa mladih, ljubitelja glazbe i umjetnosti. Nosile su ih gotovo sve poznate pank zvijezde od sredine sedamdesetih (dovoljno je pogledati omote LP-a grupa poput Ramones, Blondie, Television) do Kurta Cobaina i drugih grunge glazbenika devedesetih. Godine braæa Adolph (Adi) i Rudolph Dassler utemeljili su tvrtku sportske obuæe koja je odmah do ivjele nevjerojatan uspjeh jer su je poèeli nositi svjetski poznati atletièari. Na olimpijskim igrama godine u Berlinu mnogi su atletièari nastupili u sportskim cipelama braæe Dassler. Premda su igre odr ane u nacistièkoj Njemaèkoj, Afro-Amerikanac Jesse Owens osvojio je èetiri zlatne medalje i ujedno postao jedan od prvih slavnih sportaša koji promovira sportske cipele. Rivalstvo izmeðu braæe Dassler dovelo je do njihova razila enja pa je Rudolf godine osnovao Pumu (nazvanu po najbr oj divljoj maèki). Pumu je osobito proslavio legendarni Pele, igrajuæi u pumicama na svjetskom nogometnom prvenstvu godine. Adi je svoju tvrtku nastavio voditi pod nazivom Adidas, dodavši na proizvode tri pruge koje i danas njegov brend èine prepoznatljivim. Na kraju desetljeæa, u post-pank vremenu nošenje tenisica 14 odreðene vrste i marke bio je va an naèin stjecanja statusa na ulici, u školi i meðu prijateljima. Usporedo s razvojem dizajnerske sportske obuæe rasle su i cijene pogotovo onih modela koje su potpisivale slavne osobe. Tako je Michael 'Air' Jordan dobio od tvrtke Nike godine 1,5 milijuna dolara za reklamiranje njihovih proizvoda. Adidas je za svoju promociju anga irao hip-hop grupu Run DMC-a. Mnogi slavni hip-hoperi i reperi danas imaju vlastite brendove sportske obuæe. Dizajn tenisica danas se osobito brzo mijenja zbog sna ne konkurencije pa novi modeli predstavljaju i napredak u tehnologiji. 129

130 130

131 268 Omotnica LP ploèe London calling, The Clash. Najpopularnijih LP 1980-ih. 269 Skinhedsi, Velika Britanija, oko Reklama za Dr. Martens èizme namijenjena enskoj populaciji, 1990-tih. 271 Panker, London, oko Prizor iz rok opere Tommy u kojoj Elton John glumi u Dr. Martens èizmama visokim 137 cm. Na aukciji u Londonu èizme su kupljene za 4 milijuna. Danas su izlo ene u muzeju obuæe u Northamptonu. 273 Dr. Martens, model Martensice Vivienne Westwood, dizajnirane 1970-ih. ÈIZME DR. MARTENS ušle su u povijest mode kao jedan od najveæih paradoksa. U poèetku su prodavane kao radnièka obuæa namijenjena poštarima, policajcima, graðevinskim i tvornièkim radnicima po cijeni od samo 2 funte. Pojavom skinhedsa ih i panka sredinom 1970-ih, èizme Dr. Martens poèinju se vezati uz pripadnike razlièitih kontrakultura. Najpoznatiji model bio je 1460 s osam rupica za vezice koji je naziv dobio po datumu svog nastanka ( ). Klasièni modeli èizama Dr. Martens bili su prepoznatljivi po boji (u poèetku su to bile crna i boja višnje), broju rupica za vezice koji je varirao od 6 do 20, te izbrazdanom dvobojnom gumenom potplatu sa zraènim jastukom. Martensice su prihvatili pobornici ideološki razlièitih skupina koji su se razlikovali i po bojama vezica na èizmama. Dok se u Hrvatskoj nošenje bijelih vezica smatra simbolom rasizma, u New Yorku su simbol SHARP-a. 15 Jednak je sluèaj i s crvenim vezicama, koje se u nas povezuju uz pankere i anarhizam, a u Americi ih neonacistièki skinhedi istièu kao simbol krvi prolivene za svoju rasu. S druge strane, u Engleskoj je prosjeèni skinhed nosio vezice u skladu s bojama omiljena nogometnog kluba. Pa nja koju skinhedi pridaju boji vezica svojevrsno je nasljeðe modsa, 16 koji su veliku pozornost pridavali detaljima odjeæe i obuæe. Zanimljivo je da su u meðusobnim obraèunima i pripadnici ideološki razlièitih skupina i policajci koji su ih razdvajali ipak imali nešto zajednièko èizme Dr. Martens (Pedersen, 2005: 89). U 1980-im èizme Dr. Martens globalno su prihvaæene kao obuæa mladih. Njihovoj popularnosti osobito su pridonijeli glazbenici pank i grunge bendova koji su u njima nastupali i èije se fotografije nalaze na omotima LP-a i CD-a. Poznati svjetski dizajneri obuæe inspirirani martensicama, dali su vlastite kreacije klasiènih modela i tako ih doveli na modne piste. 15 Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice, dakle onih koji su protiv rasnih predrasuda. 16 Prva britanska supkulturna skupina koja je svojim stilom radnièke omladinske potkulture izvršila velik utjecaj na industriju masovne zabave, glazbe i mode. 131

132 Introduction translated by Mirjana Randiæ WITH THE EXHIBITION "WHAT GOOD SHOES!: A Walk Through the History of Footwear", we wanted to present the development of footwear from prehistoric times till today. Having the task of protecting the foot from bad weather conditions or dangerous grounds, footwear has throughout history become an integral part of human life. In other words, the history of footwear also reveals a part of the human past. The type and the name of the material used for making footwear, its shape and decoration, or the way of its manufacture, give us a series of data for the understanding of the cultural, economical and political circumstances of that particular period of time. Owing to its outer signs, footwear became a symbol of identity - of sex, age, religion, profession or ethnicity. Therefore, during the past, many regulations were given about footwear concerning particular categories of the population, in the form of legal proceedings or informal ones approved by the community. Their basic aim was to preserve class, religious and national differences, or those of age and sex. A great number of regulations about footwear were based upon economy as well, like those from the group called leges sumptuarie, or "against luxury." With the first bourgeois revolutions, the governing bodies of the previous social systems became irrelevant, while the denotation of differences adopted other forms. The social elite could realize its exclusiveness only with top quality merchandise and seasonal changes of fashion. The recent development of industry and design, together with the development of a trade network, have opened options wide for everyone to choose footwear according to one's own needs, in concordance with his/her economic possibilities, age, social status and aesthetic criteria. The exhibition presents the historical development of footwear, from archaeological findings, through different eras of style, to modern design, as well as the development of footwear from the viewpoint of its manufacture. We consider here the way of production of footwear for one's own needs or the needs of the nuclear family, to the appearance of craftsmen and footwear makers' guilds, to its manufacture and industrial production. Important examples of footwear owned by the Ethnographic museum, which belong to the turn of the 20th century, are also present. It was precisely footwear, which became one of the main indicators of economic, social and cultural changes happening in the rural communities at that time. Available material from outside of Europe has been presented as well. It is important to point out that the first industrially produced footwear in Croatia, was made by "Borovo", which owed its origin to the nationalization of the pre-world War II shoe factory, "Bata". Throughout the 20th century, this footwear was of the most relevance not only in Croatia, but also in the territory of the whole former Yugoslavia. The exhibition presents specimens representative of the widest social strata. Because of its highly varied features, footwear has been divided into several parts and presented in a chronological sequence, where its functions have also been pointed out. The role of footwear in the strengthening of social relations and in the creating of social identity and values is visible even today, which is confirmed therewith through the exhibited footwear of particular alternative groups from the second half of the 20th century. A part of the exhibition has been dedicated to the symbolic nature of footwear. In many cultures, the relation towards the shoe and the foot is linked with fetishism. Imelda Marcos has been hiding in many women, while to the appearance of a woman wearing high heels, men react with an almost conditional reflex. The symbolic meaning of footwear is delightfully presented in fairy tales, where magical footwear usually signify the medium for entrance into another world. Considering the ampleness and complexity of the theme, we did not exhaust everything which footwear represents, but we wanted to point out its role and meaning through history. 132

133 Zlatko Mileusniæ On Traces translated by Sanja Novak THE QUESTION WHAT PREHISTORICAL PEOPLE did and used to protect their feet from the cold, dampness or rough ground cannot be answered without provoking another question or two. Although it seems easier to define the time when this happened, is equally complex and is even today a true interdisciplinary adventure. Historical disciplines have had different approaches to these questions, resulting in likewise different answers. This overview will deal with footwear, its forms, changes, they ways in which the footwear styles emerged and replaced each other in the long course of footwear history. There are two types of sources to be drawn upon in this process. One type contains information from pictorial representations and written records. The other type of source is the body of findings of footwear remnants, original testimonies containing even answers to questions yet to be posed, which subjected to present-time analyses with the application of contemporary scientific procedures change the perception of its place in the history of culture. In pictorial representations made by humans, footwear has been discernible as early as in the period of Palaeolithic, approximately years ago. With respect to the tools used by the Stone Age man, it was simple and practical footwear made of hides of skinned animals. It was fastened to the foot by leather belts; straps running between the toes and fixed to the sole, or else by straps drawn through slots along the upwardly bent edge and wound around the lower-leg above the ankle. This widespread type of the simplest one-piece footwear also includes our opanci (strapped soft-soled footwear) which have persisted in numerous subtypes to the present day. However, such footwear dates back to even earlier times, which is not attested by its material traces, but by traces it has left on the foot of the contemporary man. The American anthropologist Erik Trinkaus, pursuing the comparative research of fossil human remains and interpreting variations in the anatomy of the human foot, concluded that the weakening of the toe bones was not a phase in human evolution as believed so far, but rather a consequence of wearing footwear and that it had started as early as years ago or much earlier in the colder regions of Eurasia. According to this period, material remnants of the oldest footwear are relatively young. The earliest ever finds of early human footwear originates from the northwest of the North American Continent, with an age estimated between 9000 and years. The mentioned footwear includes over 70 pairs of sandals found in 1938 in Fort Rock Cave, Oregon. They were made of the woody plant Artemisia tridentata, still growing profusely in this arid region of the United States of America. Its flexible bark has been used by Indians for the weaving of bags and baskets in modern times as well. In the similar, equally dry microclimate of the Arnold Research Cave, Missouri, besides 16 pairs of various footwear made of the leaves of the plant Eryngium yuccifolium, two pairs of leather footwear were found and dated 1070 to 8300 years old. The constantly rainless climate of the Judean desert near Jericho, one of the oldest cities of the world, preserved remains of a warrior for 6000 years. He was buried with rich funerary objects and leather sandals. The accidental find of a frozen Bronze Age man underneath the Similaun glacier in the South Tyrolean Alps in September 1991 has broadened numerous insights about the life of man 5300 years ago. At the time of death, the "Iceman" had roughly seventy objects on him, including his footwear. Although badly preserved, analysis has shown that it belonged to the one-piece type of footwear, even though it was composed of bear and roe-deer skin. Remnants of vegetable fibres, additionally protecting the foot from the cold, were found in the inner part. There are no archaeological finds of such 133

134 ancient footwear in our country. Nevertheless, how footwear looked in approximately the same period of Eneolithic is illustrated by a ceramic fragment, probably of a statue from Vuèedol, kept in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. It shows, very clearly and with many details, footwear reaching probably above the ankle, with a closed upper part and laced in the front. A narrow pattern stands out in the bottom part, but it is difficult to say whether it illustrated the connection of the parts or represented just an effective decoration on the fragment. These examples of footwear finds confirm the rule that, just like similar objects of organic origin, it could be preserved only in stable climatic conditions. They also speak in favour of the frequently emphasised assumption that man produced footwear from material with which he was in daily contact, because it required frequent renewal due to its short lifespan and worn footwear was discarded like an old shoe. In many regions of Europe, Africa, South America, in countries of the Near and Far East, the techniques of producing footwear from diverse materials and for diverse purposes, in forms unchanged for centuries, have remained the same to the present time: sandals made of wood in India, rice-straw in China and Japan, palm leaves and papyrus in Egypt, sisal in South America, yucca in Mexico, etc. Footwear was known to almost every ancient civilization. Pictorial representations as well as archaeological finds provide clues about the high level of cultivating footwear styles in highly developed civilizations that alternated in Mesopotamia: Sumer, Akkad, Babylon or Assyria. In those parts, footwear was a symbol of high class, status and honour, whereas the common people usually walked barefoot. A peculiarity of the Sumerian footwear style is the leather sole with a curved tip, sometimes also with a higher heel part. Spreading westwards from there, this footwear style left traces across Syria and, transported in sacks of Phoenician merchants along the Mediterranean coasts, reached later Etruria as well. From there it arrived, following trodden paths together with other selected exotic commodities, in the region where Rome was soon to emerge. Just like the Sumerian footwear, footwear in Babylon and Assyria was also diversified in terms of form, colour and the quality of leather used in the production, as well as the purpose it served. Like elsewhere, servants led a barefoot life, whereas simple leather sandals were the most widespread footwear among the common population. The Babylonian tradition of leather processing, especially sheepskin, goes back to the 13th century B.C. Its exceptional quality and the footwear production based on it will spread the word about its splendour for centuries (Hawkes; 115). Thus the famous Edict on Maximum Prices of the Emperor Diocletian in the early 4th century makes mention of Babylonian sandals and colourful slip-ons ((Soleae) Vavulonicae, socci Babulonici) (Blümner; 28). Sandals were intended both for men and women. Royal footwear was made of finely tanned leather, it had thick soles with white, golden or red straps and a decorative strap wound around the ankle, whereas their women's footwear was made of white leather and decorated with jewels. Footwear was fastened to the foot by leather straps or leather nooses encircling one or several toes in various combinations. The cavalry boot is associated with the Assyrians, a warlike people who expanded their empire by fast and fierce cavalry attacks to the Mediterranean coasts. This type of footwear was knee-high and made of strong tanned leather, it had thick soles nailed with rivets and was enforced by an iron arch inserted in the front, above the toes, providing excellent protection not only from the cold, rain and snow, but also from accidental injuries caused by the hoof of one's own horse. Similar footwear will be employed also by other people with military strategy based on cavalry; however, it will not find such use in the antiquity. With the majority of the population of ancient Egypt being barefoot, footwear was a symbol of higher social classes and the priests. Paintings found in their monumental tombs depict them in simple footwear similar to sandals, or slip-ons with straight or curved-tip soles fastened to the foot by a strap running between the toes and a wider band across the instep. According to reports, the priestly class wore no leather footwear as it was considered inappropriate to stand on a dead animal's skin. In the 6th century B.C., the powerful Persian Empire developed in the region of Mesopotamia. Following its military campaigns, various forms and styles of footwear invaded Europe. The Persian military defeats on the Greek land and sea did not prevent the spreading of oriental footwear styles in the ancient world. However, curved-tip footwear, so popular among almost all ancient people of the Near and Middle East, could not seriously rival the widespread and favoured sandals or other opentype footwear in Greece and later in Rome. Under the stylistic label a Persika, this footwear was nevertheless accepted in Greece, and that even before the state borders of Alexander the Great were finally drawn in the Indus basin. Many footwear types were preserved only by the names of their places or regions of origin, such as Milesian, 134

135 Cretan, Athenian, Laconic. Many ancient trade centres were hotbeds of fashion trends, among which oriental footwear of first-class quality and production held an important place. One of such centres was the Greek city of Sikion in the Corinthian bay. Except being the birthplace of the famous ancient sculptors Polycletes and Lysipus and the mythical place where people received the gift of fire from Prometheus, its name was preserved also in Cicero's syntagm calcei Sicyonii, where it is related to trendy oriental footwear made primarily for women. A larger number of sources since the 7th century B.C. enabled a more systematic tracking of the development of clothing as well as footwear in ancient Greece. Numerous drawings on ceramics, sculptures, reliefs and mosaics depict clothes and footwear precisely and with rich details. If we add the written records of ancient contemporaries to these sources, the picture of their everyday life appears in its entire variety. Many took Herodot, the father of history, as a model. He often included interesting remarks about the way of clothing, style and fashion in the descriptions of his many travels, based both on his own observations and reports of others. Of equal relevance for this subject matter is also Svetonius, because his descriptions of Roman emperors also never failed to mention this component of their lives. The deities of the Greek Pantheon were depicted barefoot in the earliest periods. In time, they were given footwear forms related to their activity. These changes are very obvious on samples of footwear types represented on Greek and Roman statues of Hermes (Mercury) and Artemis (Diana). Hermes, the fast-footed messenger and herald of the Olympian gods, the patron of travellers, herdsmen, merchants and thieves, with an image alternating from a bearded old man and to a smooth-faced youth, also changed his footwear from boots (endromis) with the vamp sticking out forwards, over every-day, common crepidae, keeping one single attribute the magic winged ankle-boots (talaria) that took him to his destination at the speed of thought. On the other side, the freedom-loving, virginal Artemis, goddess of the moon and hunting, protectoress of female youth, surrounded by twenty river-nymphs taking care of her boots and dogs, is presented at times barefoot, at other times in sandals (krhp j) or cheap footwear of peasants and shepherds (, emb!j), whereas she was depicted hunting with a silver bow, quiver and a short skirt in tightly laced boots (endromis) otherwise worn by hunters or athletes. The two last types are very similar, the difference being visible in the ending of the boot-leg. In the case of endromis, the boot-legs are simple and straight, whereas embas have longer boot-legs, with edges turned down and embellished with diverse ornaments. She also often wears käqoruoj, footwear tightly fitting to the leg, leaving the toes uncovered and laced in the front in a very decorative way. Made of undressed skin, but finely manufactured and with decorative accessory details, it will become the trademark of high nobility. Actors in Greek tragedies wore exceptionally high soles on such footwear to emphasize the significance of the interpreted character. Consequently, the term cothurnus remained a synonym for tragedy in the poetic expression of the Latin language. Simple workmanship and affordable pricing are characteristic for karp!tinon (carbatina), made of one piece of undressed cattle-hide. Only the sides of the heel part were firmly connected to each other. The sides are low and their edges extend into straps wrapped around the instep and then wound around the ankle, sometimes even up to the half of the shank. The simple construction of this footwear in the 5th century, but also its inappropriateness in the Armenian cold, was described by Xenophon in its Anabasis and mentioned by Aristotle as well. The transformation of such footwear, worn by men and women alike, will result in the Roman caligae. Of Greek origin is also the sandal-type footwear krhp j (krepis), of a more complex construction, but nevertheless cheap and therefore frequently used by the common people. It was made on the same lasts, as the shapes were the same for both the left and the right foot. By the way it enclosed the foot, as well as the way the sole was connected to the upper, we might consider it a forerunner of the contemporary two-piece footwear the shoes. The sole could be made of several layers and even strengthened by rivets for soldiers. Such footwear was worn by comedy actors. In the long course of its history, it changed but always retained the recognizable basic element: just like the sandal, it does not cover the upper part of the foot. In the Hellenic period, it spread across the ancient world together with the Greek-style footwear and footwear emerging under the influence of the Near East. The highly developed culture of Greek colonies in the south of the Apennine peninsula, the cultivation of old traditions, the Greek education and the Greek lifestyle attracted Rome with an irresistible force. Developing skills, techniques and crafts under the influence of its northern and southern neighbours, the Romans have according to delivery perfected, among other things, the techniques of tanning and dressing leather since the earliest days of their kingdom. There was a constant demand for large quantities of quality leather in 135

136 Rome, ever growing as the kingdom borders expanded. The major part was used for military equipment: shields, helmets, armours, vests, knapsacks, bags, tents, riding and draft horse equipment, reins, harnesses, etc. Plutarch reports that craftsmen dealing with leather (coriarii) formed trade associations as early as in the period of the first kings, Numa Pompilius and Servius Tullius. We also know that they were active during the time of Cezar, who abolished many associations, whereas the trace of these associations was still alive in the times following both Empires. Besides leather-workers, shoemakers also formed an association called atrium sutorium. Once a year, they organized a festival in the precinct named after them vicus Sandaliarius, where the eponymous statue of Apollo was erected. Shoemakers were also associated with resellers and wholesale dealers, to whom every shoemaker was contractually bound. Only one of numerous delivered assumptions about the origin of Emperor Vitelius put forward by Svetonius reinforced the belief that the emperor came from a shoemaker's family (Svetonius; 276). This may be true, but not relevant. What is relevant is that Svetonius classified these assumptions by a social scale, with old families of noble class at the top and the bourgeois class, including shoemakers-ragmen (sutor veteramentarius) at the bottom. Although the shoemaker's craft was regarded as low-prestige, the association has numerous members and many families became wealthy through practicing the craft. Roman shoemakers made shoes on wooden lasts (forma sutoris), which were classified according to Diocletian's Edict as follows: Formae calicares maximae; Forma secundae mensurae; Forma muliebres; Forma infantiles (Blümner; 28). Many terms for the shoemaking business are derived from the names of products: sandaliarius, calceolarius, solearius, crepidarius, baxearius, gallicarius, sutor caligarius. The famous common sense and eclecticism of the ancient Rome, its tendency towards redesigning, modification and improvement, is reflected also in the design, quality and the types of footwear produced in these workshops. Based on already known forms, the famous footwear of Roman legionaries, caligae, was created. Without them, the Roman contribution to the already existing footwear inventory of the Antiquity would be insignificant. Just like in Greece, it was the footwear of the common people, at first made of one piece, of undressed leather like the Greek carbatinae and with uncovered toes. The entire foot, except the ankle, is enveloped in interlaced straps cut from one piece of leather. They reached above the ankle, where they were tied by leather strings. The unrestrained ankle, openness and airiness are the main advantages if this footwear and, being widely used among soldiers, it became a synonym for the common Roman soldier, caligatus miles, even though it was worn also by officers up to the centurion rank. This type of footwear had to be not only convenient, but also sturdy, so that a replaceable sole was added and reinforced by iron rivets, clavi caligarii, after which this kind of footwear was called caligae clavate. Besides the described innovations, the footwear would wear out during long and exhausting marches and soldiers would receive clavarium, money intended for footwear maintenance, and calciarium, footwear compensation money for longer marches. However, the clothes and footwear of a Roman soldier were not uniform by regulation as it is the case in modern armies. Composed by various criteria and recruited in various provinces of the Empire, the legionaries' equipment reflected local features as well, depending on where the legion would campaign, camp or set up its winter-quarters. Soldiers would also wear other similar footwear, among which carbatinae and gallicae are mentioned. However, footwear of the caligae-type was not exclusively male or military footwear. It is accounted for also in the female variant (caligae muliebres), of course without rivets on the soles, and it is also known that it was the usual childhood footwear of Caius Caesar Germanicus, later the Roman emperor known as Caligula, a sobriquet derived from this type of footwear. In colder regions, soldiers coated the footwear interior with fabric, covered the front, unprotected parts of the foot with leather and wrapped the feet in soft bandages. They wrapped the lower-legs from the ankle to the knee with woollen or linen bandages (tibialia). Svetonius writes about the emperor Augusts, known for its sensitiveness to cold: In winter, he would protect himself with four tunics and a thick toga, then with a short and woollen vest, and finally with bandages for the thighs and calves, as well as this: if they put his shoes on the wrong way in the morning, the left instead of the right, he saw it as a bad omen. (Svetonius; 104;108). Fascia crurales et pedules are bandages covering the leg from the knee to the toes and worn underneath the shoes. There is a small step from this type of footwear, which could reach even above the knee, to the clothes taken over from the local population by legionaries. Breeches or trousers, even though they are in one piece today, are still counted in pairs, indicating that they used to be separated. Just like the Greek, the inhabitants of Rome were familiar with breeches because they were worn by neighbouring peoples. However, they did not wear them themselves. The breeches braccae were regarded as a sign of barbarism and wearing them would provoke scorn and public scandal. We know that they were worn by the emperor 136

137 Alexander Severus, but not in Rome. Breeches and similar clothing items were worn by peasants, gladiators and hunters, while legs wrapped with the mentioned bandages over the knee are also shown on a statue of Diana. In the city of Rome, other, very elaborate rules about the footwear worn by certain social classes and at certain occasions were in force. The disregard of such rules, the inappropriate type, decoration or colour, the deviation from the usual height of the sole or boot-legs, was a sign of arrogance, haughtiness, which was not actually punishable, but the rumours of which could diminish a person's general significance in the public life. Many famous Romans, including the emperors Cesar, Augustus, Caligula and Nero, were not able to extricate themselves from such reputation during their lifetime. The oldest, simplest and cheapest footwear for men and women were solea/soleae, sandals with leather or wooden soles. The sandal was fastened to the foot by a leather strap passing between the big toe and the next toe or by several leather straps tied around the ankle. In this form, in was known throughout the Mediterranean, with a wide range of possible production materials and tying methods. Most similar to this basic type today is the footwear we call thongs (flip-flops). In the richer classes of the Roman society, this footwear was meant only for home use and was worn only with a tunic. It was inappropriate to wear them in the street or lying at a feast table without taking them off (soleas demere). And by saying: soleas poscere (ask for sandals), the guest would announce to the host the intention to leave shortly. Of a more complex design was the leather footwear with the upper part made of interlaced straps enveloping the foot up to the ankle and tied there. The term crepidae or, in the case of female footwear, crepidulae, indicates its Greek origin (krhp z). The common population, on the other hand, wore daily simple and cheap footwear made of linen or felt (udones), impregnated sackcloth (impilia) or leather footwear reaching above the ankle (perones), rarely made of dressed leather (crudus pero), and sometimes with a more hard-wearing wooden sole. Clogs (sculponeae), the footwear of the Roman poor and slaves, is entirely cut or hollowed out (sculpo) of wood. Cato recommends that every two years each slave is given a pair of such clogs each, and their wide use among farmers is attested also by Varro, who suggested that Triptolemus, the mythical inventor of husbandry, be called Triptolemus Sculponeatus (Daremberg; IV/2; 1136). The footwear with wooden soles, otherwise very frequent among the Roman poor, was used in similar designs and with more or less transversal leather straps (solea balnearis) in public baths as it is still common in the East. This footwear became the paragon for women's clogs with metal soles which entered the haute couture of the late Empire. DE SOLEIS ET GALLICIS. (PERI SAN- DALIWN KAI TROCADIWN.) is the third section of the ninth chapter (De formis calicaribus) of Diocletian's Edict, which lists the following types: (Gall)icae biriles rusticanae bisoles, (Gall)icae biriles bisoles, (Gall)icae cursuriae, (Tau)rinae muliebres bisoles and (Taurin)ae muliebres monosoles. It was the footwear of the common people: sandals in the widest sense and slip-ons that cost two to five times less that the most expensive footwear of Roman patricians. The name of this footwear indicates that its place of origin is the region of Gallia, from where it spread over Rome throughout the Empire. At first, gallicae were regarded as peasant, provincial footwear, inappropriate for a Roman citizen of cultivated taste. However, becoming gradually a part of the inventory of urban footwear, they began to replace more expensive footwear (calceus). By the more or less uncovered upper part of the foot, gallicae belong to the sandal type, however, they are different from sandals by the higher leather rim, which makes them similar to the type of footwear (campagus) that was accepted also by patricians in the late Empire and remained very popular and in wide use also later in the Byzantine Empire. The Edict makes no mention of the footwear called baxae or baxeae footwear type. They could not be economized with, because they were available at the lowest possible price. Depending on the place of manufacture, they were made by plaiting palm or papyrus leaves, reed, willow-wood or cord. They outline the shape of the foot, to which they are fastened by simple strings of the same material. In more developed forms, the edge is raised to enclose the entire foot except the upper part. This simple and cheap footwear became the symbol of poverty. It was frequently seen on the feet of preachers, pilgrims and followers of philosophical schools that used them to express their scorn for the leisurely life and its superfluous and nonspiritual components. Numerous footwear finds in Egyptian tombs also belong to this type. Calceus repandus is footwear of Oriental origin that made headway to Rome together with the Etruscans and was often shown on figures depicted in their tombs (Ducati;232). It is completely closed male and female footwear with straight soles and pointed tips bent upwards. The vamp is equally long as on patrician shoes, however not completely enveloped by strings, but only with two pairs of strings above the ankle and one pair at the upper edge, so that the footwear has the form of a boot 137

138 when worn. This type of footwear was not very widespread and was already in Cicero's time to be seen only on the feet of the statue of Juno Sospita in Lanuvium near Rome (Daremberg; I/2;819). It seems that Rome was close to the Orient more by the opulence of colours than by the footwear design. Colours emphasized the harmony of clothing and footwear, while the type of footwear combined with its colour signified also the social status. The emperors' toga, as well as footwear, was crimson and trimmed with gold. Patricians and people in high offices of the state also wore red footwear. The valuable crimson colour was even in small quantities a sign of higher social classes and it covered the Roman emperors from head to toe. It was exclusive, out of reach of the common people, distant and incomprehensible just like the erudition of the emperor Constantine VII, with whose birth the colour crimson is fused. The colour and design of footwear of the highest strata of the Roman society are associated with the history of Rome and the hundred families from which their first senators were elected. These families represent the origin of the highest class of Roman patricians, to whom a groundless appropriation of their symbols and privileges was unacceptable. Writing about Gaius Marius who celebrated with a triumph in Rome his victory over Jugurtha in 104 B.C., Plutarch described the following event in the Roman senate: After the triumphal procession, Marius convened the Senate at the Capitolium; and joined the session be it out of negligence or vulgarly bragging with his lucky fate in triumph clothes, but noticing soon the discontent of the Senate, he stood up and exited, and, having changed into the clothes of the pretext, returned again (Plutarh; 73). It was not appropriate for him, as a plebeian, to appear in the footwear of patricians in the Senate. Such footwear is shown on Roman monuments of Augustus, Caligula, Claudius, Traian, Marcus Aurelius (Paulys; 1340). The footwear in question is called calcei patricii or the similar calcei mullei. It is red, with firm soles, but made of finely dressed and thinned leather tightly adhering to the foot, thus accentuating its form. By its form, this footwear is most similar to the present-day low boots. They cover the entire foot and can reach from the ankle to the half of the calf. It is tied, or better to say, fastened by enveloping the vamp by the lower wide and upper narrow pair of strings (quator corrigae), which are tied above the ankle across the middle of the front part. Calcei patricii was the exclusive footwear of patricians and their descendants, and was worn outdoors with a toga. The term calcei mullei denotes precisely the red colour of this type of footwear, with the name of the colour being associated with the colour of the fish mullus. A trace of this term, but also the described meaning of the colour, is today found in the term mule for the liturgical footwear of the Pope in Rome. (Daremberg ; I/2; 819). Similar, also high and closed footwear made of black leather (nigris pelibus) was worn by senators. This footwear (calcei senatorii) is referred to by Cicero's witty remark in which he used calceus mutare as a metaphor for the fast transition to the level of senator. Today it might, taken out of its context, correspond to the Croatian proverb: skoèiti iz opanka u cipelu. (jump from the opanak into the shoe; i.e. advance from peasant to a higher position). Women's footwear in high social classes, both simple footwear used indoors, as well as the footwear for outdoor wear (calcei muliebris, calceolus), was of fine workmanship, more softly adjusted to the form of the foot and with greater colour range to chose from or with valuable ornaments ranging from gold to pearls. Unfortunately, festive women's footwear is covered by the tunic in pictorial representations, which makes it impossible to know what its upper part looked like. In the 3rd century, attempts were made to limit the colours available for male footwear. However, the effects of such limitations also remain unknown. In the Latin text of the already mentioned Edict on Maximum Prices by Emperor Diocletian, which lists approximately twenty types of footwear, the following colours are mentioned: (Socci) purpurei sive foenicei; (socci albi); socci Babulonici, purp(urei sive albi); Taurinae inauratae (Blümner; 28). The effects of this Edict are known. Its provisions were shortterm and did not ease the financial burdens of the Empire. The division of the Empire, initiated by Diocletian and soon continued by Constantine the Great by shifting the centre of political power to Constantinople, will have more long-range reverberations in the shaping of European fashion styles. The end of the period addressed in this overview already contains all elements that will determine footwear not only by its basic purpose, but by patterns of fashion trends attempting to impress a more permanent mark on these short-living consumer goods. Relying in this effort on known components, they have tried to add something new and unique. The approaching Middle Age, with a new spirit drawing its force form the ancient heritage, will give new forms to old paragons. 138

139 Nadja Maglica Footwear in the Period from the Early Middle Ages to the Beginning of the 20th Century translated by mr.sc. Jasna Biliniæ-Zubak FOOTWEAR AS A CONSTITUENT PART OF CLOTHING is described in this review, clothing that has developed and changed in the course of nine centuries in the process of which new materials have constantly been used, new ways of processing and manufacturing have been perfected and new ones discovered. This description has been based on archival records, visual arts illustrations and, in a smaller measure, by preserved objects. In the second half of the 11th century, when pre-romanesque style turned into the Romanesque style (with the return of the human figure and figural composition), scenes on the reliefs found on altar rails of the Church of St. Nediljica in Zadar and the baptistery in the Split Cathedral are records of the way of clothing and the accessory footwear. So, on the tablet of the altar rail in the baptistery of the Split Cathedral representing scenes of the king, dignitaries and subjects (with clothes clearly showing class differences), the footwear presented shows sharply pointed toes and is tightly fitting the legs. By the help of horizontal lines an associated subgroup of footwear was marked, covering the leg from the ankle to half the leg, i.e. to the knee. Similar footwear made from cloth or wool, without the foot part, used to be fastened on the inner side with clasps. This type of footwear, usually called grliæi (approximately meaning 'little bottle-necks') can be found in the traditional costumes of the Dinara region (Radauš-Ribariæ, 2002). The mentioned footwear is also shown on the pluteus or altar rail from the Church of St. Nediljica in Zadar where scenes from the Gospel are arranged in the arcades. In the scene of the 'Annunciation' the only part preserved from the image of the Virgin Mary is a clothed foot, while in the scene of the 'Visitation', Mary and Elizabeth are dressed in ancient clothing and are wearing the above described footwear. In the scenes of 'Nativity' and the 'Adoration of the Magi' all the persons have footwear, and the Magi differ amongst them by the expression of their faces and details of clothing. Within the arcades of the right-hand pluteus all the persons are wearing footwear, except for John the Baptist. King Herod, like all other male characters in the rest of the pluteus are wearing footwear like the characters already described on the pluteus of the Split baptistery. The female characters, Mary and two mothers of the innocent infants are wearing shoes with sharp toes, closely fitting the leg (Petriciolo, 1983: 13-14). The presented characters belong to the medieval iconography, and show lively and plastic facial expressions with the well-established forms of clothing and footwear which makes them associated to those on the pluteus of the Split baptistery. At the same time brodequins, buskins or half-boots were worn, with a longer tongue, sometimes serrated, in front (Boucher, 1963: 172). Apart from this footwear the low slip-on shoe with a mildly sharpened toe was also worn, and it covered the upper part of the foot. The shoes were soft, made from goatskin from Cordoba (cordovan). The sharpened shoe toe, whose length and shape used to change, prevailed in the second half of the Middle Ages (Thiel, 1963: 156). Knights used to wear leather boots with spurs, and when leaving for wars they would wear iron-bound boots as part of their armour. Peasants and serfs used homemanufactured footwear. At the beginning of the 12th century, shoes in Europe yet differ from the ones from the preceding period. From the very beginning of the century low soft shoes prevailed, gently elongated with a raised sharp peak (à pigache) (Boucher, 1965: 172). Boots continued to be worn, up to the lower leg height, and also low shoes fastened on the inner side with a clasp or ribbon. Shoes were made from black or differently coloured leather, even from brocade with more or less emphasized sharpened front part. According to the moral standards of that time, women were not allowed to show their feet, so that the accessory stockings used to be fastened under the knee with a ribbon. Masterfully manufactured shoes were highly appreciated and it was appropriate to wear them at court. Wearing badly or inadequately manufactured shoes would mean unseemly behaviour. Men's and women's footwear differed in size, so that women, in harmo- 139

140 ny with the standards of beauty of that time craved to have small and slender feet (Thiel, 1963: 174). At the end of the 13th century soft light boots were worn, tightly fitting the leg. The other type of footwear was the leggings strengthened with leather soles. Clogs and galoshes were worn as a protection for the light shoes. We can find proofs of the footwear of that time in Croatia in the works of visual arts, first of all on the doorframes of the Split Cathedral, the portal of the Cathedral in Trogir and the bell-tower of the Split Cathedral. The Romanesque reliefs composed on the principle of the rules of addition prove the relative independence of the parts which was the essential feature of the Romanesque composition (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 14, 15). A special example of this principle is the pair of wooden doorframes of the Split Cathedral, work of master sculptor Andrija Buvina from the year Each of the two doorframes has been divided into 14 fields separated by frames that create the image of individual pictures. On these fields scenes from the Gospels are arranged 'Jesus Christ's childhood' and his 'Public activity', as well as the scenes of his 'Martyrdom' and 'Death'. By employing considerable skill in an abundance of decorations, alongside the clothing we find presented variants of headgear and diverse footwear. In the scene of the 'Adoration of the Magi' the characters wear low and fastened footwear (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 1981: 74). In the scene of the 'Slaughter of the Innocents' soldiers wear short boots and executioners high boots. In the 'Flagellation of Christ' characters carrying out the flagellation wear high boots that additionally increases the impression of the brutality of this act. Buvina's scenes are "the richest iconographic cycle of medieval art in Dalmatia" (Karaman, 1942: 39). Contrary to Buvina, on the portal of the Cathedral in Trogir dating from the year 1240, "Radovan merged the scenes of 'Nativity', the 'Shepherds' Adoration' and the 'Journey of the three Magi from the East' into one unique picture, freely grouped and full of life" (Karaman, 1938: 4). The executed plastic has both religious and worldly contents, abounds in various forms that are represented both by low reliefs and sculptures in natural dimensions. There is a realistic presentation of a multitude of details from the contemporary life: clothes and footwear of the characters, the kings' apparel and shepherds' clothing, the hearth and furniture. In the scenes from Christ's life, in the hunting scenes, the figures of the three Magi, Joseph, the shepherds, vineyard labourers and soldiers, all of them wear soft flat shoes, with gently sharpened toes (Fiskoviæ, 1953: 11). The scenes of the seasons are represented together with their associated signs of the Zodiac and their earthly symbols the jobs and events significant for a particular month of the year. Thus the image of the old man near the hearth, symbol of the month of January, has been shown wearing shoes with high wooden soles and a leather upper part, half-open to the front. These shoes were slipped on above soft leather shoes closely fitting the foot. Finally, the Apostle Peter is wearing modest sandals. And while Buvina "presents such art that the conservative provincial milieu of Dalmatia could offer on its own" (Karaman, 1963: 43), Radovan's portal is "the reflection of the feeling and knowledge of that time, though in a reduced volume and a free interpretation of the provincial milieu, so distant from the learned centres of scholastic Europe" (Karaman, 1938: 2). There is certain propinquity between the sculptures from Radovan's portal and those from the belltower of the Split Cathedral. At the entrance to the belltower a group sculpture particularly stands out: the figures of two strong telamones with a female figure between them. The well presented and preserved clothes and footwear of the mentioned figures are a significant contribution to learning about the clothes in the Middle Ages. The central figure, the upright woman, is wearing rather flat shoes, slightly sharp on the toes. The footwear of the telamones is identical to the ones of the old man January from Radovan's portal "with high wooden soles and the leather uppers partly half-open in the front and quite free at the back; they are surrounded by a line of grains, probably hobnails. They are usually slipped on above light leather shoes, tightly fitting the leg, and are fastened in front by a clasp or are tied on the side with a ribbon" (Keèkemet, 1955: 96-97). The Gothic is the style period in medieval art that succeeded the Romanesque style in the 13th century and lasted up to the 15th century. It is a completely different period, with the fundamental aspiration, the principle that puts man in the centre of interest, and all the themes so far afterlife, biblical past, scenes from Christ's youth, all these are exchanged for new themes love for the mundane, the contemporary, "Christ's suffering when he suffers like a man which makes him equal to all people" (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 64). The new way of evaluation of man's life and as a consequence a changed approach was reflected in the overall art, but also in the man's everyday life clothing and footwear. Footwear still in use was chiefly high shoes or boots, fastened with laces or buckles, legs strengthened with leather soles and the unavoidable clogs as protective footwear. In the middle of the 14th century long clothes, up to that time common for both men and women, were abandoned and short clothes for men were introduced. This was a great novelty which marked the first appearance of fashion (Boucher, 1965: 192). This change short clothes uncovering the man's feet was a precondition of the creation of new, different footwear 140

141 legs closely fitting like stockings of various lengths, from the ankle to the thigh. In the last quarter of the 14th century the shoe started to change its shape, the vamp became elongated and shaped into a beak that ended with a sharp point shoes à poulaine (footwear with a twisted sharp point). The length of the sharp point depended on the status and position of the wearer which was controlled by a multitude of regulations. Thus dukes and princes had the right to a sharp point measuring 2.5 feet, higher nobility 2 feet, knights 1.5 feet, rich men 1 foot, while all the rest could wear the sharp point measuring only 0.5 feet (Thiel, 1963: 202). Though by their shape they looked like the shoes à pigache from the 12th century, shoes à poulaine 1 spread with the Burgundian fashion all over Europe and their remained in use for almost a century (Boucher, 1965: 198). The emphasized sharp point kept growing with the time up to the length of 40 cm and had to be tied to the knee with a small chain. The shoes à poulaine had accompanying clogs adjusted to them a veritable fashionable novelty made from wood, with two reinforcements looking like a heel and the usual sharp point (Thiel, 1963: 221). They were worn under the shoes with the purpose of protection against the mud in the streets. The footwear itself was rather ugly and uncomfortable. At the end of the period, in the eighties of the 15th century, the points on the shoes and clogs kept becoming smaller and were soon to disappear completely. On the other hand, shoes that looked like slippers were fastened on the side by buckles or ribbons, but it was more refined either to use a leg reinforced by a leather sole or leather soles fastened to the legs by means of leather straps (Thiel, 1963: 210). In time this footwear (legs reinforced with a leather sole) slowly started disappearing from usage, while boots began to be used more and more. There were different shapes in use, like 'turn-down top' boots forerunners of riding boots, high boots, heuses, that were sometimes worn above soft shoes called brodequins (Boucher, 1965: 198). In this period a new form of clogs appeared with leather sole that would be worn without shoes. These clogs did not serve as protection but were classified into a subtype of footwear (Pratt, Wolley, 1999: 13). Women's footwear continued to follow in the steps of the men's fashion. Changes that had happened in men's footwear also comprised women's footwear which at the same time marked the end of the overall medieval court 1 On account of excess and eccentricity (the sharp points became longer and longer, coloured with sparkling dyes and decorated with little bells which directly glorified sexuality) this fashion was forbidden by the church (by manifestos, proclaiming "black plague" to be God' punishment for wearing poulaines) as well as by the authorities (prohibition of manufacturing and wearing). See fashion that was unable to develop anything new (Thiel, 1963: 234). In the archival records from Split from that time, footwear is also mentioned: several pairs of white stockings and shoes, which leads to the conclusion that in our regions, too, the influence of the European fashion centres was probably felt (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 1981: 73). The new style period that arrived in place of the Gothic, with the aim of reviving the universal spirit of the classic ancient history the Renaissance marked a great change. New art thrived, full of enthusiasm for ancient harmony, as opposed to the universality and subordination of the Middle Ages. What was prevalent was the desire to bring back the respectability and confidence in the individual and make his/her right to personal freedom legitimate. Conceived in Italy, the Renaissance chiefly developed there and took over the priority role in art but also in European fashion. Men and women found in the way of clothing the realization of their craving for fine forms that would satisfy their taste, passion for colours, and first and foremost the specific diversity (Boucher, 1965: 181). This was what imbued the Italian Renaissance fashion and, consequently, simple shoes adapted to the shape of the foot were introduced. Women, too, wore comfortable shoes, well adjusted to the foot, but they also wore clogs, zocolli, shoes with very thick soles. The latter appeared in Venice as protection against the frequent flooding of the streets. In time, the soles kept growing in height (up to half an ell), so that women wearing such shoes looked like giants. The ladies-wearers of these shoes avoided insecure walking and frequent falls by leaning on their maid-servants accompanying them (Thiel, 1963: 256, 258). As these clomps were uncomfortable and risky they did not remain fashionable for long. The footwear necessarily became wider, enabling the wearer to walk firmly and securely. At the beginning of the 16th century shoes developed a square form of the toes and became so wide that they looked like a cow's snout, à gueule de vache, and a bear's paw, a pied d'ours 2 (Thiel, 1963: 275). With an exceptionally wide sole, flat toe and the upper with numerous slits, the shoe looked clumsy, and yet it was well-accepted and rather favoured. A milder shape of this shoe, with a somewhat narrower and rounded toe, appeared in France under the name escarpin or escafignon in the middle of the first half of the 16th century (Boucher, 1965: 231). In the second half of the 16th century luxuriant Spanish fashion prevailed. Spanish shoes very soon lost their width, became narrower and less cut out. 2 According to the French legend this is connected with the person of Charles VIII ( ), who on account of his congenital deformity of his six toes, introduced the fashion of wide shoes whose upper was decorated with longitudinal and transversal slits (Pratt, Wolley, 1999: 16). 141

142 They covered the whole foot with a gently sharpened top. Materials and colours of the shoes were adjusted to the clothes, and knitted stockings appeared for the first time, suppressing the long sewn stockings. Except for the slip-on shoes, boots were also spread wide, reaching the knee or even stretching over the knee, closely fitting like stockings, made from fine goatskin, cordovan (Thiel, 1963: 320). As Spanish etiquette forbade women to show their feet, Spanish coaches were equipped with movable folding doors that would cover the ladies' feet while ascending into or descending from the coach. Women particularly appreciated footwear whose shape was identical to the men's shoes, paying great attention to the shoes made from velvet, satin or silk. Since 1570 leather took the place of satin in the manufacturing of footwear intended for all social strata (Boucher, 1965: 228). Stockings were equally valued, rather closely fitting and white. Spanish women considered white to be their favourite and most elegant colour (Thiel, 1963: 328). The end of the 16th century marked two significant innovations in the footwear fashion. The first one was the introduction of the heel, made equally high for both women and men, and which "probably developed from the wedged shoe and sloping type of shoe called chopine" 3 (Swann, 1982: 7). The other innovation was the introduction of equal shoes, "straights"; there were no longer divisions into left and right shoes 4 which was probably the result of the impossibility of making a mirror-image pair of lasts because of the high heel (Swann, 1986: 7). The archival records reveal that some parts of Croatia continued to follow in the wake of the European fashion trends. On the island of Hvar we find a record about variously coloured stockings and two pairs of zoccoli, clogs with wooden soles and upper made from velvet or homespun cloth. In Orebiæ shoes were supplied from the Italian towns Genoa (Genova) and Leghorn (Livorno). The most expensive shoes decorated with gold were bought in Istanbul (Beziæ- Bo aniæ, 2001: 66, ). European footwear, boots and shoes, were also worn in Šibenik at that time. Women used to have boots and open shoes very much like sandals. The listed footwear was made from cowskin, calfskin and kidskin leather (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 53). In Dubrovnik, luxurious clothes and footwear of the latest European fashion were so highly appreciated that the Republic had to pass a law 3 A special shape of slippers, with exceptionally high soles (18 inches), of Venetian origin. At first, this was the footwear prostitutes had worn, but they soon became very popular among the Venetian nobility (Pratt, Wolley, 1999: 19). 4 Contemporaries referred to this with a modest comment "a pair of upright shoes that gentlemen wear... now of one foot, now of another" (Swann, 1986: 7). against luxury in order to protect the local craftsmen. As a matter of fact, domestic products were bought less and less, and there was an increasing money outflow from the Republic (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 63). The style period in European art connected with science 5 that succeeded the Renaissance and lasted throughout the whole of the 17th century, called the Baroque was marked by the recurrent strengthening of Catholicism, absolutist states and the new role of science (Janson, 1997: 549). The Baroque appeared in various perceptions which made it exceptionally diverse. This diversity was perfectly integrated into the spreading of a new view of the world; a renewed assessment of the humankind was initiated along with the prominent role of human passion. What was going on was luxuriant building and flamboyant decoration. The human body was presented in daring postures and frolicsome movements. The tendency for decoration was universal and it was not neglected by the fashion. The 17th century footwear was subject to the changes, particularly in the period of the Thirty Years' War ( ) and at the time of Louis XIV's rule ( ). Influenced by the Flemish bourgeois fashion, the boot was the men's chief footwear in the first decades of the century. The boot with a medium high heel, soft high legs, wider at the top and turned down at the knee like a cup or goblet, had been a remarkable fashionable detail from the beginning of the year 1615 (Swann, 1986: 14). The harmonious and graceful shape of the boot was enhanced by the square cut of the toe (not rounded any more), and definitely by the additional decoration in the shape of a turned down cuff adorned with fringe or lace (Thiel, 1963: 348). A variant of the described boot with a stitched on inverted cup top was particularly popular in the 1630s and 1640s. The boot was equipped with an obligatory spur on the ankle, often gilded, but always too wide which produced a picturesque "arrogant, masculine effect in harmony with the militant spirit of the time" (Swann, 1986: 14). Stockings were also an important constituent part of footwear, now with a new role a decorative one. Costly silk stockings, diverse in terms of purpose and of almost all colours were worn both with shoes and boots. When they were worn with boots, they used to be protected by long stockings made from batiste or flax linen; the already mentioned turned down cuff was an additional decoration. The cuff was adorned with lace ruffs and it would be put between the stocking and the boot (Boucher, 1965: 255). 5 Great achievements of Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Descartes and Newton determined the new view upon the world, essentially different from the one so far, so that in art, too, a different perception of reality had started (Janson, 1997: 549). 142

143 The less affluent people who could not afford silk stockings and decorative accessories had to make do with linen stockings cut and sewn in the framework of traditional costumes (Thiel, 1963: 348). Within the range of elegant, dignified salon clothes, the stocking as well as the boot were considered luxurious objects. The wide usage of boots influenced by the war had yet not completely ousted shoes. The former rounded shoe toes soon changed into a square upper from which a wide tongue emerged, the back part was made higher so much that the shoe encompassed the whole foot and became higher and higher (Thiel, 1963: 348). Shoes were mostly made from leather, cordovan, in light colours, with white being the favourite one, and multicoloured cotton threads were used to give the shoe its finishing touches. On the other hand, they could be decorated by eyelets used with diverse laces, "the whole effect being one of conspicuous extravagance" (Swann, 1986: 12). Shoes with a leather tongue, with smaller or bigger openings on the side, were tied up by means of leather latchets, but ribbons were used, too, 6 from a simple ribbon to elaborate roses additionally decorated by pearls or spangles (Swann, 1986: 12). Ribbons were indicators of the proprietary possibilities of the wearer. 7 Flat-soled overshoes were often worn for protection. Fashion continued making no difference between men's and women's footwear. Women's shoes, too, got a square top, a high sloping heel, and fastenings were decorated by ribbons and rosettes (Thiel, 1963: 354). At the beginning of the 17th century France took over the leadership in the creation of fashion, and Paris became Europe's fashion centre. Stockings and shoes came into the focus of fashion, and the foot, following the example of Spain from a century earlier, became the criterion of distinction and elegance at court. Silk stockings were considered to be the most elegant ones, with even the seam and gusset considered as decorations. Instead of boots that disappeared from the salons and remained in use only for military and hunting purposes, it was shoes that entered fashion. Shoes became real small works of art developing uppers with long, flatly cut off caps, getting longer and longer and with heels getting higher and higher 8 (Thiel, 1963: 384). The 6 James I ( ) said: "A yard of sixpenny ribbon served that turn" (Swann, 1986: 12). 7 The poor wore red ribbons, while Massinger's City Madam had the following comment: "Men of mean rank wear garters and shoe roses of more than 5 price". (Swann, 1986: 12). 8 On account of his low stature, Louis XIV had the soles and heels of his shoes underlain with cork and covered with red leather. Such red heels were a privilege of the nobility until the outbreak of the French Revolution (Thiel, 1963: 364). most customary colour of men's shoes was black and brown, and they would be decorated, like earlier on, with ribbons, small metal plates and rosettes. In 1660, buckles 9 came into fashion in England and it soon became the chief decoration of the shoe. Buckles came in various shapes and sizes, decorated with precious stones or glass paste. From the very beginnings they were treated as jewellery, transferable from one shoe to another and could also be used on other garments as required (Swann, 1986: 20). In the second half of the 17th century shoes had pointed toes and with high upright, later sloped "French" 10 heels. At the end of the century the shoes again got square toes. A conspicuous feature of women's shoes was the white kid rand that was put between the layers of the heel and served to attach the sole (Swann, 1986: 15). Galoshes continued to be used as protection against the mud. In this period the coastline part of Croatia did not lag behind Europe regarding the fashion of clothes or footwear. From the clothes list of the nobles from Korèula we can find out that there were men's boots, one pair alla turca, yellow slippers and shoes, cotton stockings in various colours, woollen stockings and silk stockings called 'bordazine', bought in Venice (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2000: 243). Women's shoes were chiefly made from silk or pana (type of cloth), with a higher or lower heel and with a ribbon tied into a bow in front. Shoes with open heels at the back, similar to sandals, were also worn. More luxurious shoes were decorated by embroidery and metallic buckles (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 244). On the rather distant island of Vis records mention stockings and shoes as part of the bride's dowry (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 236). On the island of Hvar it was a matter of principle to wear clothes and footwear following the fashion of the times. Among the footwear the following items are mentioned: shoes, boots, zoccoli (clogs), slippers, stockings of diverse colours, cotton and silk stockings, and specially a type of under-stockings worn under the outer stockings, called sotto calzo (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 200). Rococo is a style in art that emerged from the French Baroque and spread almost throughout the whole of the 18th century until the advent of the French Revolution in Extremely large and exaggeratedly adorned forms were turned into lighter, more intimate and gentler forms. Imagination helped to conjure up an enchanted world and thus made a temporary escape from real life possible. The range of human feelings was widened (the world of love was discovered) and the family was introduced 9 Pepys signals an innovation in his 'Diary' from January 22, 1660: "This day I began to put on buckles to my shoes..." (Swann, 1986: 20). 10 A heel with a visibly sloped and rounded shape (Zander-Seidel, 2002: 231) 143

144 as one of the main themes of art (Janson, 1977: 610). Imagination as the specific feature of the epoch was reflected in great measure in the fashion. Various styles of designing forms were used, so footwear started to be differentiated according to the sex of the wearer. Shoes continued to be prevailingly men's footwear. The shoe's toe developed a pointed shape, the heel dropped to one inch and was still covered; in rarer cases it was made from red stacked leather, 11 and could be worn with everyday clothes. The buckle was the only decoration (the well known Artois buckle), 12 first set high on the instep to be then lowered "just above the toes" (Swann, 1986: 25-26, 28). The material used to make shoes was mostly leather, the most frequent colours were black and dark brown. Towards the end of the 18th century leather became lighter (thinner and softer). In the second half of the 18th century the boot again became fashionable, but now as footwear for walking. New forms were developed: the jockey boot with the top turned down below the knee clearly showing the lining in another colour as a decoration, and there was also the 'hussar's' boot with a short leg decorated with fringes (Thiel, 1963: 349). Slippers continued in mule form, cut lower; they were first made from brocades, later they changed to light leathers in assorted colours. Women's shoes reached the peak of craftsmanship by their form and execution. As soon as fashion allowed the foot to be seen (first at the time of the Late Renaissance with the predominance of Spanish fashion), the small gracious foot became the sign of beauty. The shoe had to be the same. Shoes were made from cloth (linen, silk, wool), mostly lined with kidskin leather, with the accessory ribbons, buckles, embroidery and precious stones. As nothing was too expensive, the back side of the sloping high heel was decorated even with emeralds, sending out a coquettish message 'look at me' (Thiel, 1963: 418). Galoshes, too, went through a change, they became protective footwear with leather soles and the shape that "strictly fitted the shoe with the high heel" (Zander- Seidel, 2002: 232). In the middle of the second half of the 18th century women used to wear boots, though for riding only. Boots were made from kidskin leather, rounded toe, medium high heels, with front lacing (Swann, 1986: 30). Fashionable details like stockings also became significantly important, for men and women alike. 11 "Red heels continued, but by 1771 they were not restricted either to grand dress or men" (Swann, 1986: 26). 12 The General Evening Post from May 31st, 1788 says that "the Artois buckle seems to be giving place to the shoe tie...the revolution killed the fashion for buckles (Swann, 1986: 29). The French Revolution from 1789 had an influence on the significant changes on styles in fashion. This was the time of wars, and the time of distinctive men's fashion, with the return of boots as the chief men's footwear. Boots appeared in various forms and under diverse names which proved their belonging to their times. The kneelength hessian boot, with a V-dip at the centre front with a tassel was at first the most widely spread type (Swann, 1986: 35). At the beginning of the 19th century it was ousted from the fashion by a knee-length high boot called wellington that could also be a half boot with the leg pulled down to the ankle. The basic shapes were numerous, with the toe pointed at first that was soon to prevail in blunt oval shapes. At first boots had no heels but later heels remained at the height of 1 to 1 inch. Apart from leather, patent leather also came into use (from 1791 on) and there were also metal accessories like steel tips on the heels, rivets, various hobnails, built-in metal spurs (Swann, 1986: 32). The most important technical innovation (in 1800) was the re-introduction of the rights and lefts in footwear which was made possible by the invention and development of the pantograph (Swann, 1986: 7). Boots were worn even in salons and theatres but could not completely banish shoes. Shoes also changed their shape, with toes changing from pointed to blunt oval ones and finally square toes, cut lower and lower with a short tongue and low heel, prevailingly in black colour. The buckle gave way to laces, and there were one or two pairs of lace holes on the shoes. An innovation came from the United States where they found the native Indian work attractive, some of which was almost indistinguishable from contemporary designs (Swann, 1986: 33). Women's footwear was well represented, mostly by half boots with the Italian heel. 13 Boots were still worn, but the fashion of 1813 introduced a kind of sandal shoe, a sub-type of low-cut pumps without heels, with ribbons to cross and tie round the ankle (Swann, 1986: 38). This was going to stay the most important women's footwear for a long time. The fashion of that time was reflected in Croatia. Here is an example from Makarska. With the increasing trade and strengthened connections with the world, import of various goods was growing, footwear being no exception. In the dowries of the new brides various items of footwear were obligatory: shoes made from black velvet, also shoes made from silk, cut rather deep, usually called gondoline (gondolas) and different sorts of cotton and silk stockings (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 78, 82). In Split, the largest town in Dalmatia, fashion trends of European culture centres were 13 "The Italian heel" is a slender heel wedged to support the arch (Swann, 1986: 30). 144

145 followed to the best of abilities, particularly by the nobility and affluent bourgeois social strata. At the beginning of the century shoes were worn as well as pantofole (closed shoe a particular favourite of Venice) made from very soft goatskin leather or velvet, trimmed with a golden or silver ribbon (Bo iæ-bu anèiæ, 1982: 74, 82). The shoes were accompanied by a great selection of many sorts of stockings made from silk, cotton, linen and yarn, sometimes embroidered, too. In the middle of the 18th century clumsy low shoes suppressed the light and soft ones, and they were called pianella or mulette, shoes with a front toe raised. They used to be worn at home and in the street. Shoes with high heels were also fashionable, made from silk, chamois leather and velvet in white, pink, greyish and pearlish colours (Bo iæ-bu anèiæ, 1982: 78). In the first half of the 19th century the Biedermeier, in contrast to the luxurious forms of the Empire, was the style favoured by the modest bourgeois milieu characterized by simplicity, practicality and comfort. This is the century when new materials in the production of footwear started to be used India-rubber (1830) 14 and reptile leather (1860); new processing treatments application of wedges to fix the soles (1842), tanning the leather with oak bark extract as the beginning of the modern antelope leather (1873); new dyes the brown dye (1864) and new parts, i.e. accessories elastic loops (1840), hooks for laces (1865). The half boot was still the most frequently worn men's footwear that would, depending on the purpose and event, alternate with the light pumps. Both types had square toes, 1 to 1.25 inch high heel, fastened either by an elastic band or laces with three to four pairs of holes on the shoe (the Blucher type) 15, or 15 pairs of holes on the boots (the Derby type) 16. A fashionable novelty were elastic-side boots that J. Sparkes Hall gave Queen Victoria as a present in 1837, and he introduced an improved variant to the public in 1846 (Swann, 1986: 44; Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 71). Another modern type of footwear were lace-up boots or boors buttoned up on the side that men have accepted as early as the year 1830, while women started wearing them significantly later 17 (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 71). In the same period, women's 14 Since 1836 rubber goloshes came into use. Charles Dickens wrote about their use in his novel Pickwick Papers: "and a wery pleasant gen'l'm'n too one o' the precise and tidy sort, as puts their feet in little India-rubber firebuckets wen it's wet weather" (Chapter 44), (Swann, 1986: 41). 15 Blucher, open tab front lace boot (half-boot), with a straight side seam. Originally, quarters in one piece, with no back seam (Swann, 1986: 89). 16 Derby, a boot or shoe with the open eyelet tab stitched on top of the vamp, an open tab (Swann, 1986: 89). 17 Women's small boots made of kid leather with buttons on the side was already mentioned in 1858 (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 71). footwear did not change much. Heelless shoes continued to be worn, but with a blunted toe (like the men's), and crosstied round the ankle. Shoes were made prevailingly from cloth, mostly black, while only on special occasions shoes made from shiny silken cloth, satin, silk or knitted straw were worn. Leather was used only for the thin sole and the cap on the upper. On account of the delicacy of the upper and consequently a rather short period of usage, several pairs of the same model of shoes used to be bought (Zander- Seidel, 2002: 235). Another fashionable item was again stockings in white, beige or natural skin colours with decorative embroidery (Thiel, 1963: 534). In the course of the thirties and forties of the19th century, small boots made from cloth were so favoured that the shoes tied round the ankle, after having ruled the fashion for half a century, completely vanished (Thiel, 1963: 543). Consequently, in 1830 small boots with silk uppers in light colours appeared, laced on the inner side, with thin soles and low heels. Supposedly, they were intended for weddings, because the white colour was at that time accepted as the colour for the wedding (Zandel- Seidel, 2002: 236). The Croatian general public was speedily and well informed about the European fashion trends that, equally quickly used to be accepted, which can be proved by the rebuke addressed at his co-citizens, uttered by Ivan Kukuljeviæ-Sakcinski and published in the journal Danica on February 12th, 1842, where he expressed his contempt for their cosmopolitan was of dressing: "You and your sons in fine black tailcoats with narrow sleeves, tight trousers, white stockings and tight shoes look as if you has just now escaped from Paris." (Ivoš, 1997: 155). In the course of the second half of the 19th century, in the period of the Historicism previous styles were imitated. A great turn in the manufacturing of footwear was triggered by the invention of a number of machines designed for various procedures of execution like the machine fixing of rivets (1853), machine sewing of leather (1856), machine sewing of the shoe from the inner side (1860). By introducing machines the serial manufacturing of footwear started which also had a great influence on fashion. At the same time, high boots almost disappeared, and half boots with clasps on the side became fashionable. At the same time the shape of footwear changed and the square toe became rounded. Half boots made from patent leather were worn as elegant footwear with tails or a dinner-jacket. In mideighties of the 19th century changes in the use of dyes and materials took place. Brown colour was used (1864), and among the new materials used are box calf (at the beginning only in black colour), and peau de suede (1873) marks the beginning of the modern antelope leather. India-rubber was already widely used, either as a type of footwear (rubber 145

146 goloshes), or as material for the manufacturing of footwear parts (soles, heels, various laces and loops). Shoe sizes were also standardized at this time (Swann, 1986, 54, 56). In men's footwear the prevailing fashion was for shoes laced up in front, with leather laces through three or four holes (half shoes Oxford, known in France as the Richelieu) or with laces through five pairs of holes and four pairs of hooks and a metal tip on one lace (the boot or half boot Derby also called Lorne, and in France known as the Moliere) (Swann, 1986: 46). Due to the universal usage of ankle-high boots, the Wellington boot completely disappeared, and out of the range of boots the ones that were worn were those laced up in front (Derby) or buttoned up (Balmoral). With their everyday clothes women wore mostly ankle high small Balmoral boots made from satin or strong leather that were closed up front instead of on the side, and they were fastened in front instead of on the side, and with festive clothes they wore half shoes. The latter were undergoing quick changes: the rounded toes became more and more sharpened in the 1880s, the heels lower and more rounded, whereas in the 1890s the Louis XV heel prevailed. In the competition between shoes and boots the compromise solution offered was the barette, both as a shoe (made from glacé leather with decorative buttons, square toe, 2.1 inches high stacked heel and upper partly decorated with narrow strips) and a boot (Swann, 1986: 49). The execution was identical to the shoe, and the decoration of the upper was performed along the length of the front side of the bootleg. The described boot required a coloured silk stocking. Footwear and stockings were, as a rule, selected in contrasting colours. Fashion for clothes experienced great changes, all of them lasting for short periods only, which was in exact contrast to the fashion for footwear (Thiel, 1963: 598, 580). Fashion trends in Europe were quickly accepted in Croatia thanks to foreign fashion journals (the first Croatian fashion journal "Pari ka moda" [Paris Fashion] was published in Zagreb in 1895), to the large store catalogues, photographs, trips abroad becoming more and more numerous, with citizens visiting fashionable trendy resorts and popular spas (Ivoš, 2000: 356, 362). In the journal "Dom i sviet" [Home and World] from the year 1888, it was recorded that in this year a fashionable novelty arrived from Paris: wearing footwear in different colours a blue shoe on the left and a red one on the right foot (Ivoš, 2000: 360). So it is no wonder that in smaller towns, for example in Starigrad on the island of Hvar, modern footwear, mostly shoes and stockings, had been mentioned in every reference to the dowry. The bride thus mostly had 3 to 5 pairs of shoes made from calfskin leather, and silk and cloth stockings in various colours, particularly in white, red and orange colours. Little boots were only rarely mentioned (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001: 213). The last years of the 19th century were marked by the Secession the new art style that had spread to all European countries and linked two centuries. In contrast to the academicism, it appeared under various names (Jugendstil, Secession, Art Nouveau, Liberty Style, etc.) and, depending on whether it started earlier or continued longer, it encompassed the period from the 1890s all through the year Undisputedly, it governed all the areas of shaping between 1890 and 1910, which also includes fashion (Ivanèeviæ, 2004: 263, 267). Women's struggle for their social rights (particularly strong in Great Britain), women's engagement in favourite sports (tennis, bicycle riding, driving automobiles) and the change of style, all these are reasons of new fashion breakthroughs in clothes and footwear that started in the year 1900 at the Paris World Exhibition. In the last decade of the 19th century the shapes of the men's and women's shoe toes kept changing "from the dainty but cruel pointed toe supposed to be favoured by Parisian belles and beaux" (Swann, 1986: 51). At the turn of the centuries lengthened toes prevailed (particularly in Britain), while shoes with a widened toe in the shape of a 'spade', were mostly represented in continental Europe (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 80). At the same time, the world production had considerably grown, particularly by the share of the United States, which lowered the price of footwear and it thus became available for everyone. By penetrating Europe with their footwear, the Americans have also imposed their styles. So, as early as 1910, they offered their fashion solution, the men's shoe bulldog or Boston. Rounded and with a raised capped top, suede lining, four holes, medium high (an inch) stacked heel, this shoe was the reflection of the secession curves (Swann, 1986: 55). Very soon there arrived another American novelty, with new material and in a new style the elegant women's model Gibson, made of dull green crocodile skin, with strengthened sole and wide laces (exhibited in the Northampton Museum) (Swann, 1986: 56). In the same year (1914), an American patent was offered of a water-permeable double structure veldtschoen (a shoe in which the upper is turned outwards along the bottom edge to which the sole is attached). The brown colour came into frequent use 18 in various shades (from light tan 'Russia' to dark brown), and suede appeared in dull green, grey, light purple and khaki colour. Suede was very popular in the years before the outbreak of World War I (Swann, 1986: 40). 18 The brown colour was in contrast to the current rules of behaviour. In 1893 'brown shoes should never be worn with a frock coat in combination with a silk hat'. However, after Randolph Churchill publicly appeared in such a 'forbidden combination', the rules were already changed in 1894 (Swann, 1986: 54). 146

147 Men's boots, those laced up in front or buttoned up continued to be worn. However, the new feature with buttoned up boots was that they were manufactured in two colours. The associated galosh was made from patent or glacé leather, the boot-leg was made from cloth or matt leather in a contrasting colour. Shoes were prevailingly laced with open (Derby) or closed (Oxford) tab. The novelty lay in the type of decoration. Perforation was used 19 (surface punching of holes), two-coloured upper, and the tab with a fringed tongue 20 covering the laces. Men's shoes with elastic sides (Chelsea) remained in use as evening wear only. The real novelty were sandals (a sole with straps to keep them on) that since 1907 became popular in certain circles, particularly the bohemian ones. Women's footwear underwent this time more and greater changes. This was first reflected in the heels that started changing height from 6.5 inches to 2 inches, and they were made of stacked leather. In the year 1904 the Cuban heel appeared, with the average height of 2.5 inches, made of stacked leather. It was firm and stronger than the Louis heel, and in 1913 it used to be decorated with paste (Swann, 1986: 58). In the same year vamp embroidery again picked up. To protect the heels, brass plates were attached by screws between the top piece and cover. The plates were in time reduced from being thick to becoming thin white metal slips in the 30s of the 20th century, almost invisible in wear. Though possibly shoes predominated over boots, there was still a reliable offer of boots to choose from. Along the different variants of the Derby and Balmoral types, there were boots made from black glacé leather with nine or eleven buttons, made of satin covered with black lace and a Louis heel, to glacé boots with patent leather galoshes. Since the beginning of the 20th century shoes were mostly represented by the Derby and Oxford types, with additional decorations of punching and manufacturing two-colour uppers. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Derby shoe was called Gibson after the 'Gibson girls', idealized young American women from the illustrations of Charles Dana Gibson (Pedersen, 2005: 31). The new shoe model was cut very high at the back, with a strap to buckle over or tie round the ankle. This shoe was noticed by the public somewhat later, in 1911, when the length of the skirts went up a little, and reached the peak popularity in fashion in 1913, then called tango shoes, and the fashion went on to the year The barrette style followed, and the most favoured model was the Langtry (named after the actress Lily Langtry). This was a shoe with 19 The low-heeled punched and serrated shoe, the brogue, became popular round the year 1905 (Pratt, Woolley, 2000: 88). 20 First seen on a photo of King George V in 1911 (Swann, 1986: 57). two straps buttoning over the tab, and its forerunner was the Cromwell from the late 90s of the 19th century which differs by the height of the heel, the latter being considerably higher (Swann, 1986: 59, 60). The majority of the mentioned footwear, unchanged or simply changed details, remained in use a longer period which proves the earlier mentioned fact that footwear underwent rather infrequent changes when compared to clothes. What was approaching was the year 1914 the beginning of World War I that was to shape the manufacturing of shoes, connect the comfortable with the practical, but was also to entirely decrease the difference between women's and men's footwear. All innovations types of materials, the techniques of execution and decoration, all of them were very quickly applied in the manufacturing of footwear. This can be proved by the changes of footwear that had taken place in the course of the respective style periods. The changes of the toe, shape of the heel, the material of the upper and the applied decorations were indicators of the social position of the individual, his/her proprietary status, tendency for the honouring of moral and social rules and regulations (the usage depending on the specific event). Finally, there was also the possibility of sending erotic messages. Thus the length of the toe or the colour of the heel denoted one's belonging to a social class or order: a red heel was the mark of nobility all the time up to the French Revolution. A higher heel covered with red leather at the time of Louis XIV was the sign of prestige and power; the upper made from silk or velvet with additional embroidery proved the proprietary status of the individual. In the regulations of behaviour from the year 1818 we can find out that "No gentlemen in boots or half-boots to be admitted" at the ball nights in Bath (England) (Swann, 1986: 35). The social status of the individual could be also proved by diverse laces, ribbons and buckles. Shoes with particularly outstanding parts (poulaine pointed toe, women's shoe 'French' heel, decorated with jewels, even emeralds) which the wearers specially emphasized by the way of walking or other motions, all of these features sent out sorts of erotic messages. Another thing to observe was the simultaneous development of protective footwear galoshes, those with leather soles to galoshes adjusted to the shoe, and when these were covered by velvet or silk, they were almost not perceived as being protective footwear. Though being somewhat distant from the European centres of fashion, Croatia had, based on the listed records, followed the fashionable trends, faster or slower, and was in step with the sequence of events. Though at first shoes used to be hidden beneath the long clothes, through their changes they were a proof of the inspiration of their creator. The diversity of footwear rightly deserves the attention that it has always been given. 147

148 Vesna Zoriæ Shoemaking Crafts and Handicrafts translated by Sanja Novak T HE TERM CRAFT is usually taken to mean the production, processing or service activity performed by an artisan independently or with the help of assistants. The product of a craft is handmade with the help of tools and intended for sale. A craftsman lives of his craft, for which he had to be trained and educated. As opposed to a craft, home industry or handicraft is an activity pursued by skilled individuals to meet their own needs and the needs of the narrower of wider community. This activity was an additional occupation and the skill depended on the talent and work established by tradition. Individual crafts very often developed from traditional handicrafts. One of such crafts is opanèarstvo, the craft of making opanci (traditional leather footwear), which shall be elaborated below. FRATERNITIES AND GUILDS The craft as an economic category and diverse craft associations have been known since the antiquity, but in the sense known today it has its roots in medieval towns. In Croatia, this development took two courses, depending on the domination and the historical circumstances of certain areas. On the one hand, there were medieval towns which kept the continuity from the late Antiquity to the early Middle Ages, in which the craft activity was retained and carried on later as well. This group includes the ancient Zadar and Trogir, as well as Split and Dubrovnik which developed from the Roman Salona and Epidaurum, respectively. On the other hand, new towns emerged in Western and Central Europe in the late 10th and the early 11th century as centres of trade and commerce, where the commodity-money exchange replaced the feudal, natural production (Luèiæ, 1979:15). These regions influenced the towns of northern Croatia Vara din, Zagreb, Koprivnica, Osijek, etc. The development of a certain craft depended to a considerable extent on the type of raw material available in a certain area, which is why stone, wood, leather, wool and other materials determined the main type or the predominance of a certain craft activity. Since the need for footwear has been present through all historical periods and geographic areas, it is not unusual that leatherworkers and the related shoemakers were the most numerous craftsmen in all regions of Croatia. It is understandable that they were among the first craftsmen who began to organize their class in the form of a fraternity fraternitas calegariorum. The first craft fraternity of shoemakers was established in 1299 in Dubrovnik, as stated in the testament of the shoemaker Bratoslav. The first fraternity of shoemakers (crevljari) fratalea calegariourum in Zadar is mentioned in 1318 (Luèiæ, 1979:220), while the Zagreb's fraternity of shoemakers was founded in the area of Gradec in 1377 (Šercer, 1991:15). Originally, medieval fraternities had a religious and ethnic character with charity and humanitarian tasks. Later, they developed into professional fraternities and guilds, with the main purpose of a professional networking and protection of their own trade. As opposed to northern Croatia, where guilds as privileged organizations acquired their rights of monopole over the manufacture and sale of craft products based on sovereign privileges, in the island and coastal towns, which were communes under the Venetian rule, the practicing of a craft was free. For instance, craft and craft services in Hvar of the 15th century had almost no limitations. The single legal framework of social and economic relationships in the commune the Statute of Hvar contained only the regulation of the Venetian government defining the working and sales area of the leather-makers of Hvar and Vis when a dispute arose between them in State and municipal authorities did not intervene with the free development of crafts in their region. This is partly the result of the circumstance that the crafts in the Hvar commune, as well as other Dalmatian communes, were predominantly of a local scope and could to compete with Venice. On the other hand, the Hvar aris- 148

149 tocracy the ruling rank of society did not pursue crafts, which were therefore out of the scope of their economic interest (Petriæ, 1996:226). The seat of the Split fraternity of shoemakers and slipper-makers was in the Church of St. Phillip, where the symbols of the craft were incised on a table at the church front. In connection with this fraternity, there is a known attempt of establishing guild monopoly when its members tried to introduce the rule that only fraternity members were allowed to pursue the shoemaking trade. However, the Senate (Council of the Invited) in Venice not only refused to approve this, but abolished the fraternity itself in 1767 with the explanation that the practicing of a trade is free and that everybody is allowed to pursue it (Bo iæ-bu anèiæ, 1996:131). In Dubrovnik, all fraternities in and outside the city were under the firm control of the state and were the only legal public associations of citizens and villagers. However, Dubrovnik was a city open to everybody who wanted to come, learn and practise a craft. The apprentice discipulus could come from any region, town city or village. The craftsmen's knowledge, skills and qualifications were gained by staying with a master magister watching and observing him at work, acquiring his experience and everyday practice. After reaching agreement with the master, a contract was signed at a notarial office and countersigned by witnesses and judges (Luèiæ, 1979:223). The duration of a shoemaker's apprenticeship varied from 7 to 12 years. At the end of the apprenticeship, the young journeyman or kalfa, as he was then called, received 6 shoe lasts from the master, as well as all other wooden and iron tools required for work. Usually children inherited the father's trade, which saved the cost of training, the purchase of tools and work premises (Luèiæ, 1979:99). According to the Statute of the Split Commune of 1312, it took 5 years to learn the shoemaking craft, the apprentice undertook to faithfully serve the master, and the master was obligated to provide food and clothing for him (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 1981). The presence of this branch of industry in Trogir is attested in the register of births, marriages and deaths. In several entries, the person is mentioned as magister or maistro, which means that they practised a craft. The register tells us that 28 shoemakers and 6 opanci-makers (opanèari) indisputably capable of satisfying the needs of the village population, were active in the period between 1569 and 1797 in the region of Trogir (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 1993:123). The conclusion that the shoemakers (crevljari) of Dubrovnik made footwear for the village population as well is suggested by the document according to which they kept also soft ram skins in their warehouses, used probably also for peasant footwear (opanci) and not only for shoes, i.e. crevlji (Luèiæ, 1979:98). According to earlier documents, 24 shoemakers, who were native people, were working in Hvar in the course of the 16th century. They met the needs of townspeople and manufactured or sold their products in the island villages and the neighbouring island of Vis (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001:34). Documents also make mention of shoemakers (cerdones) and cobblers (sutores), who were the most numerous ones, as well as boot-makers (caligarii) (Beziæ-Bo aniæ, 2001:168). In northern Croatia, which was long divided into the civil and the military Croatia and Slavonia, the development of the craft and its forms of association was largely influenced by the German guilds (Horvat, 1936:198). In the regions where the Military Border was established under the separate rule of military authorities, the trade could not develop to the extent it did in the civil parts of Croatia. Guild rules or statutes were prescribed by the city council in free cities or by the feudal sovereigns in cities that were in a dependent position. The oldest Croatian guild was founded by the Zagreb tailors (1447), followed by the Zagreb shoemakers, whose privileges were confirmed by king Mathias Corvinus in Until 1850, Zagreb was divided into three independent communities: Gradec, a royal autonomous city, Kaptol, the seat of the Catholic church, and the Vlaška street which was under the bishop's jurisdiction. The crafts and the guilds developed along different lines in each of the three communities: the oldest shoemaking guild was established by the already mentioned shoemakers of Zagreb, or to be exact, Gradec, to be followed by the shoemakers of Kaptol, whose privileges were confirmed by Ferdinand III. In 1792, the bishop Maksimilijan Vrhovec permitted associated shoemakers, tailors, boot-makers and button-makers of the Vlaška street to join the Kaptol guilds. The youngest of the shoemaking guilds is the opanci-makers' guild, whose members joined a common Grand Guild in With the increase of membership in 1844, they established an independent opancimakers' guild by the force of the charter issued by Ferdinand I (Horvat, 1936:87). Guild associations emerged also in other cities and market towns, especially after the Turkish threat abated. The shoemakers of Koprivnica were among the first to get organized in 1681, when a joint guild of leather-workers, opanci-makers and shoemakers was confirmed (Fluksi, 1983:221). And in 1697, the rules of the shoemaker's and leatherworker's guild were confirmed in Legrad (Feletar, 149

150 1975). The shoemakers and leather-workers of Kri evci founded an independent guild in 1819, after they had formed a common guild with tailors, blacksmiths, armourers and goldsmiths since 1466 (Biæaniæ, 1951:71). By the force of the "Privilegium" issued by the Emperor Ferdinand I in 1836, the guild of Sisak was granted the privileges for 24 trades, including shoemakers, opanci-makers and bootmakers (Matovina, 1987:53). The continued development of the trades in Slavonia was broken by Turkish attacks and resumed only in the early 18th century. In all regions of the Military Border, including Brod, all business was overseen by the military authorities of Vienna, so that the tradesmen of Brod were granted their privileges by Maria Theresa in 1768/9 (Toldi, 1972). Almost all guild privileges were composed along almost identical lines and differed not significantly regardless of the town or country where the guild existed. They borrowed from each other and adopted the rules according to their needs. Similarly, the organization of the guilds in Croatia and Slavonia was almost identical to the gild organization in other middle-european countries (Kosanoviæ, :260). It is known, for instance, that in 1559 the shoemakers' guild of Vara din took over the rules of the Zagreb shoemaker's guild, just like the Zagreb bootmakers' guild of Kaptol borrowed the rules from the bootmakers' guild of Vara din in 1662 (Horvat, 1936:55). The privileges granted to guilds contained general provisions about the guild organization regulating the production, defining and controlling the product quality, pricing, work conditions, working hours, wages and the hierarchical relationships between masters, journeymen and apprentices. The humanitarian character was manifest in the support to disabled craftsmen, widows, orphans and in the coverage of burial costs, while the religious character was evident in the joint attendance at church services, celebrations, etc. A guild was headed by the cehmeštar (Germ. Ceh-Meister), who resolved all disputes between the masters of the guild, his deputy, the otacmeštar (Hung. atyamester) and the bijarmeštar (Hung. bejárni to go around), who were elected for a one-year mandate following a certain ceremonial. 1 1 The city authorities were not allowed to revoke or make charges against master craftsmen, especially not in matters of trade, until the issue was discussed by the guild. It was also prohibited for master craftsmen who were not members of a guild to work in the city and their products and means of labour could be confiscated. No foreign salesman or shoemaker was allowed to sell shoes or other craft products in the town except at the time of fair, and if this happened, the cehmeštar was allowed to confiscate their ware. The establishment of a guild was symbolized also by the right to own a chest or till (ladica). Originally of simple shape, it developed in the course of the 18th century into an ornamental lidded chest with a lock with three keys held by the leaders of the guild. The chest could not be unlocked unless all three were present and it was always unlocked ceremoniously and during guild meetings. The chest contained the most important valuables privileges, documents and meeting protocols, the cash-box, signet-rings made of iron or brass with engraved guild symbols used to verify documents, as well as two chandeliers for decoration during meetings. It also contained the table (tablica) used by the bijarmeštar to convene meetings. It was usually made of brass in the shape of a heart or a book. Guilds also had their flags under which they marched at Corpus Christi processions, with figures of the patron saints on the one side and the tools of the guild on the other side of the flag. On street signboards (cimeri) of craft workshops and stores, the name of the craft was represented by the appropriate symbol, rather than written, due to the prevailing illiteracy in the Middle Ages. The relationships within the guilds were strictly defined. According to the rules of the shoemaker's guild of 1627, an apprentice (šegrt, navuèalnik, inaš, sluga) was taken into a 3-year apprenticeship if he was under 20 years of age, while older apprentices would serve apprenticeships of two and a half years. The master was obligated to feed and clothe the apprentice and to give him a suit and boots after the end of the apprenticeship. At this point the apprentice would become the journeyman (djetiæ, kalfa, mladenec), be entered into the protocol and receive a certificate of apprenticeship (naukovni list, Germ. Lehrbrief). Although this was not obligatory for all guilds, some journeymen (djetiæi) had to go on a three-year journey (vandranje, fremtovanje) in the course of which they worked and collected experiences in a number of workshops, often in very distant cities. The master craftsmen with whom the journeyman stayed would write comments on his conduct and progress at work into a journey-book (vanderbuh). From preserved journey-books of Samobor journeymen we understand that they stayed in Celje, Maribor, Graz, Vienna, Prague, Budapest, Milan, Salzburg, etc. (Sudnik, 1989:12). Since no opanci were worn in these regions and thus there were no masters of the opanci-making trade, a journeyman of this trade would regularly spend the three years of his training in Croatian and Serbian regions where opanci were worn (Horvat, 1936:88). A journeyman (djetiæ) who completed his journey and wanted to become a master craftsman was required to make a masterpiece majstorštuk (Meisterstück), and if it was satisfactory, he would receive 150

151 the master's certificate (Šercer, 1989:16). All Zagreb guilds had their journeymen's organization, the so-called Small Guild, which also had a chest, a jug used to drink brotherhood and regulations (pravila) issued by masters. The preserved document Regule šoštarskeh detiæev (Regulations of Shoemaking Journeymen) in the Croatian language represents an ethical code of its kind a book of etiquette for the journeymen of the 17th century (Šercer, 1991:28). Besides craftsmen joined into guilds, there were also those who worked "na šteru" (Stöhrabeiter). They made their rounds of noblemen's castles and serfs' houses, selling their services to the landlord and using his material (leather, cloth) to make, among other things, opanci and boots for all household members. Another category of "non-guild" craftsmen were the so-called fušari (Germ. Pfuscher bungler, fumbler), who were forced to secretly operate in villages and towns because master tradesmen were reluctant to grant journeymen the master's title for fear of competition. 2 Their activity, although disapproved by the guilds, was nevertheless allowed according to the General Guild Rules (Biæaniæ, ). The practice of the so-called travelling masters persisted until after World War II. In the region of Grobnik, shoemakers went from village to village mainly on Sundays and worked to order only (Luke iæ, 1994:222). In the lowland villages of the Zagreb surroundings master tradesmen would rent a room where they repaired footwear and made new one as long as there was demand, after which they would go to other villages (Šestan, 1987:171). Due to the increasing development of manufacture and the industrialization sweeping over the Habsburg Monarchy and Croatia in the second half of the 19th century, the guilds as specific, closed class organizations, started to hinder the development of the trade. By the force of the Imperial Patent Act of 1859, the guilds were abolished. However, the guild spirit lived on in the craft cooperatives which were founded thereafter and preserved the guild traditions, customs and objects for many years. But the Trade Law of 1872 with its provisions and the nearly unlimited freedom of trade put the guild autonomy, statutes and rights completely ad acta (Matovina, 1987:60). The industrialization of the shoemaking production was thus conceivable only after the abolishment of the guilds. A private factory producing shoes and boots on a large scale was founded in 1877 in Zagreb, the production 2 According to statistics of the year 1815, there were 4536 handicraftsmen ("rukotvoraca") in the whole of Military Border, including assistants (Horvat, 1994:257). of opanci in Karlovac multiplied, while the boot-makers of Vara din expanded their market to Podravina, Zagorje and Meðimurje (Horvat, 1994:321). The tradesman Josip Jugoviæ opened the Primorska radionica opanaka (Opanciworkshop of Primorje) in 1897 in Èavli, in the region of Grobnik, where 10 workers produced all kinds of opanci "for peasants, gentlemen, ladies, children and workers". This was truly a large-scale trade plant (Luke iæ,1994:223). Between the two world wars, factories producing the most diverse types of footwear emerged in Bjelovar, Karlovac, Krapina. Tradesmen producing shoes and opanci were hardly able to cope with the inroad of cheap shoes made by Bata 3, a producer that built large production facilities for the whole of Balkans and the Near East in 1932 in Borovo, thus putting a large number of shoemaking tradesmen in the street 4 (Kolar, 2002). New social and political circumstances after World War II rendered the private pursuit of trade almost completely impossible. Tradesmen, as well as their associations, 5 were viewed with mistrust and the attempts at their organization were regarded as a revival of capitalism. After Croatia gained independence, broad legal possibilities opened for the trade activity and entrepreneurship. However, the survival of the shoemaking trade still depends on the fierce competition of imported industrially produced footwear, especially from the Asian continent. 6 3 The shoe factory Bata was founded 1894 in Zlin, Czechoslovakia. It was founded by the brothers Tomas and Antonin and their sister Ana. The first batovka shoe was produced in 1897, and as soon as in 1905 the production reached 2,200 pairs per day. In the 1930s, Bata was the greatest shoe exporter worldwide ( 4 Tradesmen organized street protests in Croatian cities against Bata footwear, demanding restrictions to be imposed on Bata operations. Bata took up shoe repairs in 1934 and rubber boots started to seriously threaten the boot-makers, a formerly respected trade. 5 After World War II, trade chambers existed until They were abolished because they were regarded as objectionable institutions in the socialist system. The authorities have supported the foundation of trade workshops in the public sector. 6 More than 11 billion pairs of shoes are produced worldwide.... Approximately 900 million pairs of footwear per year are imported to Europe from other continents, out of which 300 million pairs from China...The average price of footwear produced in China is 9,2 German marks, while footwear from America costs approximately 20 marks. (August 23, 2001) ( 151

152 OPANÈARSTVO THE CRAFT AND HANDI- CRAFT OF MAKING OPANCI As already mentioned, the youngest of the shoemaking guilds is the opanci-making guild. According to available data, the first was founded in Po ega in 1761, as attested by a signet-ring with the engraved year and trade symbols opanak, last, awl and curved knife (Horvat, 1994:228). The reason for the late emergence of the opanci-making guild lays in the fact that opanci were the traditional footwear of our peasants, made by skilled individuals in extended family households. The beginnings of the opanci-making guilds are described by Rudolf Horvat: "The production of opanci was once regarded as home industry. There were people in every village who knew how to make leather opanci for their family members, relatives and neighbours. In the beginning of the 18th century, several people of this kind settled down in Zagreb's Kaptol and Vlaška street. They made opanci for commercial purposes, to sell them at fairs taking place at the main square Harmica. Since more and more village folk from the immediate and wider surroundings of Zagreb visited the fairs, the opanci-making trade began to flourish. This in turn naturally increased the number of opanèari ( opanci-makers), who resided at Dolac square, the streets Pod zidom, Opatovina, Na potoku and the beginning of Vlaška street. These opanèari were no longer peasants who made opanci by the way. They were actual tradesmen, who felt the need to protect their interests by joining a guild organization. All members were Croats. Since they sold their products to the gentlefolk, but to peasants, opanèari did not have the chance to learn the Germen language. And those 3 years the journeyman had to spend abroad to become a master tradesman opanèari regularly spent in Croatian and Serbian regions where opanci are worn. (Horvat, 1936:85). Since the urban and rural population categories had different needs, two groups of tradesmen formed in the towns. One group worked predominantly for the townspeople, while the other was oriented towards the village and its requirements. Shoemakers worked for the town clientele (mušterije), mostly to order and sold the products in their workshops, while the town opanèari usually sold at fairs. Such distinction was common in most towns of Croatia and Slavonia. Certain town craftsmen thus lived only on the village consumers. Shoes and boots were available only to the more well-to-do and were worn at the most festive occasions. In some parts of Croatia the opanci-making trade was differently distributed in various periods. While the shoemakers' shoes quite early replaced the opanci in the island and coastal regions, the opanci-making trade was a part of the home industry, i.e. the handicrafts in the mountain and partly the coastal regions, where skilled individuals used the simplest technology to produce the so-called opanci oputaši. Somewhere in these regions it was customary that a young married woman brings self-made opanci to the bridegroom's house as an obligatory part of her dowry (Toliæ, 1995:92). Opanci-making craftsmen were most numerous in Slavonia and, as accounted by Ferdo Hefele: "An opanèar is a real tradesman in Slavonia... The Slavonian must have opanci, even if everything else was patched up all over again... The opanci-making trade is a well-reputed trade across Slavonia and Srijem. As hard the opanci-making trade may be, it is also profitable, and hardly a tradesman will prosper like an opanèar in Slavonia" (Hefele, 1886:39). As opposed to Slavonians, the inhabitants of Hrvatsko zagorje, Podravina and Meðimurje had a very aversive attitude towards opanci. In the region of Prigorje around Jaska they were a sign of poverty and privation, while in the nearby region of Pokuplje they signified wealth (Cvetan, 1986:7). It is significant that shoes and boots were gladly accepted in regions where industrial fabrics very early replaced home-woven fabrics in the production of the national costumes, so that industrially produced shoes were accordingly quickly accepted. It is possible that the proximity of industrial centres Zagreb, Vara din, Krapina, Koprivnica contributed to this phenomenon. The types of opanci, their names and ways of production are a very extensive subject. As allowed by the scope of this catalogue, only the most important characteristics shall be mentioned here. Opanci were women's, men's and children's footwear. The basic division into opanci oputaši and opanci kapièari has already been mentioned. The former belonged to the home industry, while the latter were a craft product. The process of producing the simplest opanak oputaš is described by Mijat Stojanoviè, a village teacher in Babina Greda in the mid-19th century: "Our peasants are also opanci-makers. They are very skilled at tanning horse, ox and cow hides for opanci, calf, pig and foal skin for bags and slippers, sheep shin for sheepskin coats, cat and kid skin for diple (twin-reed shepherd's flutes) and bagpipes, etc. The skin for opanci is tanned like this: just after skinning the animal, they strew the skin with ashes and fold it together, and leave it like this for a day or two. Then they stretch it over stakes and take it to the house attic to dry, and then cut it on a last for opanci and distribute among the household members. Everybody removes the hair from their opanci, scraping it away with a sharp knife and only then they place the scraped opanci of raw skin into a trough or vat, in which they previously soaked up this salted bark. The peasants call this tanning and 152

153 after a few days, when the bark in the tann has swollen and turned red, they take it out and plait straps around putranci opanci, or they also make pletenjaci and they use for such work only: a knife, a punch, an awl, and work mainly by eye, without measure and last." (Stojanoviæ, 1854). On a cut piece of leather, they would pierce holes along the edge and thread the skin strips, often called vrnèanica (straps of soft sheep or goat skin or twisted animal intestines), through the holes by first tying the oputa at the tip of the opanak, then passing it through the holes at the edges to the length one wanted the upper part of the foot covered, and then braiding them. Sometimes also a wooden last, identical for both feet, was used, which made it easier to form the opanak. The high heel grip was (back part of the opanak) also leather-braided, so that longer laces were left to fasten the opanak around the ankle. To ensure easier production and more comfortable, durable, robust and softer footwear, leather was tanned in many ways, but always after a cleaning process. In order to get the so-called golica (middle layer of the skin), it was necessary to remove the top and bottom layer. This was achieved by immersing the raw skins into lime, which decomposed the hair roots, and scraping off flesh fibres and connective tissue from the bottom layer. The thus obtained golica was then dipped into watered hydrochloric acid to remove the remaining lime and the leather was prepared for tanning. The tanning agent determined the leather colour and water resistance. People usually used tanning agents of vegetable origin. 7 The tannins used for tanning were obtained from the bark of oak, alder, sweet chestnut, acacia, sumach leaves, gallnuts etc. 8 The bark was dried well and then reduced to powder. In the tanning vessel, the powder was poured over with boiling water, cooled down to the temperature bearable for the hand and then the leather was be soaked in it (it would crack if the water was too hot). The leather would soak there until the 7 Yellow was obtained from alder bark, reddish from 2/3 of alder bark and 1/3 of birch bark (Hefele), and black was obtained by dissolving blue vitriol in water and applying this solution to the leather surface (Cvetan, 1986:6) or by dissolving old iron (Šestan,1987:171). 8 Besides vegetable tanning agents, leather was tanned also with mineral agents. One kind is the solution of alum and rock salt, which turned leather steeped in it white. This tanning process is applied to goat and sheep skin intended for fancy goods. Another process is the tanning with chrome, yielding calfskin (boks) from various types of skin and chevreau (ševro) from goat skin. The skins must be coloured and oiled before drying. The main advantage of chrome-tanned leather is its resistance to water, especially boiling water. Another known process is also the tanning with oils, especially fish oils. It is usually applied to skins of calf, sheep, deer, antelope, etc. Leather obtained by oil-tanning is very soft (Stjepan Gjurgan, Postolarstvo, Zavod za unapredjenje zanatsta, Zagreb, 1937.) second water would start to boil. Then the leather was taken out, the water was drained from the vessel and the bark dregs were again poured over with hot water. The later was beaten in the cooled solution to absorb the tannin as well and even as possible. This process was repeated over ten days. After that, the leather was wrought out (i imala) with two sticks twisted by two men in opposite directions. The leather was then stretched and dried in the shade in the summer or in a warm workshop in the winter. When the leather was halfway dry, it was stored away, ready to be used for the production of footwear. 9 The process of making opanci oputaši from cured leather is basically the same as the simplest form of production. According to Hefele, there are two types of opanci oputaši presukaši and prepletaši, the names of which derive from the term oputa running across the middle of the upper part of the opanak, through which straps called vrnèanice are drawn from one side to the other. In the case of opanci presukaši, the presuka is made of two thongs twisted around each other in such way that the strap (vrnèanica) runs between them. In the case of opanci prepletaši, nontwisted straight strips are used to form the so-called prijeplet: one strap is cut in the middle and the other drawn through it. The purpose of both techniques was to distribute the straps (vrnèanice) evenly and fix them in the middle to make the opanak fit better, easier to put on and off. The production of prepletaši is somewhat more complex, but the end result is more pleasing. In the region of Imotska krajina, the production of Sunday's best (misni) opanci required great skill. For such opanci, thick cow-hide was bought for the sole and 18 rastegljaja (the length of horizontally outstretched arms) of white oputa from sheepskin for the naplet. Opanci produced by a very complex braiding process were called pod veliku graðu, and girls from Donji Vinjani were considered to be the best in the production of such footwear (Toliæ, 1995:31). The type of prepletaši produced by craftsmen is the so-called utaki, women's festive anklehigh opanci formerly worn in the villages of Zagrebaèko prigorje. They stand out for their yellow colour and the decorative interwoven (fizovan) red, green and blue leather straps and a tassel called brkovi or migica attached to the front part. There is also another variant of this type of opanci, with a cap in the upper front part, instead of the straps, sewn along the sole. 9 Various parts of skin have a different value. The best parts are skins from the back, the abdomen and the neck, but not the skin from the backbone, because it is brittle and should be sewn or pegged with klinci. Forelegs and the tail part are low-quality. (Gjurgan, 1937:120). 153

154 The most varied opanci were made in Slavonia, where they were very sought-after and highly vallued. 10 Opanci with a knit upper part (vrpèenjaci) were produced until the late 19th century (Toldi, 1972), while kapièari (opanci with caps), kajišari and remenjaši with long straps to fix the opanci to the foot, typical for the entire lowland area of Croatia, were made in the early 20th century. They were made of tanned cow or calf hide. The basic tool used by the opanèar in the process of production consisted of blunt and sharp awls for the interweaving, braiding or sewing of leather strips, the boda a knife used for cutting leather and making slits for the strips to be passed through, the šubak a wooden cone-shaped device to dab (optucavaju) the edges, appliances of various forms used to smooth the edges (farkiš, gleter), and wooden patterns for the sole and the cap (kalamiri). The name kapièar is derived from the cap (kapica) the upper front part of the opanak, made of one single piece of leather originally plaited and later sewn onto the sole. The back part of the opanci the heel could be plaited with straps (vrnèan), in one strand for men's opanci and in many strands for women's opanci (e.g. in Kupinec). In younger variants of the kapièars, laces were replaced by buckles, while the heel part was made of one single piece of leather, with a strap around it, tightened on the side by a buckle brnjica. In Slavonia, such opanci were called brnjièari, prejièari, in Moslavina æotoši, kiptenjaci, and in Lika karlovaèki opanci. To make the opanak more durable, people would use hobnails (cveki) in the toe and heel part or had them hobnailed by a blacksmith. Very widely used ornaments, especially on festive opanci, were various flaps and tassels (kalanðore, fucmani, kièini). There was also a whole range of opanci that were by their parts, tailoring and elaborate way of production somewhere between opanci and shoes: šnirani tied with laces; skapèani, abièari, s bagom, ideali, riglaši, opanèiæi na cugove tightened by a buckle; saraši, sariènjaci ankle-high with laces; lakovani opanèiæi, sandale, sandaletne with buckles on the side, etc. Such opanci were made also by Josip Popiæ, a retired opanèar from Otok near Vinkovci. He accounts that the ornament always had to be yellow on opanci made at the request of womenfolk from Babina Greda, the cap had to be round with a red ornament for women from Otok, while women from upanja wanted them to have a pointed (špicasti) tip. In addition, every variant of the traditional costume required corresponding footwear. The most festive, gold-embroidered costume was worn with footwear embroidered in the same manner. Changes in clothing implied changes in footwear. The most recent type of opanci were the so-called gumaši, which came into use between the two world wars. The sole was made of crepe, while the upper part could be made of leather, rubber or robust cotton cloth tela. The upper part was connected to the sole by sewing, gluing or driving nails though it. They were usually tightened by a strap with a buckle on the outer side. Although gumaši are referred to as opanci, they do not have the same type of sole, which is the basic distinction between the opanci and shoes. In case of opanci and the intermediate forms, the sole is bent upwards and connected to the upper part by plaiting, sewing or stitching on, while the sole of shoes is straight and connected with the upper part by sewing, gluing or using nails. In many regions opanci were the daily footwear even in the period following World War II. Now, at the beginning of the third millennium, only few people make them. One of them is Ivan Kruh Vuk, a shoemaker from Ivaniægrad, who has together with his son carried on the tradition of his father and grandfather, but cannot get the trade license as an opanci-maker, because this trade is not listed in the trade register. His customers are members of cultural clubs, not only from Croatia, but from all over the world where folk-dancers perform. He makes all kinds of opanci and other traditional footwear copying received specimen, regardless of what part of Croatia they are from. Recently I had the chance to be present when a group of young designers from Paris ordered opanci, with the intention to use them not only as inspiration for their work, but also as light everyday footwear. The shoemakers in the coastal cities and hinterland villages can serve as another example. One of them is Vedrana Maraèa from Šibenik, who inherited her father's shoemaking trade and carried on the tradition with her husband and son, "because it would be a pity to get lost". Although the main activity comes down to shoerepairs, they often get orders for gumaši, which are still very popular among the village population. However, they are also purchased by innkeepers for waiters in wine cellars (konobe), "which are dressed similar to the traditional costume". Such opanci are made of the hardest leather kravina, which she buys in Zagreb and Slovenia. 10 In the town of Brod, 52 opanèari were the most numerous tradesmen class in 1851, while in the region of Ðakovo half of all village tradesmen engaged in the production of footwear and leather-work (Biæaniæ, 1936:31). 154

155 11 E.g. knaj-knife for cutting, štuper-blunter, abnemer-clipping tool, višišnajder-cutting tool, radl-tracing wheel, ampus-heating device, glenštik-edging device, šidl-awl, lohajzl-piercing tools, knaj-tranchet, holcrašpa, auzrašpascraper, lasciger-hook for taking out for the last, cirkl-pair of compasses. 12 The first shoemaking trade book was written in 1890 by master Mirko Kunst of Kri evci, while the first trade training for shoemakers, led by master Antun ibrat, started in Zagreb in The first trade journal "Napredni postolar" (Advanced shoemaker), edited by Stjepan Gjurgan, was published in Zagreb in (Gjurgan, 1957:25-26) SHOES AND BOOTS A special group is comprised by shoes a boots, which were, as already mentioned, mainly worn in the coastal and central parts of Croatia. Their production is more demanding as they are made of more parts and require a different production technology. Simpler shoes and boots are made on the same last for both feet. They include shoes kajserice, kondurice, firale made of fine Kaiser leather, customarily used in the coastal regions by both men and women. Shoes of this type were made in various leather colours, most frequently in red, with a decorative upper edge and a bow attached to the front part. Another very common type of shoe were gondolete, low women's shoes similar to the townswomen's pump shoes with higher heels, made on separate lasts for the right and left foot. (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1983:71). People also wore gete semi-high shoes with an elastic insert on the side, which was very fashionable in Europe at the end of the 19th century (Gjurgjan, 1937:29). Shoes or certain parts required in their production (heels, soles) were quite often contained in packages sent by relatives from America ( galjiæ 2001:80). The typical footwear of north-western Croatia was lace-shoes (cipele na niranje, šnoršure) and boots. They were made of cattle, horse and pig skin, and the soles were made of the hardest part of cowhide krupon. Their production required greater skill and experience, which was acquired by staying with a master tradesman from Germanspeaking countries. It comes therefore as no surprise that many terms related to the shoemaking trade have their roots in the German language. 11 The most significant period in the development of the shoemaking trade was the 19th century. At that time, the first leather-sewing machines appeared, the left and right last came into use, models started being expertly drawn and tailored, professional literature and training emerged. 12 What was in wear in Samobor, a well known shoe and boot-making centre, is described by Milan Lang: "Otherwise they wear both men and women mainly knee-high boots; hobnailed at the heels and studded with nails (cveki) at the rim of the sole. In the summer, girls wear on Sundays and holidays shoes (cipele, cokle), tied in front by shoelaces through holes (" norum ze niraju/ niranci")... Besides ordinary lace-shoes, they also wear boots (štiflete) with high and low heels, made of black and yellow leather...boots had to have high and smooth ("glat") boot-legs, they had to squeak when walking (na "škrip"), be carefully polished ("zbiksane") and shiny. Male boots were made of calf-hide, female boots of cordwain leather...boots were everyday and holiday footwear: the leather of everyday boots was sawn onto the sole so that the rim was turned outwards ("na vanjsku obrtu"), while holiday boots were sewn "na rom" (with the rim turned inwards)....hobnails and nails for boots were worked by blacksmiths; they also hobnailed the boots...the boot-makers of that time did not even know how to stretch the leather; this is why the boots had creases at the "grlo" (bending) (Lang, 1911:170,171). Such types of footwear, though with numerous local versions of ornaments and forms, were present throughout the central part of Croatia. It is a paradox that the product of the opanci-making trade is the oldest type of traditional footwear, but the craft itself is the youngest shoemaking craft. The reason for this is that for a long time opanci have been a product of peasant handicrafts, practised to meet their needs. With the arrival of the first opanèari handicraftsmen to the towns and larger settlements in the early 19the century, opanci became part of the ware offered at fairs. Growing demand increased the number of opanèari, who founded the first autonomous guilds. The shoemaking and boot-making crafts are of earlier origin, but their products were for a long time intended only for urban customers. Increased demand for shoes and boots appeared in regions which were to the mid-european and Mediterranean circle or depended on the proximity of bigger urban centres. With the industrialization and the expansion of the trade network, craft products are being replaced by cheaper industrial produce, while global fashion trends have blurred the distinction between urban and rural consumers. Administratively, the opanci-making craft no longer exists. Opanci are made only by few craftsmen and only for the requirements of folk dance groups wearing traditional footwear as an obligatory part of the stage costume. Since the traditional costume, including footwear, is the most expressive symbol of the national identity, the need for the production of traditional footwear will continue to exist in the future. The survival of shoemakers, however, will depend on the competition of cheap Chinese imported footwear which is slowly conquering wide global expanses. The shoemaker's future is probably in the production of exclusive, unique fashion footwear which would outshine serially produced shoes by its quality and beauty. Fortunatelly, we can still find examples of quality shoemaker's footwear, in workshops which continue the tradition for more then several decades, or in the studios of young designers who are making their way into the world of fashion. 155

156 Aida Brenko Footwear and its Meaning in Rural Communities in Croatia translated by Mirjana Randiæ, Hrvojka Barlek proof reading James Dobric THIS TEXT SPEAKS ABOUT THE FOOTWEAR OF RURAL POPULATIONS in Croatia from the last decades of the 19th century until the first half of the 20th century. During this time, the kind of footwear of the rural social class differed considerably from that of other populations in Croatia (Muraj 1998: 109). Soft-soled footwear opanci, as the oldest type of rural footwear, remained in usage in many parts of Croatia up until the 1950s. The term footwear, in its ethnological sense, considers everything that was put on one's feet. Footwear is usually mentioned in descriptions of the folk costume. As its integral part, it has also changed and was formed in accordance with general civilizational trends. In opposition to textile objects, footwear is much less present in the museums. There are very little remains of everyday and working footwear, since it was worn until it was worn out. On the other hand, it should also be pointed out that the rural population was often barefoot. Except for that, there were no sentiments connected with footwear, as there existed with folk costumes that women made themselves from the first to the last thread. This is why it was more rarely inherited or kept as a valuable object. In the 16th century the interest in ways of dressing for different nations was awakening. The first published works about clothing and footwear in Europe date from this time. Illustrations of clothing worn by the inhabitants of our regions can be found in a literary work from the 16th century titled "Habiti antichi et moderni di tutto il mondo" written by Cesare Vecellio. Dating from the 17th century, there exist copperplate engravings as illustrations in the work by Weikhard Valvasor. They represent the inhabitants of the Istria, Primorje and umberak regions, depicting rural and urban clothing and footwear. Here we could mention many testimonies left by Balthazar Hacquet, M. Breton, Fran Carrara and many others (Schneider, 1971). Morlacs, a specific ethnic community from the Dalmatian hinterland, attracted the special attention of travel writers, because of the Morlacs' characteristic way of living, customs, clothing, and footwear. Dating from the 18th century, is a book by Alberto Fortis, titled "Viaggio in Dalmazia" (Fortis, 1774) in which copperplate engravings that illustrate clothing and footwear can be found. The interesting fact is that the footwear represented in these books was still worn in rural Croatia at the beginning of the 20th century. It was not until the end of the 19th century that there appeared a wider and more professional interest in rural clothing, and therefore in the footwear as well. At the same time there matured the idea of ethnography or ethnology as a scientific discipline. The significant moment for the study of clothing and footwear of rural population in Croatia took place at the end of the 19th century, when Antun Radiæ gave the theoretical basis for systematic collecting of ethnographic data. In such a way, valuable material about the footwear of specific regions was also collected and published in Anthologies of the folk life and customs of South Slavs. The data mainly speak about the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, thus forming a basis for the opportunity to follow the changes which happened under the influence of modernisation in the decades to come. Descriptions of everyday life in those anthologies are most valuable, because through them we can get to know a lot of data concerning the complex social relations inside the communities, that found their expression in the way of footwear as well. It was in the 19th century that regional styles of footwear reached their pinnacle. Almost every village demonstrated some pecuilarity of its own. However, after a more detailed analysis, we can sort these various shapes into several basic types. From the ethnological point of view, it is common to refer to three cultural zones in Croatia: the Pannonian, the Dinaric and the Adriatic one. These regions are areas with uniform natural conditions, where various communities live in a similar way. 156

157 Characteristics of footwear are due to climatic conditions, kind of soil and the prevailing branches of economy. Still, as happened with other cultural goods as well, footwear was also shaped under the influences of other cultures and the fashion of the upper social strata (Muraj, 1998: 109). Although rural footwear can at first glance look uniform, to the person who is better acquainted with local circumstances, it expresses, in a symbolic way, the different needs of the people who wear it. It shows therefore, their ideological and moral values, together with forms of aesthetic, religious, national and class belonging. Footwear was especially suitable for demonstrating the economic status, profession and also the difference in sex and age (Bogatyrev, 1971). The openness of foootwear to changes is something that makes footwear, as an item of material culture, especially interesting. No matter whether we consider its physical characteristics or its function, at the turn of the 20th century footwear was rapidly changing, thus representing one of the most evident indicators of the changes that were taking place in rural communities. THE PANNONIAN REGION Concerning the great cultural diversity of this region, we divided the description of footwear into several groups. Typical traditional footwear of the Pannonian region are various types of soft-soled footwear, as well as boots. 1 Beside soft-soled footwear called kapièari, kajišari, that were tied around the foot and leg with leather straps, newer types of footwear were worn too varieties with buckles (brnjièari) or laces ( niranci). From the 1850s different kinds of shoes (cipele 2 ) were introduced too. We start our survey with villages in the neighbourhood of Zagreb, where in spite of the vicinity of the town and the continous contacts and interchange among its inhabitants a type of soft-soled footwear, utaki 3, unique to the Pannonian region, was kept in usage almost until the 1960s. Concerning the fact that this type of soft-soled footwear is today often found in souvenir shops, in a certain way it symbolizes the identity of Zagreb. Women used to wear opanci with white cotton knee-high stockings, štrumfe, that were tied under the knees with red ribbons, podve njaki. utaki were prevalently worn with festive clothes, while for 1 Boot Croatian èizma, from Turkish çizme (HER, 2005: 230). 2 Shoe Croatian cipela, from Hungarian cipellö (HER, 2005: 230). 3 The upper part of footwear is made of thin straps of calfskin. There is an ornament done in multicoloured leather straps at the middle of the intertwined part, while along the edge of the front part a decorative leather tassel is fixed. the daily chores people usually put on footwear made of dark leather, with the upper part made in one piece. Over softsoled footwear women used to wear paème 4, a kind of thicksoled slippers, made by the local female artisans called paèmerice. In winter younger women also wore mid-calf-high shoes, made mostly of light-brown leather, laced-up in the front (Benc Boškoviæ, 1987: ). Until the beginning of the 20th century, instead of wearing stockings, the inhabitants of Prigorje wrapped their legs in obojci quadrangular pieces of homespun linen. Their footwear consisted of various soft-soled items with the upper part made of one piece of leather, produced by local and town craftsmen. Among them were opanjki s remenom made of black leather, with a decorated piece of leather in the form of tongue, called fucman, on the front part. Vlaški opanci are mentioned too. They were made of black leather, with a front part in one piece. They were purchased in Zagreb Vlaška Street, hence their name (Benc Boškoviæ, 1987: 259). This region was especially characterized by knee-high black boots made of firm leather. They were made by local or town craftsmen and were worn over the legs of cloth-trousers. In other villages in the vicinity of Zagreb, the ways of footwear followed the same pattern. During the week-days soft-soled footwear (kapièari) were put on, while škornji (black boots), or shoes after the town's fashion were worn with festive clothes. The possessing of škornji was the evidence of relative affluence. Between the two World Wars in villages south of Zagreb, women started to wear šlape na bezec 5 ; this is a transitional shape between soft-soled footwear and harder shoes and was worn with festive clothes. They were purchased from soft-soled footwear-makers in Zagreb. The connection with the middle-european Pannonian area is especially visible in the footwear from Podravina and Meðimurje, where instead of soft-soled footwear people used to wear boots or cokli 6, high shoes with laces. Of course, in earlier times opanci typical for the whole Pannonian region were worn in these parts too, but in the 20th century they were mostly used only for work. The 4 The upper part of paème was made from wide straps of multicoloured cloth intertwined on a last. Paème were also worn alone as a kind of slippers. 5 This kind of footwear was made of brown leather decorated with inlaid patches of black patent-leather. They had a small heel and were tied with narrow leather straps. They were purchased from soft-sole-footwear makers in Zagreb. 6 The name cokli derives from the Latin word soccus, Italian zoccolo, a wodden shoe (Skok, 1973: 271). 157

158 Ethnographic Museum in Zagreb possesses opanci vezovaki from the region Podravina. These are soft-soled footwear weaved from the bark of a type of elm-tree. 7 Such footwear was home-made and used for work. It is interesting that boots characteristic for the village Koprivnièki Ivanec represent today typical footwear for the whole region of Podravina, although it is a known fact that the ancestors of today's inhabitants moved from Northern Hungary at the times of the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy. These boots are made of soft, cocalled cordovan leather 8, with decorated legs. Their popularity can also be noted in folk songs. Vatroslav Ro iæ, a high-school teacher born in Sv. Jana, gives a detailed description of footwear and its use in the region of Jaskansko Prigorje, at the turn of the 20th century: "In summer children, boys, girls and younger women go around always barefoot, while on Sundays and holidays boys put on boots or soft-soled footwear, while girls and women wear boots; married men and old people wear always boots if only they can afford them, but if they cannot have boots, they prefer to go around barefoot than to wear opanci, because if an older man wears opanci, it signifies that he is poor." (Ro iæ, 2002: 67). Individual economic circumstances are reflected in the possessing of boots, because they were purchased and therefore they witness better material conditions that their owners lived in. By the appearance of other kinds of footwear, opanci began to be despised not only as an expression of poverty, but of primitiveness as well, therefore people chose rather to walk barefoot than to wear opanci. Opanci were worn daily mostly by children, boys and young men, usually for work. Certain people from better off homes never put them on. Opanci here refer to a type of opanak with the upper part made in one piece, with leather straps. Together with opanci people wore obojci rags made of large pieces of textile, that they wrapped around the leg to the ankle; in winter wrapped to the calf. For females the everyday footwear were called cokle, which looked like boots without legs; they were worn without rags. Boots were hobnailed at the heels, while their soles were fixed with shoe-nails. They were worn with rags made of old linen material or pants. Soft-soled footwear and boots were purchased at the fair in Jastrebarsko (Ro iæ, 2002: 67-68). 7 We can find footwear made of tree-bark also in the wider Pannonian region. The Etnographic Museum in Zagreb possesses such a pair from Poland. 8 Finely cured leather, from the Spanish-Arabian town Cordoba (Skok, 1973: 153). "Showily dressed women wore boots that were sewn through with yellow thread at the back and had high heels; nowadays they have the boot-legs decorated with patent-leather and ornamented in yellow thread; old men and women do not wear such decorated boots. Today even these boots are not attractive enough for showy women and boys and girls, today every young person wears slip-on or buttoned shoes or the similar, just as townspeople do. Small children also have such shoes and they do not wear cloth rags but stockings. However, men still wear rags; men do not wear shoes as much as women and girls do". (Ro iæ, 2002: 67). Although a large number of peasants owned boots, their particular decorative elements emphasized social differences ever more, which eventually does make the function of festive footwear so important. We can see that younger females were the first to accept the fashion of the town. Festive footwear, as opposed to the everyday kind, emphasizes the difference of age very clearly. The older the age, the weaker the aesthetic and social function of footwear becomes. It was less important for older women to dress up with the aim to attract someone. Footwear does not satisfy only the practical needs and the personal taste of its wearer, it also reveals its environment and fulfills its moral norms: "Old people do not wear shiny boots nor shoes with large heels". (Ro iæ, 2002: 189). In a different place we can also read: "Today a young guy wears shiny boots, if only he can afford to buy them...nice outfit suits young guys, it does not suit the married ones though, they would be scolded if they wore any." (Ro iæ, 2002: 162). There existed standards, therefore, about footwear suitable for particular age groups. The way of its wear had individual and social implications. The subordinate position of young daughters-in-law, as was the typical case for the patriarchal way of life in extended families, was also reflected in the types of chores they were supposed to do. One of them was washing the feet of their fathers- and mothers-in-law: "In earlier times daughters-in-law would wash the feet of their fathers- and mothersin-law every Saturday; today this is not heard of any more." (Ro iæ, 2002: 166). In the majority of Croatian areas the cleaning of footwear was, according to the division to male and female jobs, the female task. As her work was less appreciated in most communities, and because the woman herself was often considered unclean, it is not surprising that tasks around washing and cleaning were exclusively in her domain: "In winter, when a woman gets up in the morning (and she is always supposed to get up first), before all she starts the fire, and then she has to wipe and clean her own boots, as well as those of her husband's and of everyone she lives together with in the community." (Ro iæ, 2002: 168). 158

159 9 This was achieved by inserting chalk between the insole and the sole, or the leather of these two parts was turned face-to face, so it squeaked in walking. They say that such boots were not meant for ladies' men. In Pisarovina, as in the whole Pannonian territory, people often went barefoot. In winter they wore boots (škornji), which earlier had soft legs, but in the 19th century regular soldiers' boots prevailed and passed under the influence of fashion from the military uniform into civilian male and female footwear. After putting on boots, men would tuck their pants into high boot-legs. Nevertheless, the usual footwear were still opanci kapièari, in which case pants were tied around the ankles, a little above the rags. They were produced with slight local variants by soft-soled footwear makers who lived in every village and dealt with footwear-making as well as agricultural production. With opanci, women wore woollen stockings (kopice), knitted in variegated horizontal stripes, while later on kopice could also have floral patterns in lively colours. These stockings were made by Romany-women who lived in permanent settlements along the Kupa River. Together with festive clothes women would wear high shoes, too. These shoes were called štrfetlini na nir and as was the case with neighbouring Posavina they could be embroidered with multicoloured silk as well (Gušiæ, 1976: 58). A survey of footwear, given by Milan Lang, a high-school teacher from Samobor, in his famous monograph about life in Samobor at the beginning of the 20th century, superbly depicts the economic and cultural circumstances of the time: "Girls of today wear many kinds of shoes that are in fashion. In earlier times women used to wear blue velvet shoes. Beside ordinary laced-up shoes they wear shoes with high or low heels, made of black and yellow leather...before our times girls would put on open cut-out shoes cipeliši in summer. To each end of the shoe a ribbon was sewn and tied crosswise around the ankle. In winter women and girls used to wear boots. In summer women wore the same kind of shoes as the girls, only without the ribbons. They also went to the ball in such shoes" (Lang, 1911: ). These last sentences show that sometimes the wearing of just one element (a ribbon in this case) can point to a different status affiliation. At the beginning of the 20th century footwear worn in Samobor was made by local boot- and shoemakers. People also bought ready-made shoes in the shop. Lang does not mention opanci at all. Boots were the main male footwear for all the seasons of the year. Nevertheless, there existed a difference between everyday and festive ones. Festive boots had to have high and smooth legs, they should have to squeak while walking 9, and they had to be carefully cleaned and shiny. Male boots were made of calfskin, while female ones were of cordovan leather (Lang, 1911: 170). In earlier times women and girls wore cloth rags with boots, but at the time when Lang was writing his monograph, white stockings (štumfe) came in usage. They were tied above the knee with a ribbon or a piece of elastic band. As long as women were not skillful knitters, stockings were bought in shops. However, at the start of the 20th century women usually knitted them or bought ready-made ones (Lang, 1911: ). In winter, when walking around the house, old people used to wear a kind of slippers, as was the habit also in the villages near Zagreb. Similar footwear filci was worn by craftsmen who were selling their goods at fairs. It was made of felt, produced by hat-makers. In the past, a type of footwear was one of the main elements of distinction among various ethnic communities in umberak. The difference in footwear between the authoctonous inhabitants of the ethnic group Šokci, of Roman-Catholic confession, and the newcomers Vlaji who gathered with time around the Greek-Catholic Church, and who had arrived in umberak in the 16th century, was lost relatively soon. We can realize from older documents that Vlachs ceased wearing nazuvci (a type of woollen footwear) and opanci prepletaši (soft-soled footwear with the upper part made of leather straps), characteristic for the Dinaric region, as early as the 1850s. Their trace, though, is preserved in the saying "He is not up to his straps!" meaning that a person is not equal to another one (Muraj, 1976: 67-88). In eastern umberak nazuvci are mentioned under the term èarape, while in older documents they are called hlaèice. They could be made of cloth and were always embroidered with wool. Differences between Šokci and Vlaji can be recognized in other footwear terminology as well. Between the the two World Wars, the typical footwear in umberak were opanci kapièari. Females belonging to both ethnic groups knitted their stockings themselves, using five needles and home-spun wool. On stockings they put footwear sometimes called opanki remenci or opanki z remenjem (opanci with straps). They were purchased at fairs in Jastrebarsko, Samobor and Karlovac. Beside stockings, which were sometimes knitted by men of Vlach origin, long ready-made stockings called štunfe were worn throughout the 20th century. This item was introduced into the usual wardrobe by women of Roman-Catholic confession earlier than by those of the Greek-Catholic one. Beside soft-soled footwear, better-off women wore postole or mestve low black shoes, while at the 159

160 turn of the 20th century shoe-makers were producing èizmice high lace-shoes (Muraj, 1976: 67-88). In Posavina the oldest type of opanci were vrbèenaki. Men used to make them at home for their own needs, as well as for other members of the family. "...there was a piece of leather on the bottom, while on top there were straps" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 139). These probably were footwear similar to the kind worn in the Dinaric region. Afterwards, in Moslavina, remenaši or kajišari were introduced. This was a kind of opanci kapièari. They were worn with rags and laèice quadrangular pieces of linen that were wrapped around the leg from the knee to the ankle. There was a difference between male and female footwear. Female opanci had an intertwined section along the middle of the upper part, and keèka a kind of tassel made of leather straps. There was no heel, but a part of the sole was dragged upwards and encased with straps. This technique was called vrnðanje. On male footwear there was one row of interlacing, on female ones there were two to three rows. In the south-western part of Moslavina the front part of footwear were decorated with various smaller tongues or tassels. On female opanci, the tongue was longer. Another type of footwear in Posavina were klipetnjaci. In south-west Moslavina they were called skipetnjaci, while in north-eastern Moslavina they were called æotaši. They had a toe cap in front and a 6 cm high heel cap at the back. Male footwear had a strap that passed along the heel top; it went over the toe cap and had a buckle at the side. Female opanci had a slit on the toe cap, while at the sides there were rows of holes for pulling through a long, leather strap nora. For festive occasions such opanci were decorated with small holes, and were named nirani or nijerani (laced-up) opanci. They were worn over kopice stockings (Moslavac, 1989: 4). Kata Jajnèerova, the author of the monograph about the village Trebarjevo near Sisak, writes: "There were many kinds of klipetnjaci: for young married women and for the girls they were decorated with red leather all around and in the middle they were laced-up like pujnðe (high shoes); for older women they have no laces, only straps for binding; there are also black ones that are laced-up" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 138). Red colour is, as the colour of youth and vitality, usually reserved for younger age groups. Various types of opanci of this shoe-type were in Moslavina also called pleteni (knit), prišiti (sewnup), lakirani (of patent-leather) or svetaèni (festive) footwear. They were shaped according to the foot, with a heel height from cm. Saraši were opanci in the shape of high shoes, fixed in front with a leather strap šivaè. Although we have seen how different footwear is reserved for particular age groups, better-off people wore footwear that was not always responding to the standards associated with certain age or occasion. Jajnèerova says that wealthy older people wore boots and shoes every day, which caused the neighbouring peasants to comment: "Look, it is known that he is rich! He who has, wears! Let him wear them, when he can afford them!" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 137). Women rarely wore footwear every day. No matter the material possibilities, footwear was understood as a kind of torture to the foot: "There are women who do not put anything on feet during the whole winter, they do not feel like struggling with it..." (Jajnèerova, 1898: 137). At the end of the 19th century, for festive occasions women wore pujnðe (a kind of shoes) 10, in winter they wore high shoes called mestve. Summer shoes could be made of canvas, cloth or velvet. For going to mass women would wear small boots made of red or yellow leather. In a description of a bride's costume from the 19th century, boots made of yellow leather are mentioned. Later fashion introduced lemije: "Oh, this one is rich, she wears lemije!" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 139). Such types of shoes could be seen only in the church during the holy mass: "They were so esteemed, who could have them in earlier times! We wrapped them in kerchiefs when we went to the holy mass, near the church we put them on and afterwards we took them off again and went home barefoot" (Jajnèerova, 1898: 138). This example speaks about a status, a social role of footwear, which was more important than a real, physical one. Later on lemije were worn by many women. As an exceptionally festive footwear they passed over into a ritual sphere too, therefore it is noted that middle-aged women (around 45) used to be burried in lemije, while younger ones were burried in pujnðe. This was, of course, the case if they were wealthy, because funerary footwear were not deprived of their social and economic function. Footwear for the period of deepest mourning was soft-soled footwear with straps and cloth rags, which was the earlier type of footwear in this region. It was not before the second phase of mourning, when people started to dress in some of their usual clothing, that pujnðe could be worn again. In winter men would wear boots and štifetlini (high shoes), in summer only the shoes. In the middle of the 19th century, male black leather boots were still a rarity. So it has been noted that fifty young men got married in the same pair of boots (Jajnèerova, 1898: 195). Describing life conditions in Slavonia at the end of the 19th century, Josip Lovretiæ, a parish priest 10 From the German compound Buntschuh/Puntschuh (Skok, 1973: 77). 160

161 in Otok near Vinkovci, specified the footwear worn at the time: shoes, opanci, boots, èorapi (stockings) or natikaèe. The latter were also called èalampure. These were woollen stockings with leather soles. They were knitted from multicoloured wool by women for their own needs, or were purchased from Romany-women. Stockings were then carried to æurèije (furriers) who stitched them with thin red sheepskin. All the above mentioned footwear was put on a bare foot or the foot was previously wrapped in variegated woollen rags woven in a pattern using four heddles. At the time when Lovretiæ was writing his monograph, some people wore rags made of cotton. Traditionally, rags were always made of white and black wool: "...only sometimes yellow and red wool is mixed. When the rag is wrapped around the leg, three uper lines are mixed in red, yellow and black colour" (Lovretiæ, 1990: 70). In winter poor children wore drevnjaci or clogs. Girls wore shoes on a bare foot or with štrinfle (stockings). Natikaèe or èorapi were also worn, but on a summer working day they would usually go around barefoot. As was encountered before, particular modalities of footwear are a standard for different age groups. The greatest is the contrast between the young who accept new styles and the older who go on wearing footwear of their youth. At the end of the 19th century men in Slavonia wore opanci, while younger men wore opanci or shoes. Older people never wore shoes. In combination with opanci, everyday 'worse' dress was worn. Opanci were made by local craftsmen, but in earlier times people used to make them themselves for their own needs. Here, opanci refer to footwear made from thin straps. In the time of the monograph, if opanci got torn, people mended them themselves. After only several years of marriage, men would wear only opanci: "It is a shame for married men to dress up nicely, peasants say that such people spend too much time enjoying themselves and too little at work" (Lovretiæ, 1990: 70). For going to the holy mass in winter, married men wore boots. First long forester's stockings had to be put on in such a way that they protruded from the boots. Summer footwear consisted of low and high shoes. Lovretiæ remembers that earlier, men always wore boots, but after the roads in the village were constructed, they started to wear only shoes. People from wealthier homes wore also when they got old boots instead of opanci. From the last example it is evident that in the first case a particular item of footwear can define the age affiliation, while in the second one, the same element can reveal the material and social status. On working days, women from Otok went usually barefoot. Like in Posavina, when going to the field women and girls wrapped their feet in laæci quadrangular pieces of linen that protected them from injuries. Sometimes, when going to the neighbour's houses, girls would put on natikaèe, natkane papuèe (a kind of slippers) or shoes. On festive occasions they wore shoes with cotton or woollen stockings. Old women wore natikaèe on working as well as on festive days 11, while women and girls wore them only in winter, in Lent and in mourning, or as working footwear for the field. Here, the same footwear element can have different meanings, depending on whether a girl or a woman is wearing it. The female style of life was more defined within a private sphere (family, neighbourhood), therefore, female behaviour was more subject to strict, non-formal means of social control (customs, the Church, the family). For this reason a woman would express her mourning state, which was visible also in footwear, more so than a man would. Wearing or not wearing particular footwear could indicate a status or family relationship within the community, therefore, adult women in summer expressed their deepest mourning by going around barefoot. Nevertheless, Lovretiæ noticed that in his time females from Otok, as opposed to those in Privlaka, wore natikaèe on Sundays. Writing about medications of magical origin that were practiced in Slavonia, Lovretiæ mentioned the custom where a woman in hard labour was given water to drink from her husband's opanak, in order to ease the parturition (Lovretiæ, 1990: 331). It is probably the case of contagious magic, where footwear symbolizes male strength which may help the woman during childbirth. Two decades after the publishing of the monograph about Otok, there appeared a book about Varoš, a village near Slavonski Brod, written by Luka Lukiæ. Like other writers of monographs, he describes male and female footwear in detail, together with special remarks concerning particular age groups. He notes differences between festive and work footwear, and also points out distinctions between summer and winter modalities. The intertwining of the older and newer type of footwear is already discernible in children's footwear. There are examples where children's footwear more quickly follows the ways of townsfashion, thus in certain communities, youths were dressed in a traditional way, while children who just started to go to school were dressed according to town fashion. 11 "In Otok it is not a shame to wear woollen stockings with a festive dress, especially so if it concerns a woman and not a girl. In folk songs we can listen to verses that mention woollen stockings and red silken outfit." (Lovretiæ, 1990: 87-88). 161

162 12 These were rags that were worn by the parents during one winter-time; when they got torn at the heels, they were cut out in a smaller size and given to children. 13 Between the two World Wars, the girls' wishes to dress showily was pointed at in the press as the main cause of 'white plague'. A mother with one or two female children did not wish to have more children, as she was afraid that she would not be able to dress them up to the village standards. With the introduction of money into peasant economy, the attitude towards footwear started to change radically. Earlier it was a shame that a girl would put on something that nobody else had, because she did not wish to be different from the others. Then girls in the village started to compete in shopping, from fear that "some no-good person" might surpass them. It was sung therefore: "Sell, daddy, a cow and a calf and buy me patent-leather shoes." (Sremac, 1940: 15). Young boys up to 16 years of age did not wear shoes in Varoš, but only opanci. When they went after cattle in winter, they put on cloth rags and opanci. Cloth rags for children were called ogrtaljci. 12 Young girls up to 15 years of age usually went around in opanci, while for festive occasions they put on shoes. After that age it was important for the girl to mind how she would appear in the village. In Slavonia footwear played an important role as an indicator of material conditions, especially for girls before marriage. If the family could not provide shoes for every girl, mothers would buy them with their own money. 13 In certain regions, it was a very common occurence that older types of footwear later on became work footwear. Young men, girls and women up to the age of 35 wore opanci and cloth rags on workdays. Along with rags, women put on cotton stockings, while in winter they had rags made of woollen cloth in order to keep warmer. Rags were wrapped over the stockings. Cloth rags and wooden clogs could also be worn as work footwear in winter. For winter festive days young men would wear bought woollen stockings. They would wrap them with rags and then put boots on over them. In such circumstances men wore cipele na cug (slip-on shoes), with white cotton-thread bought stockings, while in winter they had blue woollen stockings and high padded shoes. Male boots and shoes, as well as female winter shoes, were hobnailed. In the time when the monograph was written, low white shoes came into vogue. They could be made of canvas (lastinske cipele) or leather and were worn by girls and young women on summer festive occasions. At the time, on festive days, girls and young women started to wear papuèe, stitched woollen stockings, in combination with thinner stockings. On festive occasions women wore shoes up until their fifties, while some wore them till death. Otherwise, old people walked around in opanci and rags. Along with opanci that were fastened with straps, there existed, as Lukiæ says, mali opanci (small soft-soled footwear of the brnjièari type). They were buckled with alèica (a kind of a buckle). They could be made of black or red leather. So, for example, in summer women went in small black opanci to Brod (Lukiæ, 1919: 96-98). Between the two World Wars in the region around upanja, the older types of footwear went out of usage, but during shrove-tide women wore them as a kind of everyday footwear. We speak here about rags made of chequered woollen cloth in beige and brown colours and opanci of the kajišari type. Later on, as in other regions, opanci of the brnjièari type prevailed. They had a decorative metal clasp baga, and were called ideali, or they had an ornamented leather tongue kalanèor. Together with rajtozne (a kind of trousers), knee-high boots were always worn. Among male footwear of this region, special attention is drawn to fusekle, stockings made of rolled wool, decorated with eleven multicoloured, horizontal wavy stripes. Stripes represented a sign of identification in the former Military Border, as upanja was the headquarters of the 11th kumpanija Elferija. Also characteristic were woollen dark-red stockings decorated with white beads like on a kind of bracelets (šticle). This kind of stockings was worn till the 1950s (Bušiæ, 2005: ). In female woollen footwear we can also find stockings decorated with interwoven glass beads, then knitted stockings èièkane èarape and rarely preserved fuseklice which, different from male ones, had šare na jabuèice (ornamens with motifs of small apples). Dark-red stockings decorated with gulice (woollen balls arranged in a relief pattern), mostly of pink colour, were kept in usage the longest (Bušiæ, 2005: 157). Nylon stockings were also combined with traditional ways of dress, therefore, in summer women wore thin najlonke-kajzerice, while on colder days they put on flor or glotiferket-èarape, all in a sand-colour. Along with a ceremonial outfit, black leather sandals with a small strap were worn, or sandalete s remenèiæem a kind of patent-leather sandals with a strap and a low heel. They were produced by softsoled footwear makers in upanja. In the village Gradište, sandals had higher heels. Up until the 1920s, women in winter wore high laced-up shoes, and later gojzerice high black shoes, came into fashion (Bušiæ, 2005: 160). Among the footwear in Baranja, the most prominent are stockings knitted of red or multicoloured wool. They were knee-high and were knitted by men, using five needles. Beside multicoloured wool, white cotton thread was also used. Stockings were named after the motifs represented on them: èorape na jabuèice (stockings 'on 162

163 small apples'), na zvizde ('on stars'), na grane ('on branches'), na ru marine ('on rosemary'), na konje ('on horses'), na crvke ('on worms') and the like. There existed also èorape šite stockings decorated with embroidery, and èorape rogane stockings knitted in multicoloured horizontal stripes. Younger persons wore stockings of lighter shades, while older women preferred dark colours, mostly green and blue. In time of mourning they wore white stockings with black stripes. The colour of the footwear could reveal the age of the wearer, or indicate a degree of mourning after a deceased person. Stockings with soles stitched with thicker home-made linen or leather became very popular. A type related to the previous one were èarapke, æose a kind of slippers knitted of multicoloured wool or white cotton thread, with soles stitched with coarser home-produced linen at first, and then later with leather. They were made by women themselves for their own needs. Poène or poèni are female slippers made of rolled black wool, with a leather sole. They were made by craftsmen and sold at fairs. Èarapke and poène were worn in summer on bare feet, and on colder days with stockings. For ceremonial occasions, komošne a type of low shoes with heels were worn. They were made of black velvet and embroidered with a floral pattern and beads. The winter-time footwear were opanci kapièari, with straps for fastening, and brnjièari. In newer times bought laced-up shoes made of a softer leather were worn. The most common type of opanci were kajišari, with a big tongue that overlapped the footwear, decorated with a piercing technique. Along with these opanci, woollen rags were worn. As work footwear, clogs were put on. Men also wore èarapke, clogs and black leather footwear opanci kajišari. Boys and younger men wore shoes with multicoloured woollen stockings, while older people mostly remained faithful to opanci. Together with a ceremonial outfit, younger men wore hard-leg boots with a heel up to 4 cm, mostly decorated with shoe-nails (Maglica, 2003: ). THE DINARIC REGION For better understanding of the described material, at the beginning we shall present the general characteristics of footwear of the Dinaric region, in accordance with the customary typology in Croatian ethnology (Gušiæ, 1955; Radauš-Ribariæ, 1974). The connection of footwear to the main branch of economy is particularly noticeable in this area. Most raw materials used in footwear production came from sheep. Characteristic elements of the Dinaric cultural region concerning footwear were, in the first place, woollen stockings of different shapes, which could be kneelength, mid-calf-length, above ankle-length, or they could cover only the front part of the foot. They were put on in several layers. Bjeève, biève 14 were the first inner layer. This was a type of footwear without the part covering the foot. Usually they were knit from white wool in a simple knitting technique using five needles. Onto bjeève, stockings èarape, èorape -were worn, which were sometimes called grliæi, after their upper part, or after a Turkish term terluci, trluci. Their lower part with the sole was knit from white or coloured wool, and was often streaked with a knitted ornament. The female model reached behind the knee, where it was underbound with a kind of garter, while the male model was mid-calf-length. The upper part grliæi, is already very decorative in its knitting, and above that it is embroidered and trimmed with graða an embroidered applicated ornament. Male footwear sometimes had grliæi made of cloth. Their inner part was fastened with hooks and eyes, kovèice. The third layer, short ankle-length footwear were worn on top of èarape, called different names with variants. These are nazuvci, nazupci, priglavci or natikaèe. Short nazupci in the southern littoral were put on the toes only, while priglavci in the mountains reached above anklelength, so they had decorated grliæi themselves, although lower than those on èarape. Atop these knitted footwear, the soft-soled leather footwear opanci were worn (Gušiæ, 1955: 171). Dinaric opanci oputaši were mostly made of raw cow-hide, for women and children of poorer circumstance, they were often made of pigskin (Kutleša, 1993: 124). They were also worn according to weather conditions pigskin for dry weather, cow-hide for rainy weather (Forjan, 2002: 126). They were put on a special last and knit all around with oputa made of sheep intestine. Women used to knit these kinds of opanci themselves, while in smaller city centres they were made by soft-soled footwear makers. In Lika, as well as in some other parts of the Dinaric zone, instead of oputa people used white rope kanap (Gušiæ, 1955: 171). These opanci are very suitable for walking on stony ground. Along with woollen stockings, opanci fit tightly around the foot and are very elastic. In this way they enable the foot to adapt even to the smallest uneven areas. 15 This description gives a general review of the footwear in the Dinaric region at the turn of the 20th 14 A word biève spread through South-Slav area from the Adriatic to Bulgaria, as a remnant from Balkan Latinism. Its first meaning was 'a leg of trousers', 'a garment for the leg'. This meaning was narrowed to 'a stocking'. This word is displaced in the eastern part of Croatia by a Turkism èarape, and in the west by an Italianism kalcete (Skok, 1973: 146). 163

164 century, although in practice, of course, regional discrepancies existed not only in the names and quantity of objects, but also in the way of wearing certain parts of footwear standardized for certain sex and age groups. For example, in Poljica, navlaèci and natikaèe were called 'male footwear', while èarape and natikaèe were called 'female footwear' (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 334). It was similar in Lika too (Krèmariæ, 1905: 316). From the description of traditional clothing in Vrlika that Sanja Ivanèiæ writes about, we learn that the standard language term "obuæa" (footwear) in the traditional terminology of Vrlika, described the object that is today known as "stocking". Onto obuæa, obojci were worn footwear knit for the sole with no heel (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 84). In Poljica, by obojak 16 people mean a stub or a piece of cloth which was put inside opanak as well as prièalina 17 (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). With similar meaning we find obojak in Lika as well (Krèmariæ, 1905: 316). Remembering the archaic folk footwear that was worn in Poljica in the 19th century, Frano Ivaniševiæ, a parish priest from Poljica, lists many types of such footwear. 18 He also mentions that in his day almost nobody puts on footwear in this manner, and if one does, it is put under one's trousers so it cannot be seen (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 328). During the time of the writing of the monograph about Poljica, men used to wear biève made of black or white wool, while some wore the ones made of cotton-thread. Atop them they put terluci knitted from black wool, with toes and heels decorated in various colours. 19 The biève of men from Vrlika were knit, as the most festive detail of footwear, from white cotton thread, 15 In ethnologic literature they are usually mentioned as an example of perfect adjustment to Karst rugged ground. Even the doctors in the 1930s write about them in a very commendable manner. Since this type of opanci was a characteristic of the entire area of the Balkans, it is often mentioned that, during the First World War, the Serbs made headway much quicker wearing opanci than the Austro-Hungarian army did in heavy army boots. 16 "It is said: when obojak is good, opanak fits nicely, or obojak loves opanak. People used to sing mocking verses to the girl who would not correctly put on opanci and obojci. Opanèiæi flap about Rags are falling down Chains are clinking out That guys don't fancy you." (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). 17 A stub of leather put inside torn opanci so that the foot cannot be bruised. 18 There existed juretna footwear made of red or blue èoja (cloth). There was also srmana footwear, which was embroidered and decorated with silver thread, silver coins and other metal applications in order to shine and lighten up the leg". using five needles, in an airy lace-stitching technique. Above them, if they are worn, potkoljenjaèe are attached. These are small leather straps decorated with tiny lead and tin granules, with metal fastening buckles (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 84). Women's footwear in Vrlika was very similar to those of the men. It differed only in size and in the arrangement of embroidered motives, while obojci and opanci were completely the same (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 87). Women's stockings in Poljica were knit from bumbak (cotton) and blue wool, with the upper part especially decorated with red, blue and black threads (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 322). In Lika women's natikaèe were shorter than those of men, but in some places graðene natikaèe were worn, decorated with embroidered pieces of cloth, at the beginning of the 20th century. Graðene natikaèe were worn only by girls and young women with white stockings (Krèmariæ, 1905: ). In the Dinaric region the difference in status between a woman and a girl could be seen in their footwear. Girls wore klašnje instead of biève. Klašnje are stockings without the foot-part. In Bukovica girls' klašnje were knitted with white-red wool following a pattern. A stronger woollen band potpetnjak held them under the heel, while under the knee they were tied with a knit braid podveza, or struèica. In Vrlika they were knit from home-spun wool in tones of blue, green, and black with geometrical motives similar to those used in a special weaving technique called kljeèanje. Women's biève are made from blue rolled woollen cloth. The back part at the calves is decorated with graða, and through the middle there is a slit with hooks and eyes for buckling (Ivanèiæ, 2000: 87). It was also possible to point out the difference in religion or nationality through footwear. The leg garment biève in the Croatian folk costume of Bukovica were made from blue or black cloth. They are often wedgeshaped (biève klinaèe), but most often there is an application at the calves of three horizontal stripes of red and green cloth, embroidered with multicoloured wool, silk or cottonthread, and braided with a white galloon. In the Velebit foothills biève were knit from blue home-spun wool, and at the calves they were decorated with a vrk a tassel made of twisted blue wool. Serbian leg garments, bjeève, were also made from blue or black woollen cloth. At the calves they were slit from the bottom upwards, fastened with a row of spunje and kukci (hooks and eyes). Along the slit they were also decorat- 19 Terluci with the heel part made of black wool, and the bottom of toes of white one, were called crnopetiæi, while completely black ones were called crnavci. 164

165 ed with stripes of embroidered cloth, arranged in the form of the Greek letter "p". Knitted or cloth bjeève were held under the heels with a piece of stronger wool or cloth. With women's leg garments, short nazupci were also worn (in Croatian folk costume) or stockings (in Serbian folk costume). They differ in the choice of colours for the embroidered decoration, as well as in the motifs of the embroidery (Oštriæ, 2005: 16). In Lika, Serbian women (Vlainje) wore graðene natikaèe longer than Croatian women (Bunjevke) did, and also "... on a Vlach you will sometimes see graðene natikaèe, while never on a Croat nowadays " (Krèmariæ, 1905: 320). Describing folk-life in Smiljan in Lika at the beginning of the 20th century, Krèmariæ writes: "People used to wear nazupci, which are now out of fashion. Nazupci were somewhat shorter than natikaèe. Atop natikaèe, opanci from Karlovac were worn with leather upper-parts in one piece, or oputaši, or prepletaši were put on. The latter are worn in winter only by the people who could not afford to buy opanci from Karlovac. On festive days girls and young women wear shoes." (Krèmariæ, 1905: 316). From these examples it can be seen that at the beginning of the 20th century only old people and people of lower economy status wore the older type of footwear, while younger generations (both men and women) accepted new types of footwear more easily. At the beginning of the 20th century opanci prepletaši, which are the older type of opanci, were replaced by opanci kapièari in other Dinaric areas, too: "Today young people buy in the town a new type of opanci made from fine leather. These are closed opanci with a string. They call them riški opanci because they were mostly bought in Rika near Senj, or krovati because they are cut in the way that peasants in Croatia wear them." (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 329). In accordance with their basic function, opanci prepletaši in Imotska Krajina were nosni and misni. Nosni were for everyday usage and were mostly made in home-manufacture for the family's own needs, while the festive ones, misni, were purchased at local soft-soled footwear makers. Particularly famous were šantarovci, named after the soft-soled footwear maker from Vinjani. Another type were gumavci, which had rubber soles. Yet another type were opanci od robe, with a leather sole, and other parts made of canvas (Kutleša, 1993: 124). At the beginning of the 20th century, nestve, 20 flat leather shoes, were worn by older women only. Their soles were made of thick leather, and the upper parts, tumere, were made from thin leather with a red edging. Young children 5-6 years of age also wore nestvice na uši, which were tied so that they could not fall off their feet. Other footwear made of leather were ðemelije 21, while in older times some men wore boots. Ðemelije looked like nestve, only they were embroidered and made more beautifully (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 334). It is interesting that Ivan Lovriæ in his "Notes about travelling through Dalmatia" (1776), when giving comments about statements and observations made by Fortis, wrote that Morlacs were not so strict, as Fortis stated, when it came to prohibiting girls from wearing different footwear no matter how much money their families might have or not have, but it actually was quite the opposite. Wearing of Turkish flat shoes or jemelije, which were a different type of footwear, depended on how much money one could spend (Lovriæ, 1848: 101). Different social differentiation within the community allowed individuals bigger departures from conventional forms. Better economic circumstances enabled individuals to wear certain parts of footwear, which were out of the reach of others. At the beginning of the 20th century, jemenlije or, as Ivaniševiæ states, ðemelije, were worn only by old women, while in earlier times they were a status symbol of richer girls. The description of footwear given by Ivaniševiæ is very important because it testifies about earlier changes in fashion, and shows that the dynamics of these changes were connected with processes taking place on a wider cultural scale. Through these descriptions a more dynamic picture of folk culture than usual can be created. Postole 22 were worn for the most festive occasions, and at the beginning of the 20th century everybody wore them, except for small children and old people who remained faithful to the footwear of their youth. Ivaniševiæ remembers that at the end of the 19th century only the priest wore shoes and only during mass. Around the house he also wore opanci or nestve. Older postole were oblong and rose in the front. They were called na škarpune, and were tied by a string, revnik. At the beginning of the 20th century people started wearing gete, closed shoes with elastic bands (na laštik). Postole and nestve were bought in the town. It was similar in Ravni Kotari and Bukovica, where women and girls used to wear vilare, black leather footwear with a firm sole (Oštriæ, 2005: 16). The attitude of the peo- 20 Nestve or mestve a Turkism from the Balkans of Persian origin, mesleather. The suffix -va in mestva comes from intercrossing with bjeèva (Skok, 1973: 414). 21 From Turkish yemenli "originating from Yemen", colourful footwear, a type of low footwear; the same as filare (Skok, 1973: 773). 22 Postola-shoe, Proto-Slavic* postol? (HER, 2005: 165). 165

166 ple from Poljica towards the mixing of newer and older styles of footwear is very well presented in the following quotation: "In Postrana older women mix clothing of an older and newer type: ' apron and jacket, postoli and opanci so they are mocked by saying that they are half-mouse and half-bird, or that they are not a comber nor a painted comber'" (Ivaniševiæ, 1903: 325). In the Dinaric region, as opposed to the Pannonian one, people rarely walked around barefoot. This would happen in special situations only, for example, when performing a vow, walking in procession, or during a blessing of fields. Only the poorest people were otherwise barefoot. Travel writers, who travelled through Dalmatia in the 18th century, have presented their observations as well. When describing the clothes and the footwear of the Morlacs, inhabitants of the Dalmatian hinterland, Alberto Fortis writes in 1774 that clothing symbolizes their identity: "They have a saying that changing one's clothes means changing one's religion." (Lovriæ, 1948: 94). He also writes that there is a story about a Morlac man who was angry because he did not find opanci in Venice, and he called those people who tried to convince him that he would be able to find anything there, liars. The status of a grown up man was also determined by his footwear. Departure from the norm that symbolizes a man is manifested in a scornful tone, by which a man, whose outward marks of identity do not satisfy the community, is compared with something that is less valuable from a social point of view, which is a woman and her identity: "It would be hard for a Morlac man to wear stockings on his feet! That man would certainly become the laughing-stock of his natives. Stockings were repulsive to them, because women wear them, and they do not want to be similar to women in any way." (Lovriæ, 1948: 94). The patriarchal relationship between a man and a woman was equally pointed out in the 20th century. While describing the family life in the region of Bukovica, Vladimir Ardaliæ, a literate peasant from Ðevrske, writes: "The best way to see that she is loyal and obedient to him is that his clothes are clean and tidy, that she scrapes off mud from his opanci, and puts them with other footwear to dry above the fire when he goes to sleep." (Ardaliæ, 1906: 18). Much valuable data about social relationships within the community and family can be found through footwear given as presents in the frame of the wedding custom. These presents implicitly included the obligations and legitimacy of a new relationship. In lower Poljica it was customary on the day called Materice, before Christmas, that the fiancé would visit his fiancée and bring her as a present a pair of shoes or nestve. She would return the present on the day called Oèiæi on the following Sunday and bring him a shirt, biève and terluci or navlakuše (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). When a girl was promised in marriage, her mother-in-law would give her biève and terluci as a present (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 67). It was also customary to go to the girl's home on a Sunday evening before the marriage day, for textile and bedlinen, and to bring presents for every housemember: postole for every male house-member, for female ones nestve, and for the bride postole, a decorative knife and a chain with pendants. Future brother-in-law and ðuveglija were given biève and terluci (Ivaniševiæ, 1905: 71). Footwear has a magical context in the marriage ceremony as well. Since marriage means changing the status of a girl and a boy into a woman and a man, according to traditional belief, they were more exposed to the influence of evil forces during this time period. In order to protect themselves from these forces, they were supposed to change one of their biève and to wear it inside out. Turning clothes inside out, as protection from negative influences, is also present today (Luliæ, 2005: 139). As can be seen from previous examples, a stocking was often connected with giving presents, but one can also put a present in it. In the Dinaric area, for example, on Saint Nicholas' Day, people put presents in children's stockings (Luliæ, 2005: 139). THE ADRIATIC REGION One of the characteristics in clothing, and therefore in footwear too, of the rural population of this region was an early disappearance of the male traditional dress and footwear. This is explained by the fact that men, especially the sailors, as they got employed out of the rural environment, took on an urban style of dressing. On the other hand, as the consequence of migrations by the population which fled from the Adriatic hinterland in front of the Turks to the littoral, an intertwining with a Dinaric type of footwear can be followed. Knitted woollen stockings are the same in the Adriatic and Dinaric regions. However, the Dinaric way of dressing is signified by the wearing of bjeève (nazuvci, èarape, priglavci and the like) in several layers, some of which were decorated with multicoloured knitting or the application of variegated cloth graða. They were fastened with a row of metal hooks and eyes. 23 The Adriatic woollen biève (hoveje, kalcete and the similar) were always in one colour and were not decorated. Only stockings made of cotton-thread had a knitted ornament (Muraj, 1981: 201). Women knitted the stockings of white wool themselves, with the aid of five needles. Together with the foot, stockings cover the whole of the leg up to 166

167 under the knee. On the upper part they could have strings for fastening under the knee, or they could be fixed with strings from the panties. When they went to the field to work, women often put on two pairs of stockings. With the summer festive dress they would put stockings made of cotton-thread (bumbak) instead of the woollen ones. Widows wore stockings knit from black wool. Before the introduction of the colour black, which has been accepted in some Croatian regions only since the beginning of the 20th century, parts of the mourning dress were dyed (èrvili). In Gornji Petrèani a woman wore in mourning so-called kajaèki nazupci (socks for mourning) with a decoration of soft, darkred bought cloth (Luliæ, 2005: 146). Marriageable girls aimed at being dressed as best they could, choosing clothes of lighter colours. Girls in the Adriatic region often wore red stockings. The Ethnographic Museum in Zagreb owns such èrljene hoveje from the island of Krk. Knitted woollen stockings of bright colours are especially remarkable on the island of Susak, where with time the dress shortened so that the legs became much more visible. While working in the field, or during winter, women from the island of Zlarin would put short socks škapuni knitted from thicker wool, over the knee-length stockings. A similar type of footwear, škofuni 24, was noted on the islands of Pag (Muraj, 1981: 177), as well as on Pašman. It was the custom on Pašman that parents, when visiting their newly-wedded daughter for the first time, would bring her work footwear škofuni as well as tools for the field (Luliæ, 2005: 144). Stockings made of coarse wool, with a leather stitched sole, also served as work footwear. On Zlarin these were called škrpete. 25 On Olib, when working in the field, women wore zavojci, made of coarse cotton canvas of a similar structure as the canvas used as sailcloth. They were knee-length, with soles made of raw hide. On the island of I, low female work footwear cut from blue tela (canvas), with soles made of salted raw hide, were called škarpini. They were mostly made by the women themselves. In the 20th century, along almost the whole area of the Adriatic, from Istria to Pelješac and Konavle, people used home-made panki, upanki, or upenki 23 The similar footwear in two layers is found also in the Adriatic region, for example around Novigrad and Pakoštane, where footwear consisted of cloth knee-length stockings biève, and low socks nazupci, knit of wool and fastened with metal hooks and eyes sponje (Oštriæ. 2005:67). In Istria white cloth spats were worn together with woollen stockings. 24 From old-italian scaffone, stocking (Skok, 1973: 397). 25 From Italian scarpa, shoe (Skok, 1973:399). made of raw hide, as everyday work footwear. The same can also be said for many of the islands (Rab, Pag, Krk, Zlarin, Braè, Lastovo, Mljet). The wearing and making of opanci were still kept on Zlarin in the second half of the 20th century (Muraj, 1981: 204). These were opanci of the prepletaši type, where the bottom part potplat was made of cowhide, while the upper part was intertwined from narrow straps of twisted leather (pute), made from sheep or goat skin. Later on, opanci of the kapièari type came into usage, also called hrvacki opanci in Istria. They were purchased in Rijeka (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 53). In the times when opanci were still worn, there was a difference in wearing the newer and older kind of footwear. Opanci, as an older type of footwear, were mostly worn with a cloth dress and woollen stockings, for everyday chores. On the other hand, shoes were put on for ceremonial occasions in combination with cotton-thread stockings, which were often decorated in a perforated knitted pattern. In her book "Female Folk Costume of Istria", Jelka Radauš Ribariæ gives a very vivid example from which the attitude towards the mixing of styles is visible. If a poor woman dressed in festive clothes would still wear opanci, she could hear derisive remarks: "It is in vain that you have a saddle, if you do not have horse-shoes." (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 68). She speaks here about general tendencies, although in practice different combinations of newer and older elements were possible, too. Having abandoned opanci, women in Istria started to fabricate slippers with cloth soles and upper parts. Called natake, škrpuce, or èavate in Liburnia, they were the main work footwear until quite recently (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 27). Like in some other Croatian regions, clogs are also mentioned as work footwear in Istria, called copuli in Labinština or cokule in the vicinity of minj (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 42). Wearing light, flat shoes, made by shoemakers from soft, often coloured leather, was typical for the whole Adriatic region. Shoes were identical for the right or left foot. In this region they are usually known after the Proto-Slavic word postole, but we can encounter other names as well, for example: tronkete or šèopelice in Orebiæ, levantine 26 in mid-dalmatia, kondure or papuèe in Konavle, injulke on the island of Braè (Muraj, 1981: 204), and crevlje in Peroj in Istria. The Slavic name crevlje for this kind of footwear has been mentioned since the 13th century on in Croatian southern littoral areas (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 212), 26 The name suggests that they originate from eastern-mediterranean countries. 167

168 although this type of footwear is best known under the name firale, filare or vilari 27. Later on, filare with a transversal strap for fastening came into vogue. They were fabricated by local shoemakers in the nearby towns. In Istria shoes were introduced as late as the 1850s. As festive footwear cipele, postole, škarpete and gondolini na tak were worn. The latter were open shoes with small heels, sometimes with a decorative ribbon or a buckle (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 42). Postoli na uši were also mentioned in Istria. These were flat shoes with a decorative tongue in front (Radauš Ribariæ, 1997: 53). Ivan ic, the author of the monograph about Vrbnik on the island Krk, comments that better and worse shoes existed: "The old ones are for everyday, their largest part is well mended and cobbled, patch on the patch. Better ones are in one piece and not mended, or they have perhaps only one tiny patch, that is not very visible" ( ic, 2001: 40). ic also differentiates shoes by their cut and says that men wear low shoes and shoes na puntu (laceshoes) with wide trousers brageše, while together with long, narrow trousers they wear high shoes na škornjicu (laced-up like boots). On ceremonial occasions young men wear laštiki. 28 Among female shoes, flat shoes (postole) from the 19th century were especially attractive. They were usually made of white leather, but they could be of different colours too ( ic, 2001: 46) and decorated with a red ribbon. They were called napingane, meaning dyed. 29 Papuèe made of red kajser leather served in the area of Dubrovnik for festive occasions. The Ethnographic Museum of Zagreb has a pair made of red cloth that belongs to the folk costume from the island of Lastovo. The same cloth was used to decorate parts of the dress. Both Dinaric and Adriatic elements in the footwear from Konavle can be followed. The Dinaric elements would include footwear in several layers and opanci prepletaši, while the influence from the Mediterranean region is seen in flat shoes made of red leather. Until the period before the second World War, everyday footwear consisted of woollen bjeève and socks (èarape s grlom) that were fastened with a row of hooks and eyes. Bjeève were made of natural white home-spun wool, although dark wool from black sheep was used for work footwear. In summer, females 27 A Turkism Filar, filare, non-plaited leather shoes (Skok, 1973: 516). 28 These are the shoes reaching the ankles, with elastic linen bands at sides. In some regions they are called gete. from Konavle wore cotton stockings instead of woollen footwear. For solemn occasions stockings had a knitted decorative pattern, a small braid called lavur, after which they were named lavurane bjeève. White stockings were worn until the time between the first and the second World Wars, in summer and in winter as well. At those times black stockings came into usage. Opanci oputaši and opanci kljunaši were worn with white stockings and socks with grliæi and nazuvci. Then the production of footwear with the upper part being made of strong cotton canvas (tela) started began. Soles of such opanci were made of rubber, therefore they were called gumaši (crepe-soled footwear). Along with stockings, men also wore kneelength footwear (dokoljenice) with no feet, made of white cloth, that were fastened to the leg with a close row of hooks and eyes. White dokoljenice were worn up to the first World War, together with red papuèe, for ceremonial occasions. Women also wore papuèe or kondurice on ceremonial occasions. It is interesting to note that girls in Konavle at their betrothal, together with jewelry and articles of clothing, got as a present red papuèe of kajser leather. These presents were given from the future groom's family and were called ' a small sign' (malo obilje je). On most festive occasions, together with golden or silken dress, men wore crvene dokoljenice made of fine red cloth and produced by local tailors. They say for these dokoljenice that they were silver-plated, and they were also called toke, after the decorative silver plates that they were decorated with. They were worn until the first World War, for various meetings and at weddings. Only the members of the better off families had such footwear. After the first World War, instead of papuèe, low shoes made according to town fashion were introduced into the male costume in Konavle. They have been worn until recently (Benc-Boškoviæ, 1983: 55-56). On the other hand, women began to wear gondolete, court shoes with higher heels. Gondolete were also made of red kajser leather, but in a pair for the left and for the right foot (Benc- Boškoviæ, 1983: 71). It is worth mentioning a well known custom of the whole Adriatic area. On the eve of St. Lucy's Day, a stocking would be hung on a forked branch above the fireplace. Children believe that St. Lucy comes through the chimney during the night and puts a present into the stocking. 29 Documents from Dubrovnik, from the 15th century, also speak about dyed footwear (Gušiæ. 1955:117). 168

169 Aida Brenko Vesna Zoriæ Footwear in the Twentieth Century translated by Mirjana Randiæ, Hrvojka Barlek proof reading James Dobric FROM THE 1900S TO THE 1920S At the beginning of the 20th century, the most favoured models from previous times remained in fashion until the start of the First World War. 1 When choosing shoes, the material was more important than the shape. Until the 1920s, the most common footwear was still high boots with buckles or laces, in black or some light neutral colour. Until 1910 low court shoes (pumps) were in vogue. The naked foot was still considered indecent. The exception was boudoir slippers made of silk, satin, velvet or brocade, decorated with stripes, lace or pompons. These decorative elements slowly began to appear on everyday footwear as well. The First World War influenced the development of shoes in many ways: from manufacturing and selling to the shape and material they were made from. During this period of time skirts became shorter, so the leg was more visible. Despite bad times, footwear was made of lighter colours, while female stockings became more transparent and seducing. The war brought along changes in social relationships, too, therefore the role of woman was becoming more and more prominent. Folk footwear, carrying roots from the prehistoric times, was shaped during different historical periods under the influence of the fashion of particular time-periods. These changes were slow and they were late in relation to happenings within the elite culture. The intensity and velocity of these changes were proportional to the inclusion of particular communities in global trends, as well as in relation to their own possibilities, wishes and needs to accept foreign influences. For centuries shoes were considered luxurious goods, a privilege of the rich. However, at the beginning of 1 Data about the world trends in footwear in the 20th century, used in this text, are partly based on the following Internet source: Shoes, Centuries and Decades ( the 20th century, by the founding of shoe factories, they became cheaper and more easily available. The First World War decreased the purchasing power of the Croatian village population a great deal. Because of the strained circumstances and poverty, people used to have only one pair of shoes, which was worn until it was torn up. It was common for children to get their first shoes before going to school, or to inherit them from their older brothers or sisters. The possession of boots indicated higher material status. Shoemakers often sewed new bottom-parts to the old boot-legs. Shoes and boots used to be repaired several times in order for them to last longer. THE TWENTIES The 1920s were years of optimism and originality. They represented the first 'modern' decade. In the United States of America and in the large number of European countries women gained the right to vote for the first time, they were also allowed to smoke in public and to drink. The design of shoes in this particular period of time showed a total break with tradition, which was especially visible in the choice of colours, material, and in a profusion of decorative elements. Skirts were shortened almost to the knee, thus footwear came into focus. It became very important to coordinate the colours of the dress with that of the footwear. There was a tendency to chose shoe colours contrasting those of the dress. Fashion was no more the privilege of the elite shops were full of new models affordable to a wide social strata. Many women, especially the younger ones, owned several pairs of shoes that matched their dresses and purposes there were shoes for walking, tennis, golf, formal visits or dance. Dancing was a most beloved activity in the 1920s, so the shoes had to be strong enough to withstand the violent rhythm of the foxtrot, shimmy or Charleston. The Charleston shoes were extremely popular: they had crossed straps or t-straps, pointed tops and high heels. By the mid- Twenties sandals became an important part of the female 169